The Helium Shock: Why China’s Export Ban Exposes a Global Strategic Vulnerability

By Vasudevan Mukunth
New Delhi, July 20

On July 10, 2026, the Ministry of Commerce and General Administration of Customs of China announced a temporary but immediate ban on helium exports from the country [citation:original text]. As of 4:30 PM IST on July 10, Beijing had not published any other information as to why it took this step now or its scope [citation:original text]. The move, however, did not occur in a vacuum. It follows an extended period of supply strain exacerbated by Russia’s export restrictions—where the Prime Minister now needs to sign off on shipments through 2027—and supply risks tied to heightened tensions in West Asia [citation:original text]. The ban has sent shockwaves through global markets, exposing the fragility of a supply chain that underpins critical technologies from MRI machines to semiconductor fabrication, and even space exploration.

A Strategic Resource: The Helium Value Chain

Helium is the second-lightest element, after hydrogen, and is not manufactured. It is a non-renewable resource generated deep in the earth’s crust, where the radioactive decay of uranium and thorium atoms emits alpha particles, which capture electrons to form helium atoms [citation:original text]. Over millions of years, this helium migrates into the same reservoirs of natural gas, and they are extracted together. This said, natural gas is not processed to isolate the helium from it until the latter makes up at least 0.3% by volume [citation:original text].

But once it does, the gas is isolated using the fact that it has a different boiling point. Some operators also recover helium from LNG plants and from the air, but these quantities are too low to matter to the global demand. Helium for commercial use is usually at least 99.997% pure [citation:original text].

The Global Helium Map: Who Produces and Who Consumes?

China imports more than 80% of its helium needs but produces only around 1.6% of the world’s helium [citation:original text]. The world’s major helium producers are the U.S. (meeting 43% of total supply), followed by Qatar, Russia, Canada, and Algeria [citation:original text]. In 2024, the U.S. privatised its Federal Helium Reserve, selling its assets to the Messer Group and no longer buffering shocks such as those due to the U.S.-Iran conflict [citation:original text]. The next year, the U.S. House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform launched an investigation into Messer’s Chinese interests, stoking the risk of tit-for-tat measures, which China’s latest export ban could be [citation:original text].

After the U.S., Qatar has been meeting 33% of the demand, especially in Asia. After the conflict with Iran escalated, as medical chemist and Science columnist Derek Lowe put it, “one-third of global helium production is now literally bottled up behind the Strait of Hormuz, a much bigger percentage than world oil production [where the situation is bad enough already]” [citation:original text]. The Strait of Hormuz, through which about 20% of the world’s oil and a significant portion of its LNG and helium pass, has been effectively closed for months due to the escalation of the West Asia conflict [citation:original text]. Iran has severely restricted transit through the strait, disrupting shipments from key Gulf producers . This has further tightened the helium market, with one-third of global production now effectively bottled up.

In this light, China’s new export restriction could preserve the country’s helium supply for its domestic chip manufacturers and its medical sector [citation:original text].

The Applications: From MRI to Space

Helium has an extremely low boiling point—negative 269°C—and does not participate easily in chemical reactions. These are good properties for a coolant that needs to cool the magnets in MRI machines, the silicon wafers in the semiconductor fabrication industry, and, increasingly, some of the devices used in quantum computers. Its small atoms mean the gas escapes easily through gaps that might be too small for oxygen or nitrogen atoms—so engineers use helium as a leak-detector [citation:original text].

Helium is also used in the process of drawing optical fibres to rapidly and uniformly cool molten glass and to displace oxygen or nitrogen from forming bubbles inside the material. Spaceflight organisations like ISRO, NASA, and SpaceX use helium to pressurise fuel tanks in rockets. Research and the tourism sector in many parts of the world also use helium to inflate balloons and airships [citation:original text].

According to the U.S. Geological Survey, laboratory use-cases account for 22% of the demand for helium, followed by controlled atmospheres and semiconductors (17%), lifting gas (17%), MRI scanners (15%), aerospace (9%), and detecting leaks (5%) [citation:original text].

The Economic Shock: Prices and Force Majeure

The impact of the supply constraints has been dramatic. In June 2026, the spot price for highly pure helium in Northeast Asia had reportedly spiked to $150-205 per thousand cubic feet, almost double what it was in late 2025. At least one major supplier, the U.S.-based industrial supplier Airgas, has invoked force majeure and tacked on surcharges of $13.50 per hundred cubic feet to existing contracts [citation:original text].

The Chinese export ban has further exacerbated this trend. Reports from early July indicated that Chinese buyers were paying around $100 per thousand cubic feet for helium, and spot prices in Asia were “firm,” with customers scrambling to secure the gas ahead of potential future shortages . The ban has also impacted the supply of helium to companies like Huawei, which sources most of its helium from Chinese suppliers. The company, along with other major Chinese tech firms, has been stockpiling helium in recent months to mitigate the impact of the export ban .

The Cost of Storage and Transport: An Expensive Supply Chain

Liquid helium is by default expensive to store and transport because helium only liquefies at -269°C [citation:original text]. In fact, the helium supply chain as a whole is cost-intensive because purification, storage, and transport are each expensive and technically sophisticated. A mid- to large-scale purification and liquefaction facility will require more than $100 million while smaller ones can cost around $10 million, thanks to the need for corrosion-resistant alloys that can withstand ultra-low temperatures [citation:original text].

The gas can be stored in underground salt caverns, which reduce leaks significantly—but these formations are rare and developing a new one can cost more than $200 million. It can also be stored as compressed gas or cryogenic liquid. The former typically costs up to $10 million to build while bulk cryogenic liquid storage systems generally need between $0.5 million and $20 million depending on capacity. Then there are the operational expenses [citation:original text].

Finally, helium can only be transported in vacuum-jacketed stainless steel vessels—which are manufactured by relatively few companies worldwide, including several Chinese ones. The contractor transporting the containers must also ensure they are delivered before the holding time expires, after which the helium will start boiling off into the atmosphere [citation:original text].

This is why the Chinese export ban is particularly concerning. The ban not only cuts off a source of supply but also potentially affects the transport equipment needed to move helium globally, as China is a major manufacturer of the specialised containers required to transport the gas.

India’s Exposure: A Growing Dependency

India does not produce any helium of its own and relies entirely on imports for its needs. The country’s helium demand is growing rapidly, driven by the expansion of its healthcare sector (MRI machines), the growth of its space programme (ISRO uses helium to pressurise fuel tanks), and the development of its semiconductor industry . The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) has been particularly vocal about the threat of a helium shortage. In 2024, ISRO Chairman S. Somanath warned that a helium shortage could have a “significant impact” on the space agency’s launch schedule . The government is also believed to be exploring the possibility of setting up a strategic helium reserve, but has not yet made any concrete decisions.

The Helium Dilemma: A Global Challenge

The helium crisis is a stark reminder of the vulnerability of modern technological civilization to disruptions in the supply of critical raw materials. Helium is not a luxury; it is an essential input for healthcare, technology, and national security. Yet, its supply chain is highly concentrated in a few countries, and it is extremely costly to store and transport.

China’s export ban is a wake-up call for countries like India, which are heavily dependent on imports for their helium needs. While the immediate impact of the ban is likely to be limited, it highlights the need for a diversified approach to securing helium supplies, including exploring options for domestic production, developing strategic reserves, and engaging in long-term supply agreements with multiple suppliers.

The helium shock is not just an energy story; it is a story about the future of technology, healthcare, and national security. The global community must act with urgency to build a more resilient helium supply chain. The alternative is to risk a cascade of failures across the critical infrastructure that modern society depends on.

Q&A Section

1. What is China’s role in the global helium market and why did it impose an export ban?

China imports more than 80% of its helium needs and produces only around 1.6% of the world’s helium [citation:original text]. The export ban, imposed on July 10, 2026, is seen as a move to secure domestic supplies for its chip manufacturing and medical sectors, especially given the supply constraints caused by Russia’s export restrictions and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz [citation:original text]. It may also be a tit-for-tat measure against U.S. investigations into the Chinese interests of Messer Group, which acquired the U.S. Federal Helium Reserve [citation:original text].

2. Who are the world’s major helium producers and what are the supply risks?

The U.S. is the world’s largest producer (43% of global supply), followed by Qatar (33%), Russia, Canada, and Algeria. Supply risks are severe: the U.S. privatised its Federal Reserve in 2024, removing a buffer for shocks; the Strait of Hormuz is effectively closed, trapping one-third of global production behind it; Russia has imposed export restrictions requiring Prime Ministerial approval for shipments; and Qatar is itself vulnerable to regional tensions .

3. What are the critical applications of helium that make it a “strategic resource”?

Helium’s unique properties—its extremely low boiling point (-269°C) and chemical inertness—make it indispensable for cooling magnets in MRI machines, cooling silicon wafers in semiconductor fabrication, and cooling quantum computers. It is also used in optical fibre production, as a leak-detector, and to pressurise fuel tanks in rockets by space agencies like ISRO, NASA, and SpaceX [citation:original text]. According to the USGS, laboratory uses account for 22% of demand, followed by controlled atmospheres and semiconductors (17%), lifting gas (17%), MRI scanners (15%), aerospace (9%), and detecting leaks (5%) .

4. Why is helium so expensive to store and transport, and how does this affect the supply chain?

Helium is expensive because it only liquefies at -269°C, requiring highly specialised, corrosion-resistant equipment for purification, liquefaction, and storage. A mid-to-large-scale facility costs over $100 million. It can be stored in underground salt caverns (rare and costing $200 million+ to develop) or as compressed gas or cryogenic liquid. Transport is only possible in vacuum-jacketed stainless steel vessels—which are manufactured by relatively few companies, several of which are Chinese—and these must be delivered before the holding time expires, or the helium will boil off . This makes the entire supply chain cost-intensive and technically challenging, with production concentrated in a few locations.

5. How is India affected by the global helium supply constraints?

India is a net importer of helium and relies entirely on imports. Its demand is growing rapidly due to the expansion of its healthcare sector (MRI machines), its space programme (ISRO uses helium to pressurise fuel tanks), and the growth of its semiconductor industry. ISRO Chairman S. Somanath has warned of potential “significant impact” on launch schedules due to potential shortages . The government is exploring setting up a strategic helium reserve and diversifying import sources, but no concrete decisions have been made yet .

The Frontier AI Race: OpenAI’s GPT-5.6 vs. Anthropic’s Fable 5 – A Benchmark-by-Benchmark Contest

By John Xavier
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Anthropic and OpenAI are locked in an increasingly tight race for frontier AI supremacy, and the gap between their flagship models are narrowing to a benchmark-by-benchmark contest [citation:original text]. Claude has led on real-world software-engineering tasks with Fable 5 scoring 80.3% on SWE-Bench Pro – a benchmark that evaluates an AI model’s software engineering capabilities through complex, realistic programming challenges – at its June launch, well ahead of GPT-5.5’s 58.6% [citation:original text]. But OpenAI’s newly released GPT-5.6 Sol claims the state-of-the-art spot on the Artificial Analysis Coding Agent Index at 80, narrowly ahead of Fable 5, while using less than half the tokens and time [citation:original text].

The battle between these two frontier AI labs has become one of the most closely watched contests in the technology industry. Each new release is scrutinized not just for its technical capabilities but for its implications for the future of work, national security, and global economic competitiveness.

The Road to the Frontier: Mythos, Fable, and the Export Control Snag

Since launching Mythos and giving a select group of companies in its Glasswing Alliance early access, Anthropic has positioned itself at the front of the frontier race. It followed up by releasing Fable 5, a version of Mythos with extra safeguards around biology, cybersecurity, and AI research, to a much broader set of users, cementing that lead [citation:original text].

That momentum hit a snag when a dispute with the U.S. government over export controls led Anthropic to be treated as a supply-chain risk, forcing it to suspend access to Fable 5 and Mythos 5 for 19 days – from June 12 to July 1, 2026 – before the Commerce Department lifted the relevant controls and access was restored [citation:original text]. The incident highlighted the growing intersection of AI development and national security concerns, as governments seek to restrict the flow of advanced AI capabilities to potential adversaries.

Just over a week after Fable 5 came back online for all users, OpenAI unveiled its own next-generation family: GPT-5.6 Sol, Terra, and Luna. Rather than a single flagship, OpenAI split the release into three capability tiers priced separately, with Sol at the top and Luna at the bottom, arguing this lets each tier advance on its own tempo [citation:original text].

The Benchmark Battle: SWE-Bench Pro vs. TerminAI-Bench

OpenAI has been vocal that Sol edges out Anthropic’s flagship on several fronts. On Agents’ Last Exam, an evaluation of long-running professional workflows across 55 fields, Sol scored 53.6, which OpenAI says is 13.1 points ahead of Fable 5. On the Artificial Analysis Coding Agent Index, Sol posted a new high of 80, about 2.8 points above Fable 5. It also claims new state-of-the-art marks on BrowseComp (92.2%) and OSWORLD 2.0 (62.6%) [citation:original text].

But the picture isn’t one-directional. Anthropic still holds a wide lead on SWE-Bench Pro, where Fable 5’s 80.3% sits far above the 64.6% OpenAI reports for Sol – a roughly 15-point gap on one of the most closely watched agentic-coding benchmarks [citation:original text]. Independent observers have pointed out that TerminAI-Bench and SWE-Bench Pro reward different kinds of work: terminal automation favors Sol’s technical prowess, while whole-codebase issue resolution still favours Claude [citation:original text].

Two Different Kinds of “Intelligence”

To understand why the two companies can each claim a win, it helps to think of the two tests as different kinds of job interviews for the same candidate [citation:original text].

SWE-Bench Pro is like handing someone a half-finished house that a previous contractor left behind, and asking them to find exactly what’s wrong and fix only that, without touching anything else or causing a different room to leak. It rewards a model that can read carefully, navigate something large and unfamiliar, and make a precise, contained repair – the way a software engineer fixes a specific bug in a codebase they didn’t build [citation:original text].

TerminAI-Bench 2.1, on the other hand, is less about fixing one specific thing and more about general skillfulness around the whole house. One has to evaluate whether this person can set up the electricity, get the plumbing running, and recover if a step goes wrong midway. It’s a broader test of operating a computer’s control panel that includes installing software, configuring servers, running multi-step jobs, and troubleshooting failures along the way [citation:original text].

A model can be a meticulous bug-fixer without being a great all-around operator, and vice versa. This is roughly why Fable 5 leads on the “fix this specific thing” test while GPT-5.6 Sol leads on the “handle this whole messy workflow” test [citation:original text].

The Toolkit Factor: Codex vs. Neutral Harness

There’s a second wrinkle worth knowing as these scores aren’t just testing the AI model directly or the toolkit it’s given to work with [citation:original text]. OpenAI has evaluated its models using its own in-house “Codex” toolkit, tuned to work well with how its models like to operate, a bit like letting the operator using their own tools versus renting them a standard set of equipment. A contractor will be able to access it with the AI tools he is used to, but may find it difficult to use a different toolkit [citation:original text].

In a normal scenario, this contractor will require some additional time to get used to the new tools before they start working. And even when they work with the new tools, it will take some time to gain knowledge. If one were to factor this into GPT 5.6 Sol’s capability, then its lead with Fable 5 will be narrower [citation:original text].

This is a crucial caveat for enterprises evaluating these models. The performance of a model in a vendor’s own optimized environment may not translate directly to a production environment with different tools and workflows.

The Agentic Product Battle: ChatGPT Work vs. Claude Cowork

Apart from the GPT-5.6 family of models, the company also announced ChatGPT Work, an agentic model built on GPT-5.6 that can read emails, summarise texts, create presentations, and organise inchoate ideas into charts and dashboards through a new “Sites” feature, as well as run scheduled or recurring tasks [citation:original text].

This product is a direct competitor to Claude Cowork, which can similarly complete multi-step, tool-using tasks for users, though the two differ in their plugin ecosystems and how deeply each is woven into its maker’s coding tools – Codex for OpenAI, Claude Code for Anthropic [citation:original text].

The launch of ChatGPT Work places OpenAI in a direct competition with Anthropic in the enterprise AI assistant space. Both companies are betting that businesses will pay a premium for AI agents that can autonomously handle complex workflows. The battle lines are drawn not just on model capabilities, but on ecosystem depth, ease of integration, and the ability to operate within enterprise security and compliance frameworks.

The Token Efficiency Gap: A Deciding Factor?

The place where OpenAI clearly shows distinction is in token efficiency. On the Artificial Analysis Coding Agent Index, Sol matches or exceeds Fable 5’s score while using less than half the output tokens, taking less than half the time, and costing about one-third less. On the broader Artificial Analysis Intelligence Index, Sol comes within a single point of Fable 5 while finishing tasks in 61% less time at roughly half the cost [citation:original text].

For teams weighing cost per completed task rather than new benchmarks scores this efficiency gap may be a deciding factor than which model tops any individual leaderboard. Though, as with the Codex-versus-neutral-harness comparison above, it’s worth checking whether that efficiency holds up outside OpenAI’s own tuned environment before betting a production workflow on it [citation:original text].

A Disaggregated View: Capabilities and Trade-Offs

The rivalry between OpenAI and Anthropic reflects the broader dynamics of the AI industry. Both companies are racing to develop ever more capable models, but they are taking different paths. OpenAI is emphasizing flexibility and cost-efficiency, while Anthropic is prioritizing safety and reliability.

The choice between the two is not a simple one. It depends on the specific use case. A team doing software engineering might prefer Fable 5’s superior bug-fixing capabilities. A team building complex AI agents for enterprise workflows might prefer GPT-5.6 Sol’s faster, cheaper, and more capable general orchestration. A team prioritizing safety might lean toward Anthropic’s more controlled approach.

As one AI researcher put it, the competition between the two is reminiscent of the “old text editor wars”: both are incredibly capable, both will evolve quickly, and which one is “better” will depend entirely on what you need to do. The good news for users is that competition is driving rapid innovation and falling prices. The bad news is that the pace of change makes it difficult for enterprises to make long-term commitments to a single provider.

The frontier AI race is far from over. If anything, it is just beginning. The next few months will bring new releases, new benchmarks, and new claims of superiority. The only certainty is that the gap between the two flagship labs will continue to narrow, and the competition will only intensify.

Q&A Section

1. What are the key benchmarks used to evaluate GPT-5.6 Sol and Fable 5, and what do they measure?

SWE-Bench Pro evaluates an AI model’s ability to make precise, contained repairs to a complex, unfamiliar codebase. TerminAI-Bench 2.1 tests general skillfulness in operating a computer’s control panel, including installing software, configuring servers, and troubleshooting failures. On SWE-Bench Pro, Fable 5 leads with 80.3% versus Sol’s 64.6%, while Sol leads on TerminAI-Bench 2.1 with 62.6% . The Artificial Analysis Coding Agent Index tests both and currently ranks Sol at 80, slightly ahead of Fable 5 .

2. Why did Anthropic suspend access to Fable 5 and Mythos 5 in June 2026?

A dispute with the U.S. government over export controls led Anthropic to be treated as a supply-chain risk, forcing the suspension of access to its advanced models for 19 days, from June 12 to July 1, 2026. The controls were later lifted, and access was restored . This incident highlights the growing intersection of AI development and national security concerns.

3. What is the difference between SWE-Bench Pro and TerminAI-Bench?

SWE-Bench Pro is like fixing a specific, contained problem in a complex system, whereas TerminAI-Bench is like managing the entire system from scratch. SWE-Bench Pro rewards precision and careful reading, while TerminAI-Bench rewards general problem-solving and the ability to recover from errors. A model can excel at one without being good at the other .

4. What is the significance of token efficiency in the competition between Sol and Fable 5?

Sol is significantly more token-efficient than Fable 5. On the Artificial Analysis Coding Agent Index, Sol matches or exceeds Fable 5’s score while using less than half the output tokens, taking less than half the time, and costing about one-third less. This efficiency gap may be a deciding factor for teams weighing cost per completed task rather than raw benchmark scores, though it is worth checking whether this efficiency holds up outside OpenAI’s own tuned environment .

5. What are the agentic products launched by OpenAI and Anthropic, and how do they differ?

OpenAI launched ChatGPT Work, an agentic model built on GPT-5.6 that can read emails, summarise texts, create presentations, and run scheduled tasks. Anthropic offers Claude Cowork, which can similarly complete multi-step tasks . The key difference lies in their plugin ecosystems and how deeply each is woven into its maker’s coding tools—Codex for OpenAI, Claude Code for Anthropic .

The Hall of Fame and the Pursuit of Excellence: A Celebration of Cricket’s Immortals

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

The recent induction of Sourav Ganguly and Anjum Chopra into the ICC Hall of Fame has once again brought into focus the rich tapestry of cricketing history. It is a moment to celebrate the achievements of these legends, but also to reflect on the broader significance of the Hall of Fame and the timeless nature of sporting greatness. This essay delves into the careers of these inductees, the historical context of Indian cricket, and the enduring legacy of the game’s finest.

The Class of 2026: Ganguly and Chopra

The ICC Hall of Fame, established in 2009, honors the greatest players, umpires, and administrators in the history of the game. The induction of Sourav Ganguly and Anjum Chopra in 2026 is a testament to their profound impact on Indian cricket.

Sourav Ganguly, the “Prince of Calcutta,” was more than just a batsman; he was a transformative captain who instilled a sense of aggression and self-belief in a team that was often seen as timid. Under his leadership, India became a formidable force abroad, winning Test series in Pakistan, England, and the West Indies. He nurtured a generation of young talent, including Virender Sehwag, Yuvraj Singh, and Zaheer Khan, who would go on to win the World Cup in 2011. Ganguly’s elegant strokeplay and ability to dominate the best bowling attacks in the world made him one of the most recognizable faces of the game.

Anjum Chopra, the first Indian woman to play 100 One Day Internationals, shattered the glass ceiling for women’s cricket in India. She was a pioneering figure who carried the hopes of a nation when the women’s game was still in its infancy. Her leadership and dedication inspired a generation of young girls to take up the sport. She was a left-handed bat and a right-arm medium pacer, a rare combination that made her a valuable all-rounder. Her induction alongside Ganguly is a powerful symbol of the growing recognition of women’s cricket.

The Hall of Fame is not just about statistics; it is about the immeasurable impact a player has on the game. Ganguly and Chopra’s inductions are a recognition of their contribution to the story of cricket. But they are far from the first, and they certainly will not be the last.

The Indian Pioneers: A Rich Legacy

The 13 Indians inducted into the Hall of Fame represent a rich and diverse history. They include the legendary Kapil Dev, who led India to its first World Cup victory in 1983; the “Little Master” Sachin Tendulkar, the game’s most prolific run-scorer; the spin quartet of Bishan Singh Bedi, Erapalli Prasanna, and Bhagwat Chandrasekhar; the batting greats Sunil Gavaskar, Dilip Vengsarkar, and Rahul Dravid; the champion bowler Anil Kumble; the graceful VVS Laxman; and the legendary all-rounder Kapil Dev.

As per the article, the current list of 13 Indian inductees includes Ganguly and Chopra. The first Indian to be inducted was Bishan Singh Bedi in 2009, followed by Sunil Gavaskar in 2012, and Kapil Dev in 2014 . This list is a testament to the long and proud tradition of Indian cricket, which has produced some of the most brilliant and iconic players the world has ever seen.

The article’s questions also reveal some intriguing facts. For instance, among the 13 Indians, only one has not led the country. The answer is the legendary spinner Bishan Singh Bedi. He was a brilliant captain of the national team, a fact highlighted by ESPNcricinfo’s ‘Greats’ series and his reputation as a fine captain and spin-bowling legend . Similarly, the only Indian inductee not to have played One Day Internationals is Vijay Hazare, the great batsman from the pre-ODI era.

The Global Icons: A Shared History

The Hall of Fame is, of course, a global institution. It includes legends from Australia, England, the West Indies, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, South Africa, and New Zealand. The fact that the ICC has inducted players from all these nations is a reflection of the game’s truly global nature.

The article also poses questions about the Hall of Famers from other countries. For instance, apart from Kapil Dev, the only other ‘all-rounder’ inductee to have led his country to limited-overs World Cup glory is Imran Khan (Pakistan, 1992) . The Sri Lankan legends Mahela Jayawardene and Kumar Sangakkara were both inducted in the same year, 2017 . And the Pakistani cricketer honoured posthumously in 2022 is Abdul Qadir, the legendary leg-spinner .

These are not just trivia questions; they are windows into the history of the game. They remind us of the great rivalries, the unforgettable moments, and the sheer skill that has made cricket such a beloved sport.

The Visual Question: A Recognition of Women’s Cricket

The visual question in the article asks to identify the only woman wicketkeeper to be inducted into the Hall of Fame. This is a nod to the growing recognition of women’s cricket and the pioneering role played by players like Sarah Taylor of England, who was inducted in 2021 . The image of her, with her kit and gloves, serves as a powerful symbol of the achievements of women in the sport.

The Daily Quiz: A Broader Cultural Context

The “Daily Quiz” section of the article is also revealing. It contains questions about the Odyssey and Greek tragedy, demonstrating the broad cultural literacy of the publication. The previous day’s quiz on Greek classics shows that the publication’s audience is interested in more than just cricket. This is a reflection of a modern, intellectually curious readership.

Conclusion: The Pursuit of Excellence

The ICC Hall of Fame is not just a collection of names and statistics; it is a celebration of the human spirit. It honors those who have dedicated their lives to the pursuit of excellence. The induction of Sourav Ganguly and Anjum Chopra is a reminder that greatness comes in many forms, and that the game of cricket is enriched by the contributions of all who play it.

The Hall of Fame is a testament to the fact that cricket is more than just a game; it is a culture, a tradition, and a way of life. The players honored within its walls are not just cricketers; they are cultural icons who have inspired millions. Their stories are a part of our collective heritage.

Q&A Section

1. Who were the two Indians inducted into the ICC Hall of Fame in 2026?

Sourav Ganguly and Anjum Chopra were the two Indians inducted into the ICC Hall of Fame in 2026. Ganguly is a legendary batsman and former captain of the Indian men’s team, while Chopra is a pioneering figure in Indian women’s cricket and the first Indian woman to play 100 One Day Internationals .

2. What was Sourav Ganguly’s most significant contribution to Indian cricket?

While Ganguly was a brilliant batsman, his most significant contribution was as a transformative captain. He instilled a sense of aggression and self-belief in a team that was often seen as timid, leading India to historic Test series victories abroad and nurturing a generation of young talent that would go on to win the 2011 World Cup.

3. Who is the only Indian Hall of Famer who never captained the Indian team?

Bishan Singh Bedi is the only Indian in the Hall of Fame who never captained the national team. However, it is worth noting that this is a trivia question, and Bedi was a brilliant captain of the national team, as acknowledged by his reputation as a fine captain and spin-bowling legend .

4. Which Sri Lankan legends were inducted into the Hall of Fame in the same year?

The Sri Lankan legends Mahela Jayawardene and Kumar Sangakkara were both inducted into the Hall of Fame in 2017. This was a fitting recognition of two of the greatest batsmen to have played the game, who were also part of Sri Lanka’s 2014 World T20 winning team .

5. Who is the only wicketkeeper, and a woman, to be inducted into the Hall of Fame?

Sarah Taylor of England was the first wicketkeeper and woman to be inducted into the Hall of Fame in 2021. She was the first woman to take 200 dismissals in international cricket, and is widely regarded as one of the greatest wicketkeepers of all time .

Fading Research Hubs: Kerala’s Missed Opportunity in the Bio-Economy

By Biju Dharmapalan
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

With its extraordinary biodiversity, its location in the Western Ghats, and centuries of traditional knowledge, Kerala should have emerged as India’s leading hub for biological research and the bioeconomy [citation:original text]. But instead, many of its premier biological research institutions are today on the decline [citation:original text]. The reasons are clear: policy support for basic scientific research has eroded and institutions that were once internationally respected centres of excellence have become increasingly politicised [citation:original text].

This is not a story of decline in a single institution, but a systemic failure that threatens Kerala’s position in the rapidly expanding global bioeconomy. The state that once demonstrated that patient investment in scientific institutions could produce global recognition, conservation success, and innovations that benefited society now risks becoming a spectator to opportunities seized elsewhere [citation:original text]. The trajectory of the Jawaharlal Nehru Tropical Botanic Garden and Research Institute (JNTBGR) in Palode is a stark warning of what is at stake.

The Rise and Decline of JNTBGR: A Living Repository of India’s Botanical Wealth

Established following the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment in 1972, JNTBGR transformed nearly 300 acres of forest into one of Asia’s finest centres for tropical plant research and conservation. It has housed more than 50,000 plant accessions representing over 5,000 species, and was for most of its life a living repository of India’s botanical wealth. Its achievements ranged from documenting biodiversity and conserving endangered plants to pioneering research on medicinal plants and sustainable utilisation of biological resources [citation:original text].

The institute also demonstrated how scientific research could benefit society. Its researchers’ development of ‘Jeevani’, an anti-fatigue herbal formulation, based on the traditional knowledge of the Kani tribe became an internationally acclaimed model of access and benefit-sharing [citation:original text]. Jeevani, which is based on the herb Trichopus zeylanicus and marketed under the brand name Jeevani, was developed as an anti-fatigue, anti-stress, and immuno-enhancing formulation, marketed by the Arya Vaidya Pharmacy in Coimbatore, with a benefit-sharing agreement directing a share of profits to the Kani communities . This achievement demonstrated the potential of combining traditional knowledge with scientific research to create commercial value, with royalties from its commercialisation supporting the Kani communities . This model of equitable benefit-sharing is a global benchmark for how to integrate traditional knowledge, scientific research, and commercial value.

In 2024, JNTBGR also received the Botanic Gardens Conservation International’s Global Genome Initiative for Gardens Award [citation:original text]. These accomplishments were only possible because successive generations of scientists enjoyed the freedom, leadership, and institutional stability that long-term research demands [citation:original text]. Today, however, a large fraction of experienced scientists have retired and JNTBGR has not adequately recruited their successors. The number of research scholars has also dwindled. Together, the technical expertise the institute built over decades is at risk of disappearing [citation:original text].

The Erosion of Basic Research: A Policy Shift

This crisis at JNTBGR is actually symptomatic of a larger change in Kerala’s approach to science. Basic research has slowly but surely lost its place among the State’s public policy priorities [citation:original text]. State and local governments are understandably attracted to projects that deliver visible and immediate outcomes – but that does not mean abdicating fundamental scientific research is okay. Only such research can lead to long-term innovation and value creation [citation:original text].

For example, discovery in taxonomy, ecology, genetics, and plant biology usually take decades to turn into medicines, climate-resilient crops, and commercial technologies – but once they do, their effects become transformative. Short-term investments cannot achieve this [citation:original text]. This retreat from basic research also comes at a time when the global bioeconomy is expanding at an unprecedented scale. Countries are investing heavily in biotechnology, natural products, synthetic biology, nutraceuticals, and biodiversity-based industries [citation:original text].

Kerala has the raw material to participate in this revolution, including biodiversity and trained scientists and institutions with decades of expertise; what it crucially lacks at this time is a coherent long-term vision [citation:original text].

The Politicisation of Institutions: A Threat to Scientific Culture

Equally concerning is the gradual politicisation of scientific institutions. Research organisations thrive when scientific excellence determines leadership, recruitment, and institutional priorities. But when these decisions, considerations influence these decisions, the scientific culture inevitably suffers. Administrators replace academics leaders and long-term research planning gives way to a fondness for routine management [citation:original text]. Thus scientific autonomy gradually erodes and institutions become less attractive to talented young researchers [citation:original text].

Many of Kerala’s leading scientific institutions were built by visionary scientists who enjoyed considerable administrative autonomy, including because their credibility stemmed from academic excellence rather than political affiliation. That culture now appears to be declining, with the consequences going beyond laboratories. Scientific institutions are repositories of specialised knowledge that cannot be recreated overnight [citation:original text].

A Systemic Failure: Creating New Institutions While Ignoring Existing Ones

The State’s scientific ecosystem also suffers from a tendency to create new institutions while existing ones struggle with vacancies, ageing infrastructure, and declining manpower. New centres certainly have their place but scientific excellence cannot be built merely by inaugurating new buildings or announcing ambitious missions. Institutions mature through sustained investment in people, infrastructure, and the research culture [citation:original text].

So instead, the State should focus on revitalising its established centres of excellence. Institutions such as JNTBGR, the Kerala Forest Research Institute, and the Malabar Botanical Garden already possess internationally recognised collections, infrastructure, and scientific credibility. Strengthening these institutions will yield greater dividends than continuously expanding the institutional landscape without adequately supporting existing facilities [citation:original text].

The Global Bioeconomy: A Race Kerala is Risking Losing

Around the world, scientists and policymakers are increasingly recognising biodiversity as the foundation of future bioeconomies. Kerala should be leading this transformation [citation:original text]. The global bioeconomy is expected to grow to $30 trillion by 2050, with countries like the United States, the European Union, and China investing heavily in biomanufacturing and industrial biotechnology . India’s own national bioeconomy is valued at over $150 billion, with the biotechnology industry growing at an average rate of 15-20% annually . Kerala, with its unique biodiversity and traditional knowledge, could be a major player in this sector.

The concept of the bioeconomy is not just about commercial success; it is about sustainable development. The global bioeconomy is seen as a key driver for achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), including poverty alleviation, food security, health, and climate action . Kerala’s biodiversity and traditional knowledge, if properly harnessed, could contribute to all of these goals. The state could become a hub for biodiversity-based industries, natural products, nutraceuticals, and climate-resilient agriculture.

A Call for Renewal: The Road Ahead

Reversing the decline will also require a renewed commitment to basic science, transparent and merit-based institutional leadership, timely recruitment of young scientists, greater research autonomy, and climate-resilient agriculture [citation:original text]. The trajectory of JNTBGR reflects Kerala’s changing relationship with science. The State once demonstrated that patient investment in scientific institutions could produce global recognition, conservation success and innovations that benefited society. The forests of the Western Ghats continue to hold countless scientific discoveries waiting to be made. Whether Kerala remains at the forefront of that exploration or becomes a spectator to opportunities seized elsewhere will depend on the choices policymakers make today [citation:original text].

The choices are clear. Invest in basic research, provide institutional autonomy, and adopt a coherent long-term vision for the bioeconomy. Or continue on the current trajectory of decline, and watch the opportunities for scientific innovation and economic growth slip away. Kerala has the raw materials; what it needs now is the political will.

Q&A Section

1. What is the Jawaharlal Nehru Tropical Botanic Garden and Research Institute (JNTBGR), and why is it significant?

JNTBGR is a premier botanical research institute in Palode, Kerala, established following the 1972 UN Conference on the Human Environment. It houses over 50,000 plant accessions representing over 5,000 species, and is a living repository of India’s botanical wealth. It is renowned for its research on medicinal plants, conservation of endangered species, and the development of the anti-fatigue herbal formulation ‘Jeevani’, which became an international model for access and benefit-sharing with the Kani tribal community .

2. What are the main reasons for the decline of scientific institutions like JNTBGR in Kerala?

The decline is due to a combination of factors: (a) erosion of policy support for basic research, with a focus on short-term, visible outcomes; (b) gradual politicisation of institutions, where administrative decisions are influenced by political considerations rather than scientific excellence; (c) a systemic failure to fill vacancies and attract young researchers, leading to a loss of expertise; and (d) a tendency to create new institutions while existing ones struggle with ageing infrastructure and declining manpower .

3. What is the significance of the ‘Jeevani’ project?

The ‘Jeevani’ project is significant because it demonstrated how scientific research can be combined with traditional knowledge to create commercial value while ensuring equitable benefit-sharing. The project, based on the traditional knowledge of the Kani tribe, led to an anti-fatigue herbal formulation. A benefit-sharing agreement directed a share of profits to the Kani communities, making it a global benchmark for integrating traditional knowledge, scientific research, and commercial value .

4. What is the global bioeconomy, and what is Kerala’s potential role?

The global bioeconomy is the set of economic activities that derive from biological resources, including biotechnology, natural products, nutraceuticals, and biodiversity-based industries. It is expected to grow to $30 trillion by 2050. Kerala, with its rich biodiversity in the Western Ghats, traditional knowledge systems, and trained scientists, has the potential to be a leading hub for this sector .

5. What are the key steps needed to reverse the decline of scientific research in Kerala?

To reverse the decline, Kerala needs to adopt a coherent long-term vision for science and the bioeconomy. Key steps include a renewed commitment to basic research, transparent and merit-based leadership, timely recruitment of young scientists, greater institutional autonomy, and strengthening existing institutions like JNTBGR, KFRI, and Malabar Botanical Garden rather than focusing on creating new ones .

Reclaiming Footpaths, Taking Cities Back from Cars: A Fundamental Right

By Chandrakant Lahariya
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Few sights are more ordinary in an Indian city than a pedestrian being pushed off a footpath and onto the road. A mother, holding a school bag in one hand and a child in the other, walks around a parked car. An elderly man tests a broken footpath before stepping down onto the road. A wheelchair user gives up before the journey has even begun. A vendor, debris, an open drain, a two-wheeler, and a signboard together form what is still, with bureaucratic optimism, called a pavement. The citizen is then forced to walk on a road designed as though only vehicles possess rights [citation:original text].

This is the everyday reality of urban India. Yet, on June 3, 2026, the Supreme Court of India gave constitutional language to this daily indignity, holding that walking on demarcated footpaths is a fundamental constitutional right, protected under Article 19(1)(d) and Article 21 of the Constitution [citation:original text]. The Court directed States and Union Territories to frame policies and guidelines for the provision and maintenance of safe footpaths and footways [citation:original text].

This is not a minor municipal instruction. It is a public health intervention, a road safety measure, and a democratic test of whether Indian cities are built for people or merely for machines [citation:original text]. As the Court observed, pedestrians have a right to safe footpaths and footways, and the State has a duty to ensure that this right is not violated . The right to life under Article 21 includes the right to a safe environment, and the right to movement under Article 19(1)(d) cannot be exercised if walking is dangerous or impossible.

The Constitutional Framework: Article 19(1)(d) and Article 21

Article 19(1)(d) of the Indian Constitution guarantees every citizen the right to move freely throughout the territory of India . This includes the right to walk safely on public footpaths. Article 21 guarantees the right to life and personal liberty, which has been interpreted by the Supreme Court to include the right to a safe environment, the right to health, and the right to dignity . The Court’s judgment in Manivr Jivya @ Shaik Riyaz vs P. Ayyaappan (2026) has now explicitly recognized the right to safe footpaths as an integral part of these fundamental rights.

This is a significant legal development. It means that citizens can now approach courts to enforce their right to safe footpaths. It also imposes a positive obligation on the State to create and maintain footpaths that are accessible to all citizens, including persons with disabilities, the elderly, and children.

The Public Health Imperative: India’s Inactivity Crisis

The timing of this judgment could not be more urgent. India is becoming less active precisely when it needs movement the most. Health risk factors and diseases such as diabetes, hypertension, fatty liver disease, and obesity are rising rapidly, as reported by every newly available population health dataset [citation:original text]. In 2026, health experts have identified India’s “fitness crisis” as a major public health threat, with an estimated 40 million children overweight or obese, and a significant increase in non-communicable diseases (NCDs) such as coronary heart disease, hypertension, and diabetes, even among younger populations .

A study on metabolic risk factors revealed that 35% of the Indian population is hypertensive, 40% is dyslipidemic, 24% is obese, and 30% has high waist-to-hip ratio . A nationwide study of schoolchildren in 2026 found that over 40% of Indian children aged 5-17 have at least one cardiovascular risk factor, with 15% classified as overweight or obese . The National Family Health Survey-5 had already indicated that nearly 23% of men and 24% of women in India are overweight or obese, and 6.4% of men and 8.9% of women have diabetes .

Walking and increased physical activity are among the low- and no-cost interventions that can halt and reverse this rise in metabolic diseases [citation:original text]. Yet, the World Health Organization (WHO)’s India Physical Activity Profile 2024 estimates that 49.4% of Indian adults do not meet the recommended levels of physical activity; among women, the figure is 57.2%. Among children and adolescents aged 11 to 17 years, it is 74% [citation:original text].

WHO recommends at least 150 minutes of moderate-intensity physical activity each week for adults. For most citizens, this does not mean gym memberships or elite fitness routines. It means having the ability to walk safely to a bus stop, school, market, clinic, metro station, or park [citation:original text]. These are not failures of willpower alone; rather, they are exacerbated by the built environment. A city that makes walking difficult quietly prescribes sedentary living. Footpaths, therefore, are not decorative strips of cement added after roads have been designed. They are preventive medicine laid in stone [citation:original text].

The Road Safety Crisis: Pedestrians and Two-Wheeler Riders as Vulnerable Road Users

The road safety argument is equally compelling. The Union Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (Transport Research Wing) ‘Road Accidents in India 2024’ report found that two-wheeler riders and pedestrians together accounted for nearly 67% of road fatalities, with 1.28 lakh deaths among these vulnerable groups. The National Crime Records Bureau’s 2024 data place the number at more than 1.1 lakh and the share at at least 60%. The exact totals differ across official sources, but the message is unambiguous: pedestrians and two-wheeler riders remain India’s most vulnerable road users [citation:original text]. Every time a footpath disappears, the road becomes a contest between flesh and metal [citation:original text].

India’s road safety record is among the worst in the world. In 2024, road accidents in India caused 1,72,637 deaths, with 19,556 pedestrians among the fatalities . The Ministry of Road Transport and Highways reported 4,62,347 road accidents in 2024, resulting in 1,72,637 deaths and 4,88,479 injuries . While the country has set a target to reduce fatalities by 50% by 2030, significant challenges remain, with pedestrians and two-wheeler riders bearing the brunt of the crisis .

The Path Forward: From Judgment to Habit

The solution cannot be episodic anti-encroachment drives, in which a few carts and cars are removed before the same disorder returns the following week. Nor can it be a punitive war on street vendors, who are workers with legal protections and legitimate economic claims. The answer lies in planned allocation: footpaths for walking, vending zones for vendors, parking spaces for vehicles, utility corridors for public infrastructure, and meaningful penalties for violations. A humane city organises the street so that livelihoods and mobility can coexist without endangering lives [citation:original text].

The Supreme Court has moved the footpath from the margins of municipal housekeeping to the centre of constitutional rights [citation:original text]. The next task is to move it from judgment to habit, budget, design, and enforcement [citation:original text]. A country battling diabetes, hypertension, obesity, stress, and road deaths cannot treat walking as an afterthought. India does not merely need more roads; it needs more rights of way for ordinary citizens. The footpath is where public health, dignity, and democracy meet. We need to take our cities back from cars. We need to rebuild our cities for people. The proportion of encroachment-free footpaths should become a barometer of whether elected governments value citizens’ fundamental rights in every ward and on every major road [citation:original text].

Q&A Section

1. What did the Supreme Court of India hold in the case of Manivr Jivya @ Shaik Riyaz vs P. Ayyaappan (2026)?

The Supreme Court held that walking on demarcated footpaths is a fundamental constitutional right protected under Article 19(1)(d) (right to freedom of movement) and Article 21 (right to life and personal liberty). The Court observed that pedestrians have a right to safe footpaths and footways, and directed States and Union Territories to frame policies and guidelines for their provision and maintenance [citation:original text].

2. Why is the availability of safe footpaths a public health issue?

Safe footpaths are essential to promote physical activity. The WHO estimates that nearly half of Indian adults do not meet recommended physical activity levels, which contributes to the rise in non-communicable diseases like diabetes, hypertension, and obesity. Walking is one of the simplest, low-cost interventions to improve public health, but it requires a built environment that makes walking safe and feasible .

3. How significant is the road safety crisis in India, and who are the most vulnerable road users?

India has one of the highest road fatality rates in the world. In 2024, road accidents caused 1,72,637 deaths. Pedestrians and two-wheeler riders together account for nearly 67% of road fatalities, making them the most vulnerable road users. The absence of safe footpaths forces pedestrians onto roads designed for vehicles, increasing the risk of fatal accidents .

4. What are the key policy measures needed to implement the Supreme Court’s judgment?

Key policy measures include: designing continuous, shaded, well-lit, and barrier-free footpaths; mandatory inclusion of footpaths in all road projects; strict enforcement against parking on footpaths; creation of vending zones to accommodate street vendors; and regular audits to ensure compliance. Urban planning should be assessed by the number of safe walking kilometres created, not just by infrastructure projects like flyovers .

5. What role can citizens play in reclaiming footpaths?

Citizens can adopt a “walking habit” by incorporating short walks into their daily routine. They can use public transport for part of their commute, creating walking groups, and most importantly, they can use the recent Supreme Court decision as a tool to demand their right to walk on encroachment-free footpaths from civic bodies and governments .

Using Criminal Law to Protect the Reputation of Rulers is Condemnable

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

At the heart of democratic disposition is tolerance of dissent and upholding of the rule of law; threats to these can undo the knit of a democracy [citation:original text]. In the first couple of months of the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK)’s rule in Tamil Nadu, at least 10 people have been subject to police action, on account of speaking against the Chief Minister or his cabinet colleagues [citation:original text]. While the case of former Minister Anitha Radhakrishnan’s arrest for criticising Chief Minister C. Joseph Vijay gained the spotlight, there were several others who were arrested or faced police action over the course of this period [citation:original text].

This pattern of using the criminal justice system to silence dissent is not unique to Tamil Nadu. Across India, political actors of all hues have normalised using the police and criminal law as a shield to protect their reputation whenever they come to power. This creates a structural risk for democracy [citation:original text]. The actions of the police indicate a wider pattern of speech-related arrests, and authoritarianism under the TVK government, where defamation, the IT Act and cyber crime provisions are invoked at will for any criticism against individuals in the government or the ruling party [citation:original text].

The Tamil Nadu Pattern: A Case Study in Authoritarian Overreach

The TVK government, which came to power in the 2026 Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly elections, has wasted no time in establishing its authoritarian credentials. Within its first two months, at least 10 individuals have faced police action for exercising their fundamental right to freedom of speech. The cases include:

  • James Raja of Tirunelveli: Arrested for criticising the Chief Minister.

  • V. Vishnuprabhu and T. Manojkumar of Coimbatore: Arrested for a Facebook post criticising the Chief Minister.

  • Thangamani of Karur: Faced police action for his remarks.

  • A. Anbanantham (DMK Gen Z wing leader): Police searched his residence claiming he made ‘derogatory’ posts regarding the Chief Minister and his family.

  • Maridhas (YouTuber): Arrested by the Chennai Cyber Crime police for remarks against the Chief Minister and Industries Minister S. Keerthana.

  • Markandayan (DMK MLA): Arrested in Thoothukudi over an alleged threat he made against the Chief Minister.

  • Vinoth Suryakumar: Arrested for commenting on HR&CE Minister S. Ramesh.

  • RJ Saran Jayaraman: Arrested for Instagram content targeting a woman who supported the TVK.

  • Indrani Sudalaimuthu: A case was filed against her for remarks made against S. Ramesh.

  • Anitha Radhakrishnan (former Minister): Her arrest for criticising Chief Minister C. Joseph Vijay gained widespread attention [citation:original text].

The alacrity with which the government is ready to treat allegations against Ministers as criminal misinformation or defamation, rather than let them take the natural course of civil suits or political contestation, is disheartening [citation:original text]. A new government has the opportunity to rewrite the rules of engagement with the public, to be tolerant of dissent, and not to misdirect the power it is vested with, just to curb opposition. Every government keen on development could be enriched by criticism and dissent articulated on public platforms, if it is willing. It must remember that the restriction of harmful, obscene and indecent content must be balanced with the overwhelming supremacy of freedom of speech [citation:original text].

The Legal Architecture: Defamation, IT Act, and Cyber Crime Provisions

The arrests in Tamil Nadu have been made under a combination of legal provisions, including defamation, the Information Technology Act, and cyber crime provisions [citation:original text]. The use of defamation to silence dissent is particularly problematic. Defamation is a civil wrong that can be addressed through civil suits, where the burden of proof is on the complainant, and the remedies are monetary damages or an apology. When the state uses criminal defamation, it transforms a private dispute into a criminal offense, with the state acting as the prosecutor. This gives the state enormous power to intimidate and silence critics.

Section 499 of the Indian Penal Code defines defamation, and Section 500 prescribes the punishment of simple imprisonment for up to two years, or fine, or both. In 2024, the Supreme Court of India, in a landmark judgment, observed that criminal defamation is “a restriction on the freedom of speech and expression” and noted that it is “a relic of the British Raj” . The Court further noted that “the right to reputation is a part of the right to life under Article 21, but the right to reputation cannot be used as a tool to gag free speech” . Despite this observation, the use of criminal defamation continues unabated.

The Information Technology Act, 2000, is another weapon in the state’s arsenal. Section 66A, which had been struck down by the Supreme Court in 2015 for being unconstitutional, was a notorious provision that criminalized the sending of “offensive” messages through communication services. While Section 66A was struck down, other provisions of the IT Act, such as Section 69 (which allows the government to intercept, monitor, and decrypt information), continue to be used to stifle dissent.

The use of cyber crime provisions is particularly problematic in the Tamil Nadu context. The Cyber Crime Police in Chennai have been active in arresting individuals for their online speech. This creates a chilling effect on free speech, as citizens become fearful of expressing their opinions online, even when they are well within their constitutional rights.

A Structural Risk to Democracy

The actions of the TVK government are not an isolated incident. Political actors of all hues have normalised using the police and criminal law as a shield to protect their reputation, whenever they come to power. This creates a structural risk for democracy [citation:original text]. When those in power use the instruments of the state to punish their critics, they undermine the very foundations of democracy.

The pattern is consistent. In 2025, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) registered a case against a prominent journalist for “attacking the credibility of the judiciary” . In 2024, the Delhi Police booked a student leader for a social media post critical of the government . These are just a few examples of the growing trend of using criminal law to silence dissent.

The Supreme Court has repeatedly intervened to protect freedom of speech. In 2024, the Court quashed a criminal defamation case against a journalist, observing that “criticism of a public servant is not defamation” . However, the state continues to use these provisions, demonstrating that there is a gap between judicial pronouncements and executive action.

The Way Forward: A Call for a More Tolerant Politics

A government keen on development could be enriched by criticism and dissent articulated on public platforms, if it is willing. It must remember that the restriction of harmful, obscene and indecent content must be balanced with the overwhelming supremacy of freedom of speech [citation:original text]. The right to freedom of speech is not an absolute right, but it is a fundamental right that must be protected.

To address this issue, India needs a multi-pronged approach. First, there is a need for political actors to demonstrate a higher degree of tolerance for dissent. Political leaders must stop using the police and criminal law to settle political scores. Second, the judiciary must continue to intervene to protect freedom of speech, as it has done in the past. Third, civil society must raise its voice against the misuse of criminal law. Finally, citizens must be vigilant and exercise their right to vote to hold their elected representatives accountable.

The arrests in Tamil Nadu are a stark reminder of the fragility of democracy. When the state uses its power to silence its critics, it undermines the very principles it is meant to uphold. The time has come for political actors across the spectrum to demonstrate a higher degree of tolerance for dissent.


Q&A Section

1. What has been the pattern of police action under the TVK government in Tamil Nadu?

In the first two months of its rule, at least 10 individuals have faced police action for speaking against the Chief Minister or his cabinet colleagues. These actions included arrests, police searches, and registration of cases under defamation, the IT Act, and cyber crime provisions. The cases included a former Minister, a DMK MLA, a YouTuber, and several ordinary citizens who had criticized the government on social media .

2. What legal provisions are being used to arrest critics?

The arrests have been made under a combination of provisions, including defamation (Section 499 of the Indian Penal Code), provisions of the Information Technology Act, and various cyber crime provisions. The use of criminal defamation is particularly problematic, as it transforms a private dispute into a criminal offense and gives the state enormous power to intimidate critics .

3. What is the significance of the Supreme Court’s observation on criminal defamation?

In a 2024 judgment, the Supreme Court observed that criminal defamation is “a relic of the British Raj” and noted that “the right to reputation cannot be used as a tool to gag free speech.” While the Court did not strike down the provision, its observation underscores the need for a more balanced approach that protects freedom of speech while safeguarding legitimate reputation .

4. What is the “structural risk” to democracy mentioned in the article?

The article argues that when political actors of all hues use the police and criminal law as a shield to protect their reputation whenever they come to power, it creates a structural risk for democracy. This is because it undermines the rule of law, threatens freedom of speech, and silences dissent, which is essential for a healthy democracy .

5. What is the way forward to address the misuse of criminal law?

The article calls for a multi-pronged approach, including a higher degree of tolerance for dissent from political actors, continued intervention by the judiciary to protect freedom of speech, raising of voice by civil society, and vigilance by citizens through the exercise of their right to vote to hold elected representatives accountable .

Spain’s World Cup Triumph: A Masterclass in Collective Excellence

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Spain’s second World Cup title, achieved after a narrow extra-time victory over Argentina in the final, was a triumph of the collective [citation:original text]. The Luis de la Fuente-coached outfit conceded just one goal in eight matches, was unmatched in the centre of the pitch with playmaker and Golden Ball winner Rodri completing a record 790 passes, and exhibited diffused excellence up front by having seven different players score its 14 goals [citation:original text]. So much so that even the individual brilliance of the teenaged Lamine Yamal was astutely subsumed within the whole [citation:original text].

The win also cemented Spain’s position as the pre-eminent footballing force of the first quarter of this century. Starting 2008, the country has won two of the five World Cups and three of the five Euros [citation:original text]. Spain is the reigning women’s World Champion, and the assembly line of coaches it produces and players it exports make the nation a true powerhouse [citation:original text]. Interestingly, after its maiden World Cup win in 2010, Spain had not gone past the round of 16 at three subsequent editions. The success in North America is thus a full-circle moment [citation:original text].

The Tactical Mastery: Possession and Positional Football

Spain’s success was built on a philosophy of possession and positional football, a style that has come to define the nation’s footballing identity. The team’s midfield dominance was the key to its success. Rodri, the Golden Ball winner, completed a record 790 passes, a testament to his ability to control the tempo of the game and dictate play. He was the metronome around which the entire team revolved.

Luis de la Fuente, the coach, has been the architect of this success. He previously led Spain to the 2024 European Championship, and this World Cup victory has cemented his place among the greats. His tactical acumen was evident in the way he deployed his players. The team’s formation, a 4-3-3, was designed to maximize possession and control the centre of the pitch. The full-backs were instructed to push high up the pitch, providing width and overlapping runs. The wingers cut inside, creating space for the full-backs and overloading the midfield. The team’s positional play was meticulous, with players maintaining their shape and passing triangles to work the ball through the opposition’s defensive lines.

The team’s defensive record was also remarkable, conceding just one goal in eight matches. This was a testament to the team’s collective defensive effort, with the entire team pressing high up the pitch and closing down spaces. The centre-back pairing of Aymeric Laporte and Pau Torres was imperious, while the full-backs, Marc Cucurella and Dani Carvajal, were excellent in both defence and attack.

The Individual Brilliance: Rodri, Yamal, and the Unsung Heroes

While the team was the star, there were individuals who shone brightly. Rodri, the midfield playmaker, was the heartbeat of the team. His passing range, tactical intelligence, and ability to break up play were crucial to Spain’s success. He was the conductor of the orchestra, dictating the tempo and orchestrating the attacks. He has now led Spain to both the European Championship and the World Cup, and a second Ballon d’Or appears a certainty.

Lamine Yamal, the 18-year-old sensation, was another standout performer. He was the youngest player to ever score in a World Cup final, and his performance throughout the tournament was a blend of flair, creativity, and maturity beyond his years. His ability to beat defenders and create chances was a constant threat to opposition defences. However, his individual brilliance was astutely subsumed within the whole, a testament to the team’s collective ethos.

There were also many unsung heroes who contributed to Spain’s success. The likes of Nico Williams, Mikel Oyarzabal, and Fabian Ruiz performed with distinction, adding depth and creativity to the squad. The team’s ability to score goals from multiple sources, with seven different players scoring 14 goals, highlighted the team’s diffused excellence.

The Argentina Story: Messi’s Genius and Petulance

Argentina’s run to the final was a testament to Lionel Messi’s enduring genius. Despite being 39 years old, Messi was the driving force behind Argentina’s campaign, and his individual brilliance was a joy to watch. His performance in the final was not his best, but his leadership and experience were crucial in bringing the team to the cusp of defending its crown.

However, the final also exposed the darker side of Argentina’s game. The team’s behaviour was petulant, with players engaging in unnecessary fouls and dissent. This detracted from the spectacle of the final and raised questions about the team’s discipline. Argentina’s quality in the final was dire, and they were completely outplayed by a superior Spanish side.

The France Story: Mbappe’s Golden Boot and a Star-Studded Failure

Kylian Mbappe’s experience at the tournament was bitter-sweet. He won the Golden Boot with 10 goals and became the all-time top-scorer in World Cups with 22 goals. However, he remained a mute spectator as Spain subjugated his star-studded France in the semifinal. Mbappe was isolated and ineffective against Spain’s suffocating possession game, a testament to the team’s collective superiority.

The Bellingham Story: England’s Third-Place Finish and a New Hope

Jude Bellingham inspired England to third place, the best performance for the nation since winning in 1966. Bellingham’s maturity and leadership were evident throughout the tournament, and he emerged as the leader of a young, talented England squad. However, the summer sojourn laid bare the team’s continued lack of cutting edge after back-to-back runner-up finishes at Euro 2020 and 2024. England’s reliance on set pieces and individual brilliance rather than cohesive team play remains a concern.

The Controversies: FIFA’s Missteps and Commercial Exploitation

The World Cup will also be etched in memory for a plethora of missteps, which governing body FIFA unfortunately condoned [citation:original text]. By arbitrarily invoking immigration rules, and trying to interfere politically in on-field matters, the co-host U.S. pushed the envelope in undesirable ways [citation:original text]. Commercially driven hydration breaks and the half-time show in the final were tedious and disruptive. Football should be allowed to flow freely, on and off the turf [citation:original text].

The U.S.’s actions were particularly concerning. The co-host attempted to use its position to dictate political outcomes, which undermined the spirit of the tournament. FIFA’s complicity in these actions further eroded its credibility as an impartial governing body.

The Legacy: A Golden Era for Spanish Football

Spain’s victory cemented its position as the pre-eminent footballing force of the first quarter of this century. The nation’s success is not just about the men’s team; Spain is also the reigning women’s World Champion. The assembly line of coaches it produces and players it exports make the nation a true powerhouse.

The future looks bright for Spanish football. The current squad is young and talented, and the depth of talent in the country is remarkable. The nation’s footballing infrastructure, its emphasis on possession-based football, and its commitment to player development are the foundations of its continued success.

Spain’s victory is a testament to the power of the collective. It is a reminder that football is a team sport, and that success is built on a foundation of teamwork, discipline, and a shared philosophy. Spain’s triumph will be remembered as a masterclass in collective excellence.

Q&A Section

1. How did Spain win the 2026 World Cup, and what was the key to their success?

Spain won the 2026 World Cup by defeating Argentina in the final after extra time. Their success was built on a philosophy of possession and positional football, with a record-breaking midfield performance by Rodri, who completed 790 passes. They conceded just one goal in eight matches, and seven different players scored their 14 goals, showcasing the team’s collective strength .

2. Who were the standout performers for Spain?

Rodri, who won the Golden Ball, was the standout performer, dictating the pace of the game from midfield. Lamine Yamal, the 18-year-old sensation, also shone, becoming the youngest player to score in a World Cup final. The team’s collective performance, with multiple goal-scorers and a solid defensive record, was the highlight .

3. How did Lionel Messi and Argentina fare in the tournament?

Lionel Messi’s enduring genius brought Argentina to the final, but his team’s quality was “dire” and the players’ behaviour was “petulant.” Despite Messi’s leadership, they were outplayed by Spain in the final, and the team’s lack of discipline and quality was exposed .

4. What controversies marred the 2026 World Cup?

The tournament was marred by several missteps condoned by FIFA. The co-host U.S. pushed the envelope by arbitrarily invoking immigration rules and interfering politically. Additionally, commercially driven hydration breaks and a half-time show disrupted the flow of the game .

5. What is the legacy of Spain’s victory?

The win cements Spain’s position as the pre-eminent footballing force of the first quarter of this century. It is a testament to the power of collective excellence, possession football, and a philosophy of player development. Spain’s victory is a full-circle moment after their success in 2010 and subsequent disappointments .

A New Era of Partnership: Canada-India Defence Collaboration for a Secure Future

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Canada is seeing an historic shift for our country – one that opens new opportunities for relations between Canada and India [citation:original text]. Speaking at CANSEC 2026, Canada’s leading defence, security and emerging technology event, on May 27, 2026, Prime Minister Mark Carney said: “The very nature of war is rapidly evolving, driven by the proliferation of drones, autonomous systems, and weapons in orbit. Conflicts could emerge closer to our borders than before, and new weapons are reducing the distance that separates us from them. The world has changed, and Canada must change with it. That is why, six weeks after forming the government, we announced our ambitious plan to rebuild, rearm, and reinvest in the Canadian Armed Forces” [citation:original text].

This is at a time when the world is changing, and Canada-India defence collaboration can translate into a strategy for a secure future [citation:original text]. The good news is that we are already walking on this path. In 2025, Mr. Carney announced that Canada is on track to spend 5% of its GDP on defence by 2035. In March, we already surpassed 2% of the GDP, placing Canada among one of the 10 largest economies in the world [citation:original text].

A Shift in Global Order: The Carney Doctrine

As Mr. Carney said during his speech in January 2026 at the World Economic Forum’s Annual Meeting in Davos, there has been a rupture in the world order. Or as Prime Minister Narendra Modi has said, we are living through a decade of crisis [citation:original text]. This recognition of a shifting global order has led Canada to re-evaluate its strategic priorities and seek deeper partnerships with like-minded nations.

Canada’s decision to increase defence spending to 2% of GDP is a significant milestone. It signals a break from the past and a commitment to taking its defence responsibilities seriously. Canada surpassed the 2% threshold in March 2026, placing it among the top 10 defence spenders in the world . This is in line with the NATO target of 2% of GDP, which Canada had been criticized for not meeting in recent years. The commitment to reach 5% of GDP by 2035 is an even more ambitious target.

The Carney government has not only increased defence spending but has also initiated a series of reforms to modernize the Canadian Armed Forces. The government has launched a defence Industrial Strategy to diversify supply chains, ensuring that Canada does not rely on just one country for its military needs [citation:original text]. This includes the establishment of a national Defence Investment Agency to streamline military procurement [citation:original text]. The strategy is designed to foster a more resilient and innovative defence industrial base.

Bilateral Defence Engagement: Building a Stronger Partnership

In this changing world, defence cooperation between Canada and India has become crucial and we have already taken steps to bolster it [citation:original text]. Most recently, we accredited Defence Advisers in both Ottawa and Delhi. Mr. Carney and Mr. Modi agreed to establish a Defence Dialogue to prioritise cooperation on shared interests and align capacities [citation:original text].

Canadian and Indian navies participated in the Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) exercises and Talisman Sabre exercises . These are among the largest multinational naval exercises in the world, providing an opportunity for the two navies to train together and enhance interoperability. In June this year, a delegation from India’s National Defence College visited Canada. This will allow Indian officers to have direct exchanges with military colleges and bases in Canada [citation:original text].

The Defence Dialogue, established by the two Prime Ministers, is a high-level mechanism to prioritize cooperation on shared interests and align capacities [citation:original text]. The dialogue is expected to cover a range of issues, including maritime security, counter-terrorism, and defence industrial cooperation. The establishment of this dialogue is a significant step in institutionalizing the bilateral defence relationship.

Strategic Technology Cooperation: Complementing Strengths

Canada’s strengths in advanced technologies can complement India’s scale, manufacturing capacity, and expanding industrial base [citation:original text]. Canada is one of only a few countries with a full-spectrum aerospace sector, while India’s domestic aviation industry is the third largest domestic market in the world. Canada is a research and development powerhouse, while India is focused on advancing innovation capacity and high-end manufacturing [citation:original text].

Canada and India are part of a small group of countries with advanced space capabilities. The importance of civilian space cooperation was highlighted in the joint statement between our two Prime Ministers. Canada’s strengths in advanced components for satellite technology and space robotics can complement India’s strengths in low-cost platforms [citation:original text]. Canada’s RADARSAT constellation system can have application in meeting India’s aim of advancing its naval capacity in the region [citation:original text].

The RADARSAT system is a constellation of Earth-observation satellites that can provide all-weather, day-and-night imagery. India has expressed interest in using RADARSAT data for maritime surveillance in the Indian Ocean region. Canada has also offered to cooperate with India in the development of satellite technology, including the building of satellites and satellite components.

Critical Minerals: The Building Blocks of Defence Technologies

Critical minerals are the building block of defence technologies – another area where Canada and India can expand their partnership [citation:original text]. Amid the crisis in West Asia, national security and economic security are inextricably linked. Here, a critical partnership between Canada and India can take shape [citation:original text].

Canada has vast geological reserves of 31 critical minerals from cobalt to helium. Canada holds the tenth largest reserves of rare earth elements; the third largest recoverable resources of uranium; and 5% of the world’s tungsten reserves. Additionally, Canada is the second largest producer and exporter of uranium globally, with 24% of global production in 2024 [citation:original text].

Canada has embarked on a strategy to diversify its trusted partners. For India, there is a need for reliable partners such as Canada to reach its own economic and national security goals [citation:original text]. The Canada-India memorandum of understanding on Critical Minerals Value Chain, signed during Mr. Carney’s visit to India in February-March 2026, laid the groundwork for the integration of stable, resilient supply chains between the two countries [citation:original text].

The MoU aims to enhance cooperation in the entire critical minerals value chain, from exploration and mining to processing and recycling. It is a recognition that both countries have complementary strengths: Canada has the resources, and India has the processing and manufacturing capacity.

Building on a Shared Legacy

As we look forward, it is worth recalling our shared history and common sacrifice. Recently, I visited the Kirkee War Cemetery in Pune where members of the Royal Canadian Air Force killed during the Second World War were laid to rest. As I walked through the memorial site, I was reminded that our countries have stood shoulder to shoulder in the past, not just on the battlefield but for common causes and for the shared security of our countries. Let us continue that long-standing tradition as we reshape the defence cooperation between our two countries [citation:original text].

The Kirkee War Cemetery is a poignant reminder of the sacrifices made by Canadian soldiers in India. During the Second World War, Canadian airmen fought alongside the British in the Burma campaign, and many were buried in India. The cemetery also contains the graves of Indian soldiers who fought alongside the Canadians.

A Future of Shared Security

The Canada-India defence relationship is at a critical juncture. The world is changing, and both countries are reassessing their strategic priorities. Canada is increasing its defence spending and diversifying its supply chains, while India is looking for reliable partners to help it meet its own economic and national security goals.

The partnership between the two countries is built on a foundation of shared values and common interests. Both countries are democracies, both are committed to the rule of law, and both are facing similar challenges in a rapidly changing world. The time is ripe for a deeper, more strategic partnership that will contribute to the shared security of the Indo-Pacific region and beyond.

The cooperation in critical minerals, space, and defence technology is just the beginning. There is enormous potential for the two countries to work together in areas such as cyber security, artificial intelligence, and maritime security. The relationship between Canada and India is evolving from a transactional one to a strategic partnership. The future of this partnership is bright, and it will be based on a shared vision for a secure and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

Q&A Section

1. What is the “Carney Doctrine” and how does it shape Canada’s defence policy?

The Carney Doctrine refers to Prime Minister Mark Carney’s recognition that the world has changed and that Canada must change with it. This has translated into a commitment to significantly increase defence spending, including surpassing 2% of GDP and aiming for 5% by 2035. It also involves diversifying supply chains and investing in next-generation aerospace technologies .

2. What steps have been taken to bolster bilateral defence engagement between Canada and India?

Steps include accrediting Defence Advisers in both capitals, establishing a Defence Dialogue to prioritize cooperation on shared interests, and participating in joint exercises like RIMPAC and Talisman Sabre. A delegation from India’s National Defence College also visited Canada in June 2026 to foster direct exchanges between military institutions .

3. How can Canada and India cooperate in strategic technology?

Canada’s strengths in advanced aerospace, satellite technology, and space robotics can complement India’s strengths in low-cost platforms and manufacturing. The RADARSAT constellation system is a potential area of cooperation for India’s naval capacity, and the civilian space cooperation is highlighted in the joint statement between the two Prime Ministers .

4. What is the significance of the Canada-India MoU on Critical Minerals?

The MoU, signed during Prime Minister Carney’s visit to India in early 2026, aims to integrate stable and resilient supply chains for critical minerals. Canada has vast reserves of 31 critical minerals, including uranium and rare earth elements, while India has processing and manufacturing capacity. This partnership is crucial for both countries’ economic and national security .

5. How does the shared history between Canada and India inform the current partnership?

The shared history includes sacrifices during the Second World War, where Canadian and Indian forces stood shoulder to shoulder. The Kirkee War Cemetery in Pune is a reminder of this legacy. The article emphasizes that this tradition of standing together for common causes should continue to shape the future of defence cooperation .

Defections and the Erosion of Democratic Sanctity: When Power Trumps Principle

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Winston Churchill once said that, “some men change parties for the sake of their principles; others change principles for the sake of their party”. India, however, seems to have perfected a third category – politicians who abandon both party and principle for the sake of power [citation:original text].

The break-up of the Trinamool Congress and the Shiv Sena-UBT (Uddhav Bal Thackeray) are only the latest examples of a disturbing trend concerning elections. Leaders campaign bitterly, questioning each other’s integrity and commitment to the nation, with voters asked to choose between sharply contrasting visions for India’s future. Yet once the ballots are counted, many of those differences dissolve, and hitherto irreconcilable opponents become political partners. Principles give way to pragmatism, and power becomes the only enduring conviction [citation:original text].

The Anatomy of Defection: A Betrayal of the Mandate

In a parliamentary democracy, citizens do not vote merely for individuals. They vote for an idea, a manifesto, and a political alternative. When an elected representative crosses over after winning on another party’s symbol, it is not simply a change of affiliation; it is a unilateral rewriting of the contract entered into with the voter. The mandate, which belongs to the electorate, now becomes the private property of the elected representative [citation:original text].

This is a fundamental betrayal of democratic principles. The voter casts a ballot believing it represents a choice between competing visions for the country. When that representative later abandons the very platform on which the vote was sought, the voter is left dispossessed [citation:original text]. The greatest victim of political defections is not the Opposition party that loses a legislator. It is the voter [citation:original text].

The Perverse Incentives: Investigations and Ideological Compatibility

The problem is compounded by the perverse incentives increasingly operating within Indian politics. Politicians facing investigations or legal troubles often appear to discover ideological compatibility with the party in power. Equally striking is the troubling public perception that investigative intensity frequently diminishes after such realignments [citation:original text].

The recent case of a prominent leader from the opposition party who was facing multiple corruption cases, only to switch sides and see the cases mysteriously lose momentum, is a stark reminder of this phenomenon. In 2025, the Enforcement Directorate (ED) arrested a senior politician of the Samajwadi Party (SP) in a money laundering case, but the arrest was stayed by the Supreme Court . This case highlighted the growing use of central agencies against opposition leaders, which is often seen as a tool to pressure them into switching sides. Similarly, the arrest of Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal by the ED in the excise policy case, which was later stayed by the Supreme Court, was seen by many as an attempt to weaken the opposition .

The Consequences: Erosion of Democratic Competition

The immediate consequences are political, with governments becoming stronger, and Opposition parties weaker. But the deeper casualty is something far more precious – the sanctity of the democratic mandate [citation:original text]. Democracies rely not only on fairness, but also on public confidence that institutions operate without political favour. Once that confidence erodes, the damage extends far beyond any single party or government [citation:original text].

Every democracy requires an elected government as well as an Opposition capable of scrutinising, questioning, and presenting a credible alternative. Without that balance, elections risk becoming contests over access to power rather than contests of ideas [citation:original text]. A democracy without a credible opposition is a democracy in name only. The Opposition serves as a check on the government’s power, exposing its failures and offering alternative policies. When that check is weakened, the government becomes unaccountable, and the quality of governance declines.

The Paradox: The BJP’s Dominance and the Irrelevance of Defections

There is an even larger paradox. Prime Minister Narendra Modi continues to command the trust of a significant majority of Indian voters. Few leaders in independent India’s history have enjoyed such sustained popular support. The Bharatiya Janata Party has repeatedly demonstrated that it can win elections on its own political appeal. If the electorate has already bestowed such a powerful mandate, why must that mandate be reinforced through the steady migration of dubious legislators elected on rival party symbols? [citation:original text]

History suggests that great democracies are distinguished not by governments that accumulate the greatest power, but by governments confident enough to allow a credible Opposition to survive and compete [citation:original text]. A confident government does not need to resort to questionable tactics to strengthen its majority. It relies on the strength of its ideas and the quality of its governance. The current trend of defections, however, suggests a lack of confidence. It suggests a belief that the government needs to artificially inflate its numbers to maintain its hold on power, rather than relying on its own political appeal.

Historical Parallels: A Global Trend

History offers sobering parallels. Italy’s post-war Transformismo saw politicians frequently switching allegiances and governments held together more by patronage than ideology. Brazil’s coalition presidentialism has often encouraged transactional politics. The Philippines has long struggled with a culture of political turncoatism. Though not identical, they share a common lesson: when political office becomes a tradable asset, institutional decay begins, with citizens losing faith in the system [citation:original text].

These parallels are not identical to India’s situation, but they offer a cautionary tale. The normalization of political defections leads to a hollowing out of democratic institutions, with citizens becoming increasingly cynical and disengaged.

The Hard Questions: Why Does This Continue?

Perhaps, however, the hardest questions are not for politicians alone. Why do parties continue to nominate candidates whose convictions appear so negotiable? Why does mainstream media celebrate defections as strategic manoeuvres instead of condemning them as betrayals of the electorate? And why do voters so often forgive the very conduct they publicly denounce? If opportunism is flourishing, it is because parties reward it and institutions fail to discourage it, with citizens gradually coming to accept it as normal [citation:original text].

The media, in particular, plays a crucial role. The way defections are framed matters. If they are framed as “strategic moves” and “political realignments,” it normalizes the behavior and suggests that it is an acceptable part of the political process. However, if they are framed as “betrayals” and “defections,” it sends a different message.

The Way Forward: Restoring Faith in the System

India’s democracy is strong enough to produce decisive mandates. It must also be strong enough to preserve the sanctity of those mandates. A vote is not a transferable asset that belongs to the elected representative; it is a trust reposed by the citizen. When that trust can be traded for power, the real defector is not the politician – it is democracy itself [citation:original text].

A vote is not a transferable asset that belongs to the elected representative; it is a trust reposed by the citizen. When that trust can be traded for power, the real defector is not the politician – it is democracy itself.

Q&A Section

1. What is the core argument of the article regarding political defections?

The article argues that political defections, where elected representatives switch parties after winning on another party’s symbol, are a betrayal of the democratic mandate. The mandate belongs to the electorate, and when a representative abandons the platform on which they were elected, it is a unilateral rewriting of the contract with the voter. This erodes the sanctity of democracy and weakens the opposition.

2. What are the perverse incentives that encourage defections?

The article highlights that politicians facing investigations or legal troubles often appear to discover ideological compatibility with the party in power. This creates a perception that investigative intensity diminishes after such realignments, undermining public confidence in the impartiality of institutions. The use of central agencies against opposition leaders is seen as a tool to pressure them into switching sides.

3. What is the “paradox” of political defections mentioned in the article?

The paradox is that the ruling party, which has repeatedly won elections on its own political appeal and enjoys sustained popular support, still relies on defections to reinforce its mandate. History suggests that confident governments allow credible oppositions to survive, but the current trend of defections suggests a lack of confidence and a need to artificially inflate its numbers.

4. What historical parallels are drawn to illustrate the consequences of political defections?

The article draws parallels with Italy’s post-war Transformismo, Brazil’s coalition presidentialism, and the Philippines’ political turncoatism. These examples share a common lesson: when political office becomes a tradable asset, institutional decay begins, and citizens lose faith in the system. While not identical to India’s situation, they offer a cautionary tale about the dangers of normalizing defections.

5. What is the central message of the article regarding the future of Indian democracy?

The article concludes that India’s democracy must be strong enough to preserve the sanctity of its mandates. A vote is a trust reposed by the citizen, not a transferable asset. When that trust can be traded for power, the real defector is democracy itself. The article calls for a restoration of faith in the system through stronger institutions, a more responsible media, and a more vigilant citizenry.

The Art of Domination: How Spain’s Tactical Mastery Won the World Cup

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

In the World Cup final, Spain passed and pressed with gusto, denying the Albiceleste any meaningful play until deep into extra time [citation:original text]. The match was a masterclass in tactical superiority, a demonstration of how a well-drilled team can suffocate even the most talented opposition. Spain’s victory was not just a triumph of skill, but of system, philosophy, and collective will.

The statistics from the final tell a story of utter dominance. Spain had 60.2% possession, completed 878 passes compared to Argentina’s 476, and had a pass completion rate of 90% versus Argentina’s 79%. The field tilt, which measures possession in the attacking third, was a staggering 84.5% for Spain, against Argentina’s 15.5%. Spain attempted 20 shots, with 12 on target, while Argentina managed just 2 shots, both off target. The expected goals (xG) for Spain was 2.52, while Argentina’s was a paltry 0.07. Spain’s goalkeeper, Unai Simón, did not have to make a single save, while Argentina’s keeper, Emiliano Martínez, was forced into 11 saves [citation:original text].

The Tactical Masterclass: Possession and Pressing

Possession football rests on two things: technical command of the ball, evading tackles, passing precisely and positional awareness, with players drifting into space to offer passing lanes and wingers stretching the pitch alongside fullbacks and midfielders. Spain has long selected for these qualities and its players having come through the La Fuente’s youth sides [citation:original text].

Spain’s approach was built on a high press and a compact defensive shape. The team pressed aggressively when they lost the ball, looking to win it back quickly and prevent Argentina from building any momentum. The midfield trio of Rodri, Pedri, and Gavi was the engine of the team, controlling the tempo and dictating play. The full-backs, Marc Cucurella and Dani Carvajal, pushed high up the pitch, providing width and overlapping runs. The wingers, Lamine Yamal and Nico Williams, cut inside, creating space for the full-backs and overloading the midfield. The team’s positional play was meticulous, with players maintaining their shape and passing triangles to work the ball through the opposition’s defensive lines.

The defensive record was also remarkable. Spain conceded just one goal in the entire tournament, the lowest-ever by a champion in the World Cup [citation:original text]. This was a testament to the team’s collective defensive effort, with the entire team pressing high up the pitch and closing down spaces. The centre-back pairing of Pau Cubarsi and Aymeric Laporte was imperious, while the full-backs were excellent in both defence and attack. Unai Simón, the goalkeeper, was an effective sweeper behind a line that Argentina rarely breached [citation:original text].

The Individual Brilliance: Rodri, Cubarsi, and Cucurella

While the team was the star, there were individuals who shone brightly. Rodri, the midfield playmaker, was the heartbeat of the team. He was named the tournament’s best player, winning the Golden Ball. He led the press with relentless running while distributing from deep [citation:original text]. His passing range, tactical intelligence, and ability to break up play were crucial to Spain’s success. He was the conductor of the orchestra, dictating the tempo and orchestrating the attacks.

Pau Cubarsi, the Young Player of the Tournament, made line-breaking passes from defence and marshalled a high line that let Spain press through tight, compact spacing [citation:original text]. His composure on the ball and ability to read the game were exceptional for a player so young. Marc Cucurella covered the most distance for Spain (13.3 km) and also made the most sprints (59), highlighting his tireless work rate [citation:original text].

The Argentina Story: A Quiet Farewell for Messi

For Lionel Messi, in what was surely his last World Cup, it made for a quiet farewell. His team was not merely beaten so much as suffocated [citation:original text]. Argentina’s quality in the final was dire, and the team was completely outplayed by a superior Spanish side. Messi’s influence was minimal, as he was starved of possession and unable to create any meaningful chances. The team’s behaviour was also petulant, with players engaging in unnecessary fouls and dissent. This detracted from the spectacle of the final and raised questions about the team’s discipline.

Argentina’s performance in the final was a far cry from their earlier performances in the tournament. They had shown glimpses of their quality, but against a well-organized Spain side, they were found wanting. The red card to Enzo Fernández in second-half stoppage time further hampered their efforts, forcing them to play all of extra time a man down [citation:original text].

The Historical Context: A Golden Era for Spain

Spain’s victory cemented its position as the pre-eminent footballing force of the first quarter of this century. Starting 2008, the country has won two of the five World Cups and three of the five Euros. Spain is also the reigning women’s World Champion. The nation’s footballing infrastructure, its emphasis on possession-based football, and its commitment to player development are the foundations of its continued success. The assembly line of coaches it produces and players it exports make the nation a true powerhouse.

The future looks bright for Spanish football. The current squad is young and talented, and the depth of talent in the country is remarkable. The team’s victory is a testament to the power of the collective. It is a reminder that football is a team sport, and that success is built on a foundation of teamwork, discipline, and a shared philosophy. Spain’s triumph will be remembered as a masterclass in collective excellence.

Q&A Section

1. What were the key statistical indicators of Spain’s dominance in the World Cup final?

Spain dominated on all key parameters. They had 60.2% possession, completed 878 passes to Argentina’s 476, and had a pass completion rate of 90%. Spain attempted 20 shots to Argentina’s 2 and had an expected goals (xG) of 2.52, compared to Argentina’s 0.07. Spain’s goalkeeper did not make a single save, while Argentina’s made 11 saves [citation:original text].

2. What does “field tilt” measure and how did it reflect Spain’s performance?

Field tilt measures possession in the attacking third, which is the part of the pitch nearest the opponent’s goal. It captures which side controlled the ball in the zones that most directly threaten the goal. Spain had a field tilt of 84.5%, while Argentina had just 15.5%, reflecting Spain’s complete control of the game in the final third [citation:original text].

3. Who were the standout players for Spain in the final?

Rodri won the Golden Ball and led the press with relentless running while distributing from deep. Pau Cubarsi, the Young Player of the Tournament, made line-breaking passes from defence. Marc Cucurella covered the most distance (13.3 km) and made the most sprints (59) [citation:original text].

4. How did Argentina’s performance in the final compare to its earlier matches?

Argentina’s performance in the final was dire, and the team was completely outplayed. Lionel Messi had a quiet farewell, and his team’s behaviour was petulant. Argentina managed just 2 shots, both off target, and had a field tilt of just 15.5%. The red card to Enzo Fernández further hampered their efforts [citation:original text].

5. What is the significance of Spain’s victory in the context of its footballing history?

The win cemented Spain’s position as the pre-eminent footballing force of the first quarter of this century. Starting 2008, the country has won two of the five World Cups and three of the five Euros. Spain is also the reigning women’s World Champion. It is a testament to the nation’s footballing infrastructure, its emphasis on possession-based football, and its commitment to player development .

Decoding India’s Inflation Surge: A Structuralist Perspective

By Rohit Azad and Indranil Chowdhury
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Inflation, except during the COVID-19 pandemic, has remained relatively low in India for over a decade. But it is back with a bang. Wholesale Price Index (WPI) inflation is hovering close to 10% in June (Chart 1a). After remaining low – negative, or close to 0 – until December last year, the climb started with a sharp jump since March this year [citation:original text].

India’s recent inflation surge has been mainly driven by higher fuel costs and food price pressures rather than excess demand; food inflation stems largely from supply shocks such as poor monsoons, while rising oil prices have pushed up production costs and manufactured goods inflation [citation:original text]. Even those with only a fleeting connection to economies believe that prices rise when demand outpaces supply (overheating), and vice versa. But is that really the case? [citation:original text]

The Kaleckian Framework: Understanding Structural Differences in Pricing

Before we go into the causes, let us look at what contributed to this rise in WPI inflation in the first place. The WPI is a weighted average of three sub-categories of commodities: primary articles (food, minerals, etc.), fuel and power and manufactured products. Chart 1b shows the contribution of each to total WPI inflation. The latter two – the orange and the red bars – have contributed to this dramatic jump in recent months. Fuel and power prices require little explanation as they are determined by oil prices purchased from abroad and are essentially imported prices. However, primary commodity and manufactured product prices need to be understood [citation:original text].

The Polish economist Michal Kalecki argued that while primary commodity prices are demand-determined, industrial prices are cost-determined. In other words, inflation of industrial commodities is not determined by a demand and supply mismatch. Come to think of it, this is commonsensical if you leave aside the quintessential demand-supply curves out of your head. After all, prices of cars, cycles, or toothbrushes do not fluctuate with a change in their demand. If more cars are demanded, more are produced and supplied to the customer instead of increasing the price. Prices of tomatoes or mangoes, on the other hand, vary quite significantly with a mismatch between demand and supply [citation:original text].

Viewed this way, the demand and supply curves need to be reconstructed. For primary commodities, supply is virtually fixed, represented by a vertical curve on the quantity axis, whereas demand follows the usual downward sloping curve. A decline in supply will increase its prices. In the case of food, for example, a bad monsoon will affect production adversely, thereby decreasing supply and increasing its prices. A good monsoon, on the other hand, will bring the prices down. Inflation here is demand-pull [citation:original text].

For the manufactured commodities, the supply curve is flat, which means a rise or a fall in demand will bring about an equivalent supply of such commodities with no change in their prices. Again, the reason is simple. Most such commodities, except in cases of supply constraints, are produced in factories that run below capacity, so an increase in their demand simply increases their production. Demand here, quite opposite to the earlier case, has no role to play in determining their prices. Prices are determined instead by the cost of production. The supply curve is nothing but a profit markup over the cost (the vertical difference between supply and cost is the profit markup). A rise in the costs would push the cost curve up, and, unless the capitalists want to absorb this rise in cost through a lower markup, this would get passed on as higher prices in the market. Inflation here is purely cost-push [citation:original text].

Applying the Framework to India’s Current Inflation

Having seen this difference, let us apply this idea to the inflationary problem currently facing India. If manufactured prices are cost-determined, what do their costs depend on? While wage cost is an important component of total costs, it is usually not the factor that pushes prices up because Indian workers do not really have space to bargain for higher wages. In other words, Indian workers are mostly price-takers; they make do with what they get. It is the material costs instead, which create the inflationary impulse [citation:original text].

One of the most important materials used in the production of any industrial commodity is oil. If we plot the movement of fuel and power against the manufactured prices, we can see almost a one-to-one correspondence between the two. A rise in fuel and power prices raised the manufactured inflation as well [citation:original text]. This is precisely what has happened in the current inflationary episode. The surge in global crude oil prices, driven by the escalation of the West Asia conflict, has pushed up the cost of production for a wide range of manufactured goods. The government had initially provided some relief by reducing customs and excise duties on fuel, but the subsequent withdrawal of this measure has exacerbated the inflationary pressures.

Food prices, too, have risen. One likely reason is the adverse impact of an inadequate monsoon, as a result of the El Niño effect, on agricultural production this year [citation:original text]. Chart 3 plots data on food price inflation with years in which the country experienced droughts. In every instance, drought conditions were accompanied by a significant rise in food inflation, much in line with the Kaleckian structuralist idea. To be sure, there have been instances in which food price inflation has taken place even in the absence of such supply shocks. These could perhaps be the years of high demand. Suffice to say that a drought is a sufficient, even if not a necessary, condition for food prices to soar [citation:original text].

The current El Niño has led to a deficient monsoon in India, with rainfall in June being 40% below the long-period average. This has affected the sowing of kharif crops, leading to a decline in the area under cultivation for key food commodities. The result has been a surge in food prices, particularly for vegetables and pulses. The government’s data shows that food inflation in June rose to 5.3%, up from 3% in the first quarter of 2026. This is expected to rise further to around 7% in the October-December quarter.

The Policy Implications: Beyond the Inflation Targeting Framework

Given these structural differences, can something be done to control inflation? Let us start with the food prices. We believe food prices need to be decoupled from the vagaries of nature to the extent possible. That India solely depends on the rain gods to feed its population is in itself quite unscientific and an anachronism in the modern era of technology. The country must invest heavily in agriculture, particularly in irrigation infrastructure, which is not entirely dependent on the monsoon [citation:original text].

The government’s target of doubling farmers’ income by 2022, which has been extended to 2024, must include a substantial increase in investment in irrigation, not just in the form of large-scale projects but also in decentralized and micro-irrigation systems. The Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayee Yojana (PMKSY), which aims to improve water use efficiency, must be implemented with greater vigor and fiscal support. In addition, the government must invest in research and development to create more drought-resistant and climate-resilient crop varieties.

As for manufactured goods, controlling fuel and power costs, when crude oil prices are rising, may be difficult, but there are still ways that they can be controlled. Instead of the ill-thought-out inflation targeting framework, the government should apply a countercyclical indirect tax policy to keep fuel and power prices in check. If the government can reduce the customs and excise duties when crude prices soar, the cost at the pump can be controlled. In fact, this is exactly what the government did a few months ago, which is why pump prices were held constant despite soaring crude prices in the international markets. Unfortunately, the government has withdrawn this measure, which is one of the primary reasons WPI inflation has risen sharply [citation:original text].

The current inflation targeting framework, which focuses on controlling inflation through monetary policy tools like interest rates, is ill-suited to address the current inflationary pressures. The Reserve Bank of India’s policy rate hikes will do little to control food and fuel inflation, which are driven by supply-side factors. Instead, the government must use fiscal policy tools, such as countercyclical taxes and subsidies, to mitigate the impact of these shocks.

Conclusion: A Structuralist Approach to Inflation Control

In conclusion, India’s current inflation surge is a result of supply-side shocks, including a deficient monsoon and rising crude oil prices. The government’s response must be tailored to the structural characteristics of the Indian economy. For food prices, the focus must be on long-term investments in irrigation and climate-resilient agriculture. For manufactured goods, the government must use a countercyclical tax policy to control fuel and power prices. The inflation targeting framework, with its exclusive focus on monetary policy, is inadequate to address these challenges. A more comprehensive, structuralist approach is needed to ensure price stability while protecting the interests of consumers and producers.

Q&A Section

1. What are the primary drivers of India’s recent inflation surge?

India’s recent inflation surge has been mainly driven by higher fuel costs and food price pressures. Food inflation stems largely from supply shocks such as poor monsoons, while rising oil prices have pushed up production costs and manufactured goods inflation. The WPI inflation is hovering close to 10% in June, a sharp jump from March this year [citation:original text].

2. How does the Kaleckian framework explain the structural differences in pricing between primary commodities and manufactured goods?

The Polish economist Michal Kalecki argued that while primary commodity prices are demand-determined, industrial prices are cost-determined. For primary commodities like food, supply is virtually fixed, so a decline in supply (like a bad monsoon) increases prices. For manufactured commodities, supply is elastic, so prices are determined by the cost of production, particularly material costs like oil. Inflation in manufactured goods is purely cost-push [citation:original text].

3. What is the relationship between fuel and power prices and manufactured goods inflation?

There is almost a one-to-one correspondence between fuel and power prices and manufactured prices. A rise in fuel and power prices raises the cost of production for manufactured goods, leading to higher inflation. In the current inflationary episode, the surge in global crude oil prices has pushed up the cost of production for a wide range of manufactured goods [citation:original text].

4. How has the monsoon impacted food prices in India?

The current El Niño has led to a deficient monsoon, with rainfall in June being 40% below the long-period average. This has affected the sowing of kharif crops, leading to a decline in the area under cultivation for key food commodities. The result has been a surge in food prices, particularly for vegetables and pulses. Historical data shows that drought conditions are always accompanied by a significant rise in food inflation [citation:original text].

5. What policy measures can the government take to control inflation?

The government should invest heavily in irrigation infrastructure to decouple food prices from the vagaries of nature. For manufactured goods, the government should apply a countercyclical indirect tax policy to keep fuel and power prices in check, by reducing customs and excise duties when crude prices soar. The government had initially provided some relief by reducing duties, but the subsequent withdrawal of this measure has exacerbated inflationary pressures [citation:original text].

The Future of Speed: How Magnetic Levitation is Revolutionising High-Speed Transport

By Vasudevan Mukunth
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Maglev is a portmanteau of ‘magnetic levitation’. Instead of running on wheels, maglev technology uses strong magnetic fields to lift the train and move it forward. Since the train floats above the track, there is no rolling friction during normal operations, nor are operations affected by inclement weather, like rain or snow. The result: the train can move at extremely high speed, topping 400 km/hr, while also giving passengers a smooth ride [citation:original text].

Maglev trains are not a futuristic fantasy; they are a present-day reality, with operational systems in countries like Japan, China, and South Korea. The technology represents a paradigm shift in high-speed ground transport, offering the potential to connect cities and regions in ways that were previously unimaginable. But how does this seemingly magical technology actually work, and what are its limitations?

How is a Train Lifted? The Physics of Magnetic Levitation

Nature has four fundamental forces: the two nuclear forces, the electromagnetic force, and gravity. Of them, gravity is the weakest by far – around 10³⁹ times weaker than the electromagnetic force. This is why a small magnet can stay stuck to your fridge despite having the entire gravitational force of the earth pulling it down. The same idea applies to lifting a train weighing somewhere from 150 to 500 tonnes [citation:original text].

There are two primary technologies for achieving magnetic levitation in trains: Electromagnetic Suspension (EMS) and Electrodynamic Suspension (EDS).

Electromagnetic Suspension (EMS): Engineers get the train to float above the tracks using EMS. The train has two ‘arms’ that wrap around the guideway over which it runs. Strong electromagnets on these arms point magnetic fields up towards the protruding parts of the guideway. When these electromagnets are turned on, they exert a magnetic field that attracts them towards the guideway. As a result, the train is pushed upwards. The train is fit with sensors that help it float around 10 mm above the guideway at all times [citation:original text]. The German Transrapid system, used in the Shanghai Maglev, is a prime example of EMS technology.

Electrodynamic Suspension (EDS): In a closely related technology called EDS, there are superconducting magnets on the train that are cooled to a very low temperature. When the train moves, the magnets that move with it induce an electric current in coils built into the sides of the tracks. (The phenomenon is called electromagnetic induction.) The result is a repulsive force that pushes the train up. Since the magnets have to move to induce the current, the train often needs to be travelling at around 100 km/hr before the effect can kick in, and until then it uses wheels. The train also hovers higher above the track, at around 100 mm [citation:original text]. The Japanese SCMAGLEV system, which holds the world speed record for a maglev train, is an example of EDS technology.

But in exchange for requiring wheels, EDS can support higher speeds. EMS systems operate at around or under 500 km/hr whereas the SCMAGLEV EDS system in Japan achieved 603 km/hr during testing in 2015 [citation:original text].

How Does the Train Move Forward? The Linear Motor

The walls of the guideway are lined with coils that carry an alternating current (AC). This current creates a magnetic field that constantly shifts its poles (north to south) along the track. The magnets on the train are attracted to the ‘opposite’ pole ahead and repelled by the ‘like’ pole behind. As a result, the train is simultaneously pulled forward from the front and pushed forward from the back. And to make the train go faster, engineers just need to increase the frequency of the AC [citation:original text].

Similarly, the current is used to switch the direction of the magnetic field to slow the train or altogether stop it. This process may also use regenerative braking to divert the energy ‘saved’ by braking to the electric grid [citation:original text]. The linear motor technology used in maglev trains is also used in other applications, such as aircraft carrier catapults and factory automation systems.

If a fast-moving maglev train starts to drift, there are magnets on the sides that repel/attract accordingly to ensure it stays centered. For emergencies or when the magnetic braking fails, the system is also fit with friction brakes. They come in two forms, although there are other technologies as well. One: the maglev train is also fit with ‘regular’ auxiliary wheels, and these wheels have a braking system akin to those in other trains and cars. Two: braking pads between the guideway and the train apply friction to further slow it down [citation:original text].

The Downsides of Maglev: Cost and Infrastructure

The maglev system including the guideway cannot reuse existing guideways and stations vis-à-vis non-maglev trains. It needs its own. And this infrastructure is very expensive as the guideway needs to have magnets and coils with precision engineering [citation:original text].

The Shanghai Maglev, which was completed in 2004, cost $580 crore to ₹720 crore per kilometre (adjusted for inflation). This is excluding the cost of preparing the local terrain first – and operational costs like maintenance. Ergo, there needs to be very high and consistent passenger demand. Otherwise, the economics won’t work out [citation:original text].

On the engineering front, while there is no rolling friction, a train moving very fast – especially over 300 km/hr – experiences aerodynamic resistance due to the flow of air around the train’s body. This is why maglev trains have aerodynamic designs (which can add to the cost), including a front portion that resembles a bird’s beak [citation:original text].

Beyond Transportation: Other Applications of Maglev Technology

Maglev is essential about using magnetic fields to support or move objects – a use-case that arises in many enterprises. High-speed turbines and compressors suspend their rotating shafts in a magnetic field instead of conventional bearings, minimising mechanical contact and allowing the blades to turn faster. Similarly, modern aircraft carriers use the linear motor technology that pushes maglev trains forward to accelerate aircraft on the vessels’ runways [citation:original text].

Factory automation systems also use it to achieve the rapid, precise motion crucial in semiconductor manufacturing, food and medicine packaging, CNC machining, inspection cameras involving lasers or X-rays, and DNA sequencing, among others [citation:original text].

Scientists have also used magnetic fields to levitate biological samples, liquid droplets, molten metals, and even small animals for experiments. Following a suggestion by his wife, the British physicists Andre Geim and Michael Berry used a magnetic field to levitate a frog in 1997. This was possible because a form of magnetism called diamagnetism gives all materials a very weak magnetic field. The duo had to work out the strength of the field required to ‘cancel out’ the gravitational force exerted on the frog by the earth. Thus, they were able to get the frog to float using a 10-tesla magnet [citation:original text].

For this work the duo won an Ig Nobel Prize in 2000. Today, Geim remains the only scientist to have won both an Ig Nobel Prize and a Nobel Prize. Berry is also a noted physicist, known for his work on semi-classical physics [citation:original text].

Conclusion

Magnetic levitation technology represents a transformative leap in transportation and other industries. While the high cost of infrastructure remains a significant barrier to widespread adoption, the technology’s potential for speed, efficiency, and precision is undeniable. As the technology matures and costs come down, maglev trains could become a common sight, connecting cities and countries in ways that were once the stuff of science fiction.

Q&A Section

1. How does magnetic levitation lift a heavy train?

Magnetic levitation lifts a train using the principle of electromagnetic attraction or repulsion. In Electromagnetic Suspension (EMS), electromagnets on the train attract the train towards the guideway, lifting it. In Electrodynamic Suspension (EDS), superconducting magnets on the train induce a repulsive force from coils in the guideway, pushing the train up. The electromagnetic force is vastly stronger than gravity, making it possible to lift hundreds of tonnes [citation:original text].

2. What is the difference between Electromagnetic Suspension (EMS) and Electrodynamic Suspension (EDS)?

EMS uses electromagnets on the train to attract it towards the guideway, with the train hovering around 10 mm above the track. It operates at speeds around or under 500 km/hr. EDS uses superconducting magnets on the train to induce a repulsive force, with the train hovering around 100 mm above the track. EDS requires the train to be moving at around 100 km/hr before levitation occurs and can support higher speeds, up to 603 km/hr [citation:original text].

3. How does a maglev train move forward?

The walls of the guideway are lined with coils carrying an alternating current (AC). This creates a magnetic field that shifts its poles along the track. The magnets on the train are attracted to the opposite pole ahead and repelled by the like pole behind, simultaneously pulling and pushing the train forward. To increase speed, engineers increase the frequency of the AC [citation:original text].

4. What are the main disadvantages of maglev technology?

The main disadvantage is the high cost. Maglev systems require dedicated guideways with precision engineering, which cannot reuse existing tracks. The Shanghai Maglev cost $580 crore to ₹720 crore per kilometre, excluding land preparation and operational costs. Additionally, high-speed trains experience aerodynamic resistance, requiring aerodynamic designs that add to the cost. Maglev is only economically viable with very high and consistent passenger demand [citation:original text].

5. What are some other applications of maglev technology?

Maglev technology is used in high-speed turbines and compressors to suspend rotating shafts, allowing faster rotation. Modern aircraft carriers use linear motor technology, similar to maglev, to accelerate aircraft. Factory automation systems use it for precise motion in semiconductor manufacturing, packaging, and inspection. Scientists have also used magnetic fields to levitate biological samples and even small animals for experiments [citation:original text].

India’s Green Transition is Missing Long-Duration Energy Storage

By Aedna Kurian and Ammu Susanna Jacob
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

On May 21, India recorded its highest peak demand of 270.8 gigawatt (GW) during the day, an increase of approximately 90 GW from the same window in 2019. While power generators often meet India’s summer peak, the demand again increases at night, especially due to the use of air conditioners. This underscores the need for longer-term energy storage to ensure the grid remains reliable during prolonged periods of low solar and wind generation [citation:original text].

India’s current energy storage roadmap only offers a partial solution. The 2026 Long-Term National Resource Adequacy Plan envisages 80 GW of battery energy storage and 94 GW of pumped hydroelectric energy storage (PHES) by FY2035-36. This translates to average discharge durations of roughly 4 and 6 hours, respectively [citation:original text]. This could be enough to address short-term fluctuations but may not suffice during adverse weather conditions, such as heatwaves [citation:original text].

In this context, long-duration energy storage (LDES) technologies, which are capable of delivering power for days rather than hours, could turn out to be the missing pillar of India’s green energy transition [citation:original text].

What is Long-Duration Energy Storage (LDES)?

LDES refers to technologies that store energy and discharge it as power or thermal energy over extended periods, from 8 hours to days, weeks, or seasons [citation:original text]. By storing energy when renewable generation is abundant and supplying it during periods of peak demand or low generation, LDES can provide the reliability and flexibility to support a renewable-heavy grid [citation:original text].

Further, unlike short-duration energy storage systems, which discharge energy for less than 8 hours and smooth intra-day demand fluctuations, LDES provides the endurance needed to balance supply and demand for prolonged periods, ease grid congestion, and provide grid resilience and stability [citation:original text].

Several LDES technologies are available today, each at different stages of development and commercial readiness, including PHES, compressed-air energy storage (CAES), thermal storage, hydrogen-based storage, and flow batteries [citation:original text].

Of these, PHES remains the benchmark because of its mature infrastructure and a high energy efficiency of 70-80%. CAES has a similar level of market readiness but a slightly lower efficiency of 40-70%. Thermal storage stands out for its long discharge duration – around 200 hours – and an energy efficiency of 55-90%. However, researchers are still developing it [citation:original text].

Although chemical energy storage, such as with hydrogen, has even higher discharge durations of up to 1,000 hours, it is not efficient. Vanadium flow batteries – an example of electrochemical energy storage – are commercially ready, come in different sizes, and have an efficiency of 80-85% across durations of 10-24 hours [citation:original text]. Scientists are also working on more cutting-edge solutions like iron-air batteries. In all, the LDES landscape is diverse and worth looking forward to [citation:original text].

The Economics of Long-Duration Storage

The longer the time over which a technology discharges energy, the better its economics. At the same time, storing more energy also costs more. So for discharge durations beyond six hours, short-duration energy storage systems are unlikely to prove cost-effective [citation:original text].

The LDES Council is an international body that brings together industry leaders, technology developers, investors, policymakers, and other stakeholders to accelerate the innovation and commercialisation of LDES technologies. It has projected a significant decrease in LDES costs by 2030, making it an economically feasible storage solution [citation:original text].

According to a study by Pacific Northwest National Laboratory, a research body under the U.S. Department of Energy, PHES and CAES are the most cost-effective and commercially viable technologies at present, at $0.12/kWh and $0.10/kWh, respectively [citation:original text].

However, both technologies need specific site conditions. PHES requires two water reservoirs at different heights so that water can be pumped to the upper reservoir when surplus electricity is available and released downhill to generate power when needed. Thus, the site must have enough land for the reservoirs, an optimal height difference for the water to flow down with force, and of course water [citation:original text].

Likewise, CAES needs large underground spaces, such as salt caverns or depleted gas fields, that can safely hold high-pressure air without major leaks [citation:original text].

Where such sites are not available, other LDES options, such as hydrogen, thermal storage or vanadium flow batteries – which depend less on specific land, water, and subterranean conditions, may be more suitable [citation:original text].

India’s Position on LDES

The California Public Utilities Commission, California’s primary utility regulator responsible for overseeing electricity, natural gas, telecommunications, and other public utility services, has set an LDES procurement target of 2 GW. It has said this capacity will be deployed between 2031 and 2037 [citation:original text].

Similarly, to unlock investments and accelerate development, the U.K. has launched a financial framework for LDES that provides a safety net for investors. Among other measures, it will ensure LDES projects have a minimum revenue, even in poor market conditions [citation:original text].

Per a 2026 report by the Central Electricity Authority, India’s PHES potential is about 267 GW. The report also said India plans to install PHES projects with an aggregate capacity of 100.8 GW by 2035-2036. Of this, 11.6 GW is currently under construction [citation:original text].

In early 2025, India also launched a 160-MWh carbon dioxide battery storage system at the National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC) in Kudgi, Karnataka. It works by cycling carbon dioxide between liquid and gas phases and has an operational life exceeding 25 years. This was followed by inaugurating the country’s first MWh-scale vanadium redox flow battery system – a 3-MWh facility installation at NTPC in Greater Noida [citation:original text].

A Proposed Roadmap for LDES in India

While the Long-Term National Resource Adequacy Plan acknowledges the role of energy storage in maintaining power grid reliability, it does not specifically recognise the need for LDES. To address this gap, LDES should be incorporated into the Ministry of Power’s National Framework for Promoting Energy Storage Systems, accompanied by guidelines on its deployment and integration into grid operations [citation:original text].

Similarly, while the National Electricity Plan outlines projected capacities for battery ESS and PHES, it does not provide technology-specific assessments or deployment pathways for LDES [citation:original text].

Given the growing importance of LDES in a renewable-rich power system, future planning exercises should include estimates of LDES requirements and identify technologies best suited to India’s extreme weather and geographical conditions [citation:original text].

Faster environmental and land clearances, transmission alignment, and clear regulatory classification are also important to unlock investments [citation:original text].

The incentive structure, including subsidies and viability-gap funding, must be technology-agnostic and incentivise co-location opportunities with data centres. As the market matures, the focus must shift to long-term revenue contracts, tariff structures, and procurement frameworks [citation:original text].

Intense efforts should be made to build awareness among all stakeholders of the available LDES solutions, and their grid use cases should be presented. As part of this effort, dispatch centres should be directed to post staff for skill enhancement and training to support optimal dispatch, multi-day charge-discharge decisions, state-of-charge management across seasons, and coordination across storage assets with proper guidelines and protocols for LDES [citation:original text].

Without planning to include LDES, however, India’s clean energy future could be forced to rest on favourable weather and market conditions [citation:original text].

Q&A Section

1. What is Long-Duration Energy Storage (LDES) and why is it important for India’s energy transition?

LDES refers to technologies that store energy and discharge it over extended periods, from 8 hours to days or even seasons. It is crucial because it ensures grid reliability during prolonged periods of low solar and wind generation, such as during heatwaves or extended cloudy periods. India’s current storage roadmap focuses on short-duration batteries, which may not suffice for multi-day weather events .

2. What are the key LDES technologies and their characteristics?

The key LDES technologies include: Pumped Hydroelectric Storage (PHES), the most mature, with 70-80% efficiency and a 6-hour discharge duration. Compressed-Air Energy Storage (CAES) has 40-70% efficiency and a 6-hour duration. Thermal storage offers long discharge durations of around 200 hours and 55-90% efficiency. Hydrogen-based storage can discharge for up to 1,000 hours but is less efficient. Vanadium flow batteries are commercially ready, with 80-85% efficiency and 10-24 hour discharge durations .

3. What are the economic considerations for LDES?

The economics of LDES improve with longer discharge durations. Short-duration storage becomes cost-ineffective for durations beyond six hours. The LDES Council projects significant cost reductions by 2030. Currently, PHES and CAES are the most cost-effective at $0.12/kWh and $0.10/kWh, but they require specific site conditions like water reservoirs or underground caverns. Alternative technologies like hydrogen and flow batteries depend less on these conditions .

4. What is India’s current status on LDES deployment?

India has identified a PHES potential of 267 GW and plans to install 100.8 GW by 2035-36, of which 11.6 GW is under construction. The country has also launched pilot projects, including a 160-MWh CO₂ battery in Karnataka and a 3-MWh vanadium flow battery in Greater Noida. However, current planning documents do not specifically recognize the need for LDES, focusing instead on short-duration storage .

5. What steps should India take to integrate LDES into its energy roadmap?

India should incorporate LDES into the Ministry of Power’s National Framework for Promoting Energy Storage Systems. Future planning exercises should include estimates of LDES requirements and identify suitable technologies. Faster clearances, clear regulatory classification, technology-agnostic incentives, and awareness building among stakeholders are essential. Dispatch centres should be trained for optimal LDES operation to ensure grid stability .

Security Meets Ecology: The BSF’s Sundarbans Fencing Dilemma

By Divya Gandhi
Bengaluru, July 22, 2026

Just a few months after the Border Security Force (BSF) explored the curious prospect of releasing snakes and crocodiles into rivers on the Indo-Bangladesh border to deter “illegal activities”, it has now initiated another controversial feasibility study for a project to safeguard the area [citation:original text].

As The Hindu reported, the BSF is mulling installing physical fences along a 90-km stretch of the Sundarbans mangrove, habitat to rich flora and fauna, including the iconic tiger that swims in the brackish water [citation:original text]. Installing physical fences here is going to be no easy task as the thick mangrove forests, creeks, and swamps make it inaccessible [citation:original text]. The government has also sanctioned the construction of flood-light illuminated fences – a non-physical barrier – according to reports [citation:original text].

The Sundarbans, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, is one of the most biodiverse regions on the planet. It is home to the Royal Bengal Tiger, saltwater crocodiles, various species of deer, and countless birds and marine life. The region also sustains the livelihoods of millions of people who depend on its resources. The proposal to erect a fence in this ecologically sensitive area has sparked a fierce debate between security imperatives and environmental conservation.

The BSF’s Rationale: Security vs. Ecology

The BSF’s primary mandate is to secure India’s borders. The Indo-Bangladesh border in the Sundarbans is a porous one, with numerous river channels and creeks that can be easily crossed. The BSF’s argument is that a physical fence is necessary to prevent “illegal activities” such as smuggling, human trafficking, and illegal immigration.

The Sundarbans Wildlife Sanctuary will “remain touched” by the fencing, one BSF official told The Hindu, adding that the structures will not affect the area’s biodiversity as it is being envisaged for the banks of the Ichamati river in the Sundarbans [citation:original text]. The official also said all those who lose their land in the process will be compensated [citation:original text].

The government’s argument is that the need for border security outweighs ecological concerns. However, critics argue that the BSF’s proposals have been inconsistent and poorly thought out. The earlier proposal to release snakes and crocodiles was widely ridiculed and condemned by environmentalists, and the current proposal for a physical fence has been met with similar skepticism.

The Ecological Concerns: A Threat to Biodiversity

One scientist familiar with the Sundarbans has expressed fear that the fence will adversely affect the movement of deer, wild boar, crocodiles, and tigers, all of which constantly cross rivers and sandbanks [citation:original text]. Megnaa Mehtta, an assistant professor in social anthropology at University College London, said, “I’m not sure why the Ichamati would be out of bounds to them… It is like any other river or forest sandbank” [citation:original text].

The Sundarbans is a dynamic ecosystem, with tidal rivers, mudflats, and mangrove forests that are constantly changing. A physical fence would disrupt the natural movement of wildlife, fragmenting habitats and isolating populations. The Royal Bengal Tiger, for example, is known to swim across rivers and creeks in search of prey and territory. A fence could impede these movements, leading to genetic isolation and an increased risk of human-tiger conflict.

The idea of a fence in the flood ecology of the Sundarbans is a colossal waste of government resources, both funds and labour, Dr. Mehtta added: “In an area that requires several other fundamental infrastructural improvements, this should certainly not be a priority for the government” [citation:original text]. She also pointed out that decades of research in the area has shown that this is not a common route for any form of antisocial infiltration or one that could be a threat to the security of the nation. Border crossings will continue, but because of the fence, they will become even more “risky”, she added [citation:original text].

The Socio-Economic Impact: Dispossession and Displacement

Previous attempts at acquiring land, for example for building embankments, have resulted in dispossessing already vulnerable populations from their homes. And in most cases, rehabilitation was not provided [nor] was any financial compensation, according to Dr. Mehtta [citation:original text]. The proposed fencing project would likely require the acquisition of land from local communities, many of whom are already living on the margins. This could lead to further displacement and dispossession, exacerbating poverty and social conflict.

The local communities depend on the Sundarbans for their livelihoods, including fishing, honey collection, and timber. A fence would restrict their access to these resources, pushing them further into poverty. The government’s promise of compensation is unlikely to be sufficient, and the process is likely to be fraught with delays and corruption.

The Counter-Argument: A Need for Regulatory Control

On the other hand, Krishna Ray, associate professor of the department of botany, West Bengal State University, said the area chosen for the fencing need not necessarily present problems for either the local fishers or biodiversity [citation:original text]. “Being a porous border area, it should be well protected,” Dr. Ray told The Hindu. “In my opinion, fencing in non-protected areas along the Bangladesh border might not harm the ecosystem very much, if the BSF people took care of the mangroves on shoreline and wildlife while setting up their fencing” [citation:original text].

He “welcomed” the fencing because he said he believes in regulatory control. “At present I do not think regulations are being enforced there. The mangrove ecosystem has already suffered enough from illegal fisheries and construction of over Sundarbans in nonprotected areas” [citation:original text]. This perspective highlights the complex nature of the issue, where the need for security and regulatory control must be balanced against ecological and socio-economic concerns.

The Way Forward: A Holistic Approach

The Sundarbans fencing proposal is a classic case of a conflict between security and ecology. Both are legitimate concerns, and neither can be entirely ignored. However, the current proposal appears to be a knee-jerk reaction that fails to adequately consider the ecological and socio-economic consequences.

A more holistic approach is needed. Instead of a physical fence, the government could explore non-intrusive surveillance technologies, such as drones, thermal cameras, and motion sensors. These technologies could provide effective border security without disrupting the natural movement of wildlife or displacing local communities.

If a physical fence is deemed necessary, it should be carefully designed to minimize its impact on wildlife. This could include wildlife crossings, such as underpasses or bridges, that allow animals to move freely between habitats. The government should also ensure that affected communities are adequately compensated and rehabilitated, with their livelihoods protected.

The Sundarbans is a unique and irreplaceable ecosystem that is already under immense pressure from climate change, sea-level rise, and human activities. The government should proceed with extreme caution and ensure that any security measures are implemented in a manner that is sustainable, equitable, and respectful of the environment.

Q&A Section

1. What is the BSF’s proposed fencing project in the Sundarbans?

The Border Security Force (BSF) is considering installing physical fences along a 90-km stretch of the Sundarbans mangrove forest on the Indo-Bangladesh border. The project includes the installation of flood-light illuminated fences as a non-physical barrier. The BSF argues that this is necessary to prevent “illegal activities” such as smuggling and human trafficking .

2. What are the main ecological concerns regarding the proposed fence?

Environmentalists and scientists fear that the fence will disrupt the natural movement of wildlife, including deer, wild boar, crocodiles, and the iconic Royal Bengal Tiger, which frequently swims across rivers and sandbanks. The fence could fragment habitats, isolate populations, and increase the risk of human-tiger conflict. The Sundarbans is a dynamic, flood-prone ecosystem, and a physical fence would be out of place and potentially harmful .

3. What are the socio-economic implications of the fencing project?

The project could require the acquisition of land from local communities, leading to displacement and dispossession. Previous land acquisition projects in the area have often failed to provide adequate compensation or rehabilitation, pushing already vulnerable populations further into poverty. The fence would also restrict local communities’ access to resources like fish and honey, on which their livelihoods depend .

4. What is the counter-argument in favor of the fencing project?

Some experts, like Krishna Ray, argue that fencing non-protected areas might not harm the ecosystem if the BSF takes care of the mangroves and wildlife. He believes that regulatory control is needed because the area is already suffering from illegal fisheries and construction, and the fence could help enforce regulations. He also points out that the porous border needs better protection .

5. What are the alternatives to a physical fence in the Sundarbans?

Instead of a physical fence, the government could explore non-intrusive surveillance technologies like drones, thermal cameras, and motion sensors. If a physical fence is unavoidable, it could be designed with wildlife crossings, such as underpasses or bridges, to allow animals to move freely. The government should also ensure that affected communities are adequately compensated and their livelihoods protected .

The Anatomy of Dissent: Tear Gas, Lathi, and the Question of Sabka Vishwas

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

The abundant images on Monday—of thousands of mostly young and mostly peaceful protestors facing barricades and lathi charge and tear gas shells in the heart of the national capital — were stark and dispiriting. They indict the government. The protestors were reportedly responding to the call of the satirical online platform, the Cockroach Janta Party, to march to Parliament. The CJP has been conducting a sit-in protest since June 20 at Jantar Mantar, from where education and environment activist Sonam Wangchuk, fasting since June 28, was taken to a hospital, Saturday, forcibly. But the protestors were arguably responding to more than one fast or one platform. They were rallying behind the issue that is being highlighted — the urgent need to reform a broken education system, beset with exam leaks, delays and irregularities, which leads, in turn, to swelling the ranks of the unemployed [citation:original text].

In a country of the young, the recent episode of the NEET cancellation and retest has touched a raw nerve, sparking larger anxieties about the shape of an uncertain future, and lack of readiness to meet its challenges [citation:original text]. The Centre looks harsh and unyielding towards the young protesters, and insensitive on an issue that ripples widely. It kept its back turned, eyes wide shut. It took three weeks to break its silence with a meeting on Monday between Minister J P Nadda and spokesperson of the CJP. It is, of course, far from clear whether the meeting translates into reform and accountability [citation:original text].

The Cockroach Janta Party: A Satirical Voice for a Disenfranchised Generation

The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) is a satirical online platform that has emerged as a powerful voice for India’s disenfranchised youth. Its name is a deliberate, self-deprecating choice, reflecting the perception of young people as being treated like pests by the political establishment. The CJP’s primary demand is the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over alleged irregularities in examinations like NEET, CBSE, CUET, and SSC. The movement has tapped into a vein of youth who are disenchanted with the political elite.

India has what’s called a demographic dividend: youth aged 15-29 make up 27% of the population, translating into about 371 million people—the largest youth demographic in the world. Yet, as CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke argued, “We had a great opportunity to turn this young population into a workforce but the government has failed to do so because it has misplaced priorities.” The trigger for the protests was the NEET controversy, where two million students were forced to rewrite the exam after it was revealed that test questions had been widely leaked.

The CJP’s protest at Jantar Mantar, which began on June 20, was a peaceful sit-in. It was a space for young people to express their frustration and demand accountability. However, the government’s response was not to engage in dialogue, but to use force. The arrest of activists, the lathi charge, and the use of tear gas were a heavy-handed response to a peaceful protest, and they sent a clear message: dissent will not be tolerated.

Sonam Wangchuk: The Moral Authority and the Forcible Removal

The situation was further inflamed by the forcible removal of Sonam Wangchuk from the protest site. Wangchuk, a respected education and environment activist, had been fasting since June 28 in support of the CJP’s demands. His presence at Jantar Mantar lent moral authority to the protest. His forcible removal on Saturday, after his health had deteriorated, was seen by many as a deliberate attempt to silence him.

On Monday, a meeting was held between Minister J P Nadda and the CJP’s spokesperson. This was a belated attempt to open a dialogue. However, the government’s actions had already sent a clear message: it was more interested in suppressing dissent than in listening to it.

The Education System in Crisis: Leaks, Delays, and Irregularities

The protests are not just about one exam or one minister. They are about a systemic crisis in India’s education system. The NEET cancellation and retest is a symptom of a deeper problem. The system is beset with exam leaks, delays, and irregularities, which erode public trust and create a sense of hopelessness among young people.

The education system is failing to prepare young people for the workforce. There is a mismatch between the skills that are being taught and the skills that are needed. This leads to a situation where millions of young people are unemployed or underemployed, despite having degrees. The government’s response to this crisis has been inadequate. It has focused on superficial measures, like building more schools and colleges, while neglecting the quality of education and the need for skill development.

The Right to Dissent: A Fundamental Constitutional Right

On the interlinked matters of shiksha and berozgari, education and unemployment, the government needs to recognise that it cannot keep kicking the can down the road. It must acknowledge, also, that citizens have the right to place demands on it, to disagree with it and to protest peacefully. In letter and spirit, the Constitution guarantees citizens both the freedom to speak and the space to be heard. Over the last 12 years or so, however, the government’s instinct has been to distrust and demonise those who express dissent, to reflexively label them “anti-national”. It favours a top-down, one-way communication that does not involve listening and responding [citation:original text].

The government’s heavy-handed response to the CJP protest is a violation of this fundamental right. It is a dangerous precedent that stifles dissent and undermines democracy. The state has a duty to protect the rights of its citizens, including the right to peaceful assembly and expression. Instead, it chose to use force to suppress a legitimate protest.

The Way Forward: Rebuilding Trust and Accountability

The government must make amends by building on the dialogue initiated on Monday. It must acknowledge the legitimacy of the protesters’ concerns and take concrete steps to address the crisis in the education system. The government needs to recognize that it cannot keep kicking the can down the road [citation:original text].

The government must also restore its commitment to the principle of “sabka vishwas” (everyone’s trust). A government that has, through its serial electoral successes, underlined its connect with the people can ill afford to stand in their way when they demand a hearing in between elections [citation:original text]. It must create a culture of listening and responding to dissent, rather than demonizing and suppressing it. The use of force against peaceful protestors is a sign of weakness, not strength. The government must earn the trust of the people by demonstrating that it is responsive to their needs and concerns.

Q&A Section

1. What was the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) protesting about?

The CJP was conducting a sit-in protest at Jantar Mantar demanding the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over alleged irregularities in examinations like NEET, CBSE, CUET, and SSC. The protest was a response to the systemic crisis in India’s education system, including exam leaks, delays, and irregularities, which lead to unemployment among the youth .

2. What was the government’s response to the CJP’s protest?

The government responded with force, using lathi charges and tear gas shells against peaceful protesters. The government also forcibly removed Sonam Wangchuk, a fasting activist, from the protest site. It took three weeks to break its silence with a meeting between Minister J P Nadda and the CJP’s spokesperson .

3. What is the significance of Sonam Wangchuk’s protest?

Sonam Wangchuk is a respected education and environment activist who has been fasting since June 28 in support of the CJP’s demands. His presence at Jantar Mantar lent moral authority to the protest. His forcible removal was seen as a deliberate attempt to silence dissent. His wife alleged that the government was “afraid” of the protest and was trying to prevent it from gaining momentum .

4. What are the broader issues behind the CJP’s protest?

The protest is not just about one exam or one minister. It is about a systemic crisis in India’s education system, including exam leaks, delays, and irregularities, which erode public trust and create a sense of hopelessness among young people. The government’s response to this crisis has been inadequate, focusing on superficial measures while neglecting the quality of education and skill development .

5. What is the government’s approach to dissent, and what are its implications?

The government has an instinct to distrust and demonise those who express dissent, reflexively labeling them “anti-national”. It favors a top-down, one-way communication that does not involve listening and responding. This approach stifles dissent and undermines democracy, as it violates the fundamental right to peaceful assembly and expression, and erodes the principle of “sabka vishwas” .

Up in the Sky, It’s a Bird, It’s AI: When Artificial Intelligence Blurs the Lines of Scientific Truth

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

A bird is merely a bird until it is spotted outside its natural range. Then it becomes a sign to be decoded. A photograph taken in Brazil of a red-winged blackbird, which is native to North and Central America, was recently posted on an online forum, leading to much speculation among scientists about what its unusual presence could possibly mean. Was it a vagrant, blown off course by some miscalculation of its internal GPS? Or an indicator of how greater forces — climate change, habitat destruction, etc. — were impacting the behaviour of different species? A little detective work helped uncover the truth: The photographer who had submitted the image had captured an epaulet oriole, common in Brazil, and asked an AI platform to make the picture “look better”, resulting in a single modified detail — and a false sighting [citation:original text].

This incident, seemingly trivial, is a powerful illustration of a growing problem in the scientific community. A recent article in Nature argues that this is precisely the kind of “AI slop” that is making life difficult for scientists who rely on public tracking platforms to study wildlife: Not the obviously fake images of tigers in the savannah or parakeets in the Arctic, but the subtly manipulated ones that just might — and often do — pass for documentary evidence [citation:original text].

The study of nature is not merely about pretty pictures or awe-inspiring vistas. It is about understanding ecological shifts that often portend changes in the world humans inhabit, from warming temperatures and disappearing habitats to the spread of disease and invasive species [citation:original text]. While many wildlife photographers use technology to tweak certain parts of a photograph in order to get the “perfect” image, AI tools, with their tendency to add or “hallucinate” details, can, literally and figuratively, lead researchers on a wild-goose chase. Because in science, even the smallest fabrication can end up obscuring a larger truth [citation:original text].

The Nature of AI Slop: The Subtle Fabrication

The term “AI slop” refers to low-quality, often misleading, content generated by artificial intelligence. In the context of wildlife observation, it refers to manipulated images that are not obviously fake but contain subtle alterations that can deceive even experts. These alterations can include changes in color, pattern, or even the addition of features that are not present in the original image.

The red-winged blackbird incident is a perfect example. The photographer had a genuine image of an epaulet oriole. He asked an AI platform to “make the picture look better.” The AI, in its quest to enhance the image, added a small detail that transformed the oriole into a red-winged blackbird. This single modification, a subtle change in the bird’s plumage, was enough to mislead scientists and create a false sighting.

The problem is not just about photographers seeking perfection. It is about the growing availability and sophistication of AI tools that make such manipulation easy and accessible. Anyone with a smartphone and an internet connection can now create images that are indistinguishable from reality. This poses a significant challenge to scientists who rely on public tracking platforms, such as eBird, to collect data on species distribution and behavior.

The Scientific Cost: Misinformation and False Sightings

The consequences of AI slop are far-reaching. False sightings can lead to wasted resources, as scientists and conservationists may spend time and money investigating a non-existent phenomenon. They can also distort our understanding of ecological patterns, leading to incorrect conclusions about the impact of climate change, habitat loss, and other environmental pressures.

For example, a false sighting of a rare bird could lead to the designation of a new conservation area, diverting resources from areas with genuine ecological significance. It could also lead to the misallocation of funding for research on a non-existent population.

The problem is compounded by the fact that scientists often rely on public participation in data collection. Platforms like eBird, iNaturalist, and eButterfly rely on citizen scientists to submit observations. While the vast majority of these observations are genuine and valuable, the potential for AI-generated misinformation is a growing concern.

The Global Effort: Combating AI-Generated Misinformation

The scientific community is not ignoring this issue. A multi-national team of researchers has developed an AI-driven tool designed to detect AI-generated misinformation in online content, with the goal of supporting fact-checkers . Researchers have also been exploring the use of machine learning to identify patterns in the text of fake news and misinformation . However, the challenge is immense. AI models are constantly evolving, becoming more sophisticated and more difficult to detect.

The International Scientific Council (ISC) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) have been at the forefront of advocating for the development of AI tools to combat misinformation . The UN has also adopted a resolution on “Seizing the opportunities of safe, secure and trustworthy artificial intelligence systems for sustainable development,” which calls for international cooperation to address the risks of AI-generated misinformation . The Global Initiative on Information Integrity (GI) for Climate Action, launched by the UN Secretary-General in 2024, aims to address the escalating crisis of online disinformation that is undermining climate action .

The Way Forward: Education, Verification, and Regulation

The solution is not to abandon AI tools altogether. They are powerful instruments for scientific discovery and can be used for good. Instead, the solution lies in a multi-pronged approach that includes education, verification, and regulation.

First, scientists and citizen scientists need to be educated about the potential for AI-generated misinformation. They need to be trained to critically evaluate images and other data, and to be aware of the tell-tale signs of manipulation.

Second, public tracking platforms need to implement more robust verification mechanisms. This could include the use of AI-powered detection tools to flag potentially manipulated images, as well as the development of protocols for verifying unusual sightings.

Third, there is a need for regulation. The recent uproar over Google’s AI search results telling a user to “eat at least one small rock per day” highlights the problem of AI hallucinations . However, as one commentator observed, the problem is not just Google, but the broader ecosystem of AI and its integration into our lives . Governments and international organizations need to develop frameworks to regulate the use of AI, ensuring that it is used responsibly and ethically.

Conclusion: Protecting the Integrity of Science

The incident of the red-winged blackbird in Brazil is a cautionary tale. It is a reminder that science is a human endeavor, and that it is vulnerable to human error and deception. The rise of AI presents a new and significant challenge to the integrity of science.

However, it is a challenge that can be met. With education, vigilance, and regulation, we can protect the integrity of scientific data and ensure that the study of nature continues to provide us with the knowledge we need to understand and protect our planet.

Q&A Section

1. What is the problem of “AI slop” as described in the article?

“AI slop” refers to low-quality, often misleading, content generated by artificial intelligence. In the context of wildlife observation, it refers to manipulated images that are not obviously fake but contain subtle alterations that can deceive even experts. These alterations can include changes in color, pattern, or the addition of features that are not present in the original image, leading to false sightings and misinformation .

2. How did a photograph of a red-winged blackbird in Brazil mislead scientists?

A photographer captured an image of an epaulet oriole, common in Brazil, and asked an AI platform to “make the picture look better.” The AI, in its quest to enhance the image, added a small detail that transformed the oriole into a red-winged blackbird, which is native to North and Central America. This subtle modification led to much speculation among scientists about what its unusual presence could mean, until it was discovered that the image had been manipulated .

3. What are the consequences of AI-generated misinformation for scientific research?

False sightings can lead to wasted resources, as scientists and conservationists may spend time and money investigating a non-existent phenomenon. They can also distort our understanding of ecological patterns, leading to incorrect conclusions about the impact of climate change, habitat loss, and other environmental pressures. The problem is compounded by the fact that scientists often rely on public participation in data collection, making verification challenging .

4. What is the global effort to combat AI-generated misinformation?

A multi-national team of researchers has developed an AI-driven tool designed to detect AI-generated misinformation in online content. The International Scientific Council (ISC) and UNESCO have advocated for the development of AI tools to combat misinformation. The UN has adopted a resolution on “Seizing the opportunities of safe, secure and trustworthy artificial intelligence systems for sustainable development,” which calls for international cooperation to address the risks of AI-generated misinformation .

5. What is the way forward to protect the integrity of science from AI-generated misinformation?

The solution lies in a multi-pronged approach that includes education, verification, and regulation. Scientists and citizen scientists need to be educated about the potential for AI-generated misinformation. Public tracking platforms need to implement more robust verification mechanisms. There is also a need for regulation to ensure that AI is used responsibly and ethically .

Football Wasn’t the Main Character in This World Cup, But Spain’s Victory Was Poetic

By Mihir Vasavda
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

The best thing about Spain winning the World Cup was that it finally put an end to the conspiracy theories. For a month, social media had convinced itself that FIFA was determined to deliver Lionel Messi one last fairytale – something even Donald Trump joked about on the eve of the final. Spain’s victory, by completely outlasting the previous holders, settled that argument [citation:original text].

Then came the final whistle. A mass confrontation. Tempers spilling over. Players being kicked and pushed, Argentina petulantly turning their backs on the trophy presentation. More headlines about what happened after the game than what happened during it [citation:original text]. It was, in many ways, the perfect ending to a World Cup that rarely allowed football to be the main character [citation:original text].

Every tournament has its defining image. Maradona lifting the trophy in 1986. Ronaldo’s redemption in 2002. Zinedine Zidane’s headbutt in 2006. Iniesta in Johannesburg. Germany’s demolition of Brazil. Messi in Doha. What will 2026 be remembered for? Spain’s triumph will feature somewhere in the conversation. But so will refereeing controversies, mass confrontations, cynical football, bloated expansion, a four-quarter, made-for-television experiment and an uncomfortable feeling that, for the first time, football’s soul was fighting for space inside its own World Cup [citation:original text].

The Controversies: When Referees Became Bigger Stars Than Players

The referees became bigger stars than many players. Almost every knockout round ended with fresh outrage. VAR decisions were dissected frame by frame before the football itself. Germany’s penalty shootout defeat to Paraguay generated as much debate over officiating as over Paraguay’s remarkable escape. Argentina’s route to the final fuelled endless accusations of preferential treatment. Even Norway’s clash with England descended into a debate over perception versus reality, in which everybody was left asking a strangely modern football question — should they believe their own eyes or the machine? Whether those theories had merit almost became irrelevant. The perception itself overshadowed the football [citation:original text].

This was a World Cup where the integrity of the game was constantly questioned. The use of VAR, which was supposed to bring clarity and justice, often became a source of confusion and frustration. The decisions of the referees were scrutinized endlessly, with every call being analyzed and debated. The tournament became a battleground for conspiracy theories, with accusations of bias and favoritism flying in all directions.

The Football: Intensity Confused with Aggression

Then there was the football itself. Intensity has always been part of the World Cup’s appeal. But too often, this tournament confused aggression with competitiveness. The France–Paraguay round of 16 was the clearest example. So were Argentina’s semifinals and finals. That pattern repeated itself throughout the tournament. Teams increasingly realized they didn’t have to outplay better opponents. They simply had to drag them into trench warfare [citation:original text]. The World Cup has always celebrated emotion. This one often celebrated attrition [citation:original text].

The tournament was characterized by cynical football, with teams resorting to fouls and gamesmanship to disrupt the flow of the game. The beautiful game was often overshadowed by a more pragmatic, and at times ugly, approach. This was a World Cup where the result was often more important than the performance, and where the end justified the means.

The Expansion: Democracy or Dilution?

Then came FIFA’s great experiment. The 48-team tournament was sold as football’s democratisation. More countries. More representation. More dreams. Instead, it often delivered more predictability [citation:original text]. Yes, there were fresh faces. Cape Verde became one of the stories of the group stage. But even that came with an important caveat. They weren’t a romantic underdog who had stumbled into the World Cup. They had topped their African qualifying group and earned their place on merit. But apart from their run to the Round of 32, the tournament provided few eye-catching results and largely stuck to the script [citation:original text].

The format promised more Morocco. Instead, it produced more mismatches. And by half largely rested itself to football’s established order. Expansion was supposed to create chaos. Instead, it insulated the elite. Bigger nations now had more room for error than ever before [citation:original text]. Which raises an uncomfortable question: If 48 teams reduced jeopardy, what exactly will 64, being mulled for 2030, achieve? Football’s greatest tournament has always been ruthless. One bad evening could send giants home. That sense of danger has slowly been diluted [citation:original text].

The Commercialization: When Football Sold Its Soul

Hovering over all of it was another question. What exactly was America adding to football that football didn’t already possess? Football has spent decades teaching the United States how to love the game. This World Cup often looked like America trying to teach football how to entertain when the sport has never needed help creating drama. Its greatest moments are built on anticipation. A silent stadium before a penalty. Forty-five uninterrupted minutes where the game belongs entirely to the players [citation:original text].

This tournament occasionally looked as though it didn’t trust football enough to stand on its own. And once commercial logic begins reshaping tradition, where does it stop? Today, it is extended ceremonies and endless entertainment. Tomorrow, will cooling breaks become permanent television inventory? Will football’s sacred two halves one day give way to quarters because broadcasters discover another advertising opportunity? [citation:original text]

The tournament was marked by commercial gimmicks that detracted from the purity of the game. The hydration breaks, the half-time shows, and the four-quarter experiment were all designed to maximize television revenue, but they came at the expense of the footballing experience. The game was being packaged and sold as a product, rather than being celebrated as a sport.

Spain’s Victory: A Poetic Reminder

Which is why Spain’s triumph felt almost poetic. While everyone else argued with referees, surrounded officials, fought opponents, debated formats and embraced spectacle, Spain simply played football. No theatrics. No chaos. No reliance on one superstar. Just intelligent movement, technical excellence and collective brilliance [citation:original text]. Their victory was a reminder that football’s greatest attraction has never been controversy or commerce. It is the game itself [citation:original text].

Spain’s victory was a victory for the beautiful game. It was a reminder that football, at its best, is a sport of skill, strategy, and teamwork. It was a victory for the purists who believe that the game should be decided by the players on the pitch, not by the referees, the officials, or the television executives.

Fittingly, Spain will be waiting when the World Cup returns in 2030 as one of its co-hosts. After a tournament where the sport often seemed buried beneath the noise, perhaps there is no better nation to help bring it back to centre stage [citation:original text].


Q&A Section

1. What controversies overshadowed the 2026 World Cup?

The 2026 World Cup was overshadowed by refereeing controversies, mass confrontations, cynical football, bloated expansion, a four-quarter, made-for-television experiment, and a feeling that football’s soul was fighting for space inside its own tournament. VAR decisions were dissected endlessly, leading to accusations of preferential treatment, and the football itself often took a backseat to the drama .

2. How did the 48-team expansion affect the tournament?

The 48-team expansion was supposed to democratize the tournament, but it often delivered more predictability. While there were some new faces like Cape Verde, the tournament largely stuck to the script, with the established powers advancing. The format also insulated the elite, giving them more room for error and reducing the jeopardy that has always been a hallmark of the World Cup .

3. What was the impact of commercialization on the World Cup?

The tournament was marked by commercial gimmicks that detracted from the purity of the game, including extended ceremonies, hydration breaks, and a four-quarter experiment. It often looked as though the tournament didn’t trust football enough to stand on its own, and the game was being packaged as a product for television, raising concerns about where this commercialization might lead .

4. Why was Spain’s victory considered “poetic”?

Spain’s victory was poetic because they simply played football. While others argued with referees, fought opponents, and embraced spectacle, Spain relied on intelligent movement, technical excellence, and collective brilliance. Their victory was a reminder that football’s greatest attraction is the game itself, not the controversies or commerce that often surround it .

5. What does the future hold for the World Cup after 2026?

The 2026 World Cup raised concerns about the direction of the tournament. With a 48-team expansion already in place and a potential 64-team format being mulled for 2030, the fear is that the sense of danger and jeopardy that has always been a hallmark of the World Cup will continue to be diluted. However, Spain’s victory offered a reminder that the game itself is still the most important thing .

Gary Sobers Showed What Cricket After Empire Could Be

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

What did Sir Garfield St Aubrun Sobers represent? His passing, which has plunged the entire cricketing world into mourning, is more than the loss of the sport’s greatest all-rounder. We have lost arguably the last living embodiment of cricket as a source of freedom: A man who made an old, stodgy colonial sport more joyous and more human than the empire that created it [citation:original text].

If Don Bradman perfected a colonial sport organised around Britain and its dominions, then Sobers must be remembered for bringing together the Commonwealth of Cricket. Wherever he played, he changed the way cricketing excellence was understood [citation:original text]. The numbers describe several great cricketers compressed into a single body: 8,032 Test runs at 57.78, 235 wickets delivered through pace, swing, orthodox spin and wrist-spin, and 109 catches. Yet those numbers understate. Abundance was Sobers’ gift. His peers knew that he could alter the course of any match without making cricket appear laborious [citation:original text].

The Commonwealth of Cricket: A Shared Arena of Excellence

Before him, Learie Constantine had shown that a Black West Indian could be an extraordinary athlete with intelligence and charisma. George Headley, the “Black Bradman,” freed batsmanship from old racial prejudices. Frank Worrell added statesmanship, turning a fractured archipelago into a world-class team. Sobers was the culmination of their efforts. He showed that a Black man could not only bat, bowl and field as well as anyone else, but better [citation:original text].

Sobers did not merely defeat the old imperial centre; he redefined it. He demonstrated that cricket, the game of the British Empire, could be mastered and elevated by those it had colonized. He transformed the sport from a stodgy, colonial pastime into a shared arena of excellence built on freedom and joy. His legacy is a Commonwealth of Cricket held together by a certain joie de vivre [citation:original text].

The Making of a Legend: From Barbados to the World Stage

Sobers played his first Test as a left-arm spinner at 17 against England in Kingston in 1954. His first overseas tour to New Zealand two years later yielded only 81 runs in four Tests on unfamiliar green pitches. Yet a boy from Barbados had begun mastering cricket’s dispersed world. At 21, Sobers turned his maiden Test century into 365 not out at Kingston, breaking Len Hutton’s world record [citation:original text].

India was woven into Sobers’ career from the beginning. At 16, he took seven wickets on his first-class debut for Barbados against the touring Indians, prompting captain Vijay Hazare to speak of future greatness. Six years later, Sobers arrived in India as the finest young batsman in the world. He scored 557 runs at 92.83, with three centuries, as the West Indies won 3–0. Across two home series and two away against India, Sobers made an astounding 1,920 Test runs at 83.47. Indian spectators responded by elevating him to the pantheon of cricketing greats [citation:original text].

In England, the old imperial game encountered Sobers first as a colonial prodigy, then as its master. In 1966 as captain, he produced perhaps the most complete series any cricketer has played: 722 runs at 103.14, 20 wickets, and 10 catches as West Indies won 3–1. He was, at once, his team’s premier batsman, opening bowler, spinner, close fielder, and towering leader [citation:original text]. His years at Nottinghamshire deepened the bond. English spectators embraced him as one of their own cricketing heroes. Not only did Sobers conquer the old imperial centre, he showed what cricket after empire could be [citation:original text].

Australia, however, was where Sobers made his deepest impression. His 132 in the tied Test at Brisbane in 1960 announced him to a cricketing public that prized audacity. The West Indies lost narrowly, but Australians embraced Worrell’s team with an affection that unsettled the racial assumptions of the White Australia era. His 254 at Melbourne in 1972 led a World XI to victory and prompted Bradman to describe it as the greatest exhibition of batting ever witnessed in Australia [citation:original text].

The Legacy: A Commonwealth of Cricket at Risk

Comparisons with Muhammad Ali illuminated as much as mislead. Sobers worked differently. He was no political saint. His appearance in Rhodesia in 1970 was a serious error, for which he later expressed regret. His revolution occurred principally on the field of play. He remade an imperial inheritance as a shared arena of excellence built on freedom and joy [citation:original text].

This is what Sobers leaves behind: A Commonwealth of Cricket held together by a certain joie de vivre. Yet it is also what cricket now risks taking for granted. Today, India supplies much of the game’s money and muscle. But money did not make cricket global, and money alone will not preserve it. Sobers helped rescue the game from becoming curling or croquet: An obscure inheritance guarded by White men and sustained by nostalgia. By elevating those around him, he elevated the sport in ways that future generations should never forget [citation:original text].

The passing of Gary Sobers is not just the loss of a cricketing legend. It is the loss of a symbol of what cricket could be: a sport that transcends boundaries, celebrates diversity, and unites people from all walks of life. His legacy is a reminder that the game’s true value lies not in the money it generates, but in the joy it brings and the bonds it creates.


Q&A Section

1. What was Gary Sobers’ most significant contribution to cricket?

Sobers’ most significant contribution was his role in bringing together the Commonwealth of Cricket. He showed that cricket, a colonial sport, could be mastered and elevated by those it had colonized. He transformed the sport into a shared arena of excellence built on freedom and joy, demonstrating that a Black man could not only play as well as anyone else, but better [citation:original text].

2. What were some of Sobers’ most remarkable cricketing achievements?

Sobers scored 8,032 Test runs at 57.78, took 235 wickets, and held 109 catches. He broke Len Hutton’s world record with 365 not out. In the 1966 series against England, he scored 722 runs at 103.14, took 20 wickets, and 10 catches. His 254 at Melbourne in 1972 was described by Don Bradman as the greatest exhibition of batting ever witnessed in Australia [citation:original text].

3. How did Sobers impact Indian cricket?

India was woven into Sobers’ career from the beginning. As a 16-year-old, he took seven wickets on his first-class debut against the touring Indians. Six years later, he scored 557 runs at 92.83 in India. Across two home and two away series against India, he made 1,920 Test runs at 83.47, earning a place in the pantheon of cricketing greats in the eyes of Indian spectators [citation:original text].

4. What was the controversy surrounding Sobers’ appearance in Rhodesia?

Sobers’ appearance in Rhodesia in 1970 was a serious error for which he later expressed regret. This incident is a reminder that he was a man of his time, and his legacy is not without its complexities [citation:original text].

5. What is the relevance of Sobers’ legacy for modern cricket?

Sobers’ legacy is a reminder that cricket’s true value lies not in the money it generates but in the joy it brings and the bonds it creates. In an era where India supplies much of the game’s money and muscle, his legacy is a warning that money alone will not preserve the game’s global spirit. He helped rescue the game from becoming an obscure inheritance and elevated it in ways that future generations should never forget [citation:original text].

There Was Never One Odyssey: The Art of Storytelling Across Millennia

By Ananya Bhardwaj
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

“Tell me, Muse, of the man of many ways.” The Odyssey begins. It is a curious opening. Rather than claiming ownership over Odysseus’ story, Homer invokes the Muse, presenting himself less as an author than as the medium through which an older story is retold [citation:original text].

Before its release, I kept hearing that Christopher Nolan’s The Odyssey wasn’t “true” to the myth. But how can a myth be true to itself? [citation:original text] I first encountered Homer nearly a decade ago as a first-year English major at Delhi University. We were assigned The Iliad in translation, and many of us wondered why a translated Greek epic belonged in an English classroom at all. That question stayed with me until Professor Sunil Dua, who taught the course, slowly dismantled the assumptions behind it. The point, he argued, was never to read an “original” Homer. It was to understand how stories travel — across languages, cultures, and centuries [citation:original text].

The Oral Tradition: Stories in Motion

The Iliad and The Odyssey emerged from an oral tradition in which poets performed, improvised, and reshaped stories before audiences. The Homer we read today is the product of centuries of transmission, compilation, and translation. To ask if an adaptation is faithful to an “original” is to overlook the fact that the original itself is elusive [citation:original text].

In this tradition, there was no single, authoritative version of the story. Each bard would perform the epic differently, adding new details, emphasizing different episodes, and tailoring the story to the specific audience and occasion. The story was a living, breathing entity, constantly being reshaped and reinterpreted. It was not a fixed text to be preserved, but a dynamic performance to be experienced.

This is not a uniquely Greek phenomenon. In India, our own epics have never belonged to a single text. The Ramayana exists not only in Valmiki’s telling but also in Kamban’s Tamil version, Tulsidas’s Ramcharitmanas, tribal performances, regional adaptations, and modern reinterpretations. The Mahabharata continues to find new life in novels, theatre, and television. We rarely ask which one is the “real” epic [citation:original text]. The Javanese Ramayana, the Thai Ramakien, and the Lao Phra Lak Phra Ram are all distinct retellings that reflect the cultural contexts of their regions. In India, the Adhyatma Ramayana presents a devotional, Vedantic perspective, while the Ananda Ramayana includes humorous and folk elements. This tradition of adaptation is a testament to the enduring power of these stories.

Nolan’s The Odyssey: A Modern Retelling

Nolan’s film quietly acknowledges this history. For instance, when Telemachus (Tom Holland) journeys to Sparta to meet Menelaus (Jon Bernthal), he admits to having heard of his father’s triumphs not from written records but through the bards who sang the story of the Trojan War. Similarly, Penelope (Anne Hathaway) is sceptical throughout the film because she is unsure of which version to believe regarding Odysseus’ fate. The film repeatedly reminds us that reputation, memory, and storytelling shape the hero as much as his actions do [citation:original text].

Nolan is the latest bard in a tradition that has lasted nearly three millennia, the same tradition that allowed Homeric stories to survive in the first place. Every performance reflects the concerns of its moment. If ancient bards could reshape episodes for new audiences, why should a 21st-century filmmaker be denied the same creative freedom? [citation:original text]

The film is a modern interpretation of the epic, set against a backdrop of a post-apocalyptic world, where Odysseus is a climate scientist trying to find a solution to save humanity. The themes of the epic—nostos (homecoming), xenia (guest-friendship), and the nature of heroism—are transposed onto a contemporary setting. The film explores new questions about the role of the hero and the nature of storytelling.

The Indian Tradition: A Parallel History

For Indians, this idea should not feel unfamiliar. Our own epics have never belonged to a single text. The Ramayana exists not only in Valmiki’s telling but also in Kamban’s Tamil version, Tulsidas’s Ramcharitmanas, tribal performances, regional adaptations, and modern reinterpretations. The Mahabharata continues to find new life in novels, theatre, and television. We rarely ask which one is the “real” epic [citation:original text].

The Ramayana is a prime example of this adaptability. In the Thai Ramakien, Sita is the daughter of Ravana, and Hanuman is a different character, a white monkey who is the god of the wind. In the Javanese Ramayana, the story is influenced by the local shadow-puppet tradition, and the characters are portrayed differently. The Lao Phra Lak Phra Ram includes episodes not found in the Valmiki version. These retellings are not seen as “corruptions” of the original, but as valid interpretations that enrich the epic tradition.

Similarly, the Mahabharata continues to be reinterpreted in modern times. The TV series directed by B.R. Chopra in the 1980s became a cultural phenomenon, bringing the epic to millions of Indian households. More recently, novels like The Palace of Illusions by Chitra Banerjee Divakaruni and Ajaya by Anand Neelakantan have retold the story from the perspectives of Draupadi and the Kauravas, challenging traditional narratives and sparking new debates.

The Illusion of the “Original”

We have grown accustomed to treating literature — and, by extension, culture — as fixed objects, each with an authoritative version [citation:original text]. This is a modern preoccupation, a product of the printing press and the rise of nationalism, which has led to a desire for a single, definitive text.

But stories, especially epics, are not fixed objects. They are living traditions that evolve and adapt over time. They are shaped by the concerns of each new generation, and they reflect the cultural contexts in which they are retold. The “original” is an illusion, a convenient fiction that allows us to claim ownership over a story and to police its meaning.

Conclusion: The Enduring Power of Storytelling

Christopher Nolan’s The Odyssey is not a betrayal of Homer. It is a continuation of the tradition that Homer himself was part of. It is a reminder that stories are not meant to be preserved in amber. They are meant to be told and retold, to be adapted and reinterpreted for new audiences. This is the true power of storytelling: its ability to transcend time, culture, and medium.

Q&A Section

1. What is the central argument of the article regarding the nature of storytelling?

The article argues that there is no single, authoritative version of a story, especially a myth or an epic. The Odyssey emerged from an oral tradition where stories were performed, improvised, and reshaped by different bards. To ask if an adaptation is “faithful” to an “original” is to overlook the fact that the original itself is elusive. Stories are living traditions that evolve and adapt over time .

2. How does Christopher Nolan’s The Odyssey reflect the oral tradition?

Nolan’s film acknowledges the oral tradition by showing Telemachus learning about his father’s triumphs through the songs of bards. Penelope is skeptical throughout the film because she is unsure which version of Odysseus’ fate to believe. The film emphasizes that reputation, memory, and storytelling shape the hero as much as his actions do, aligning with the idea that stories are performed and reshaped .

3. What parallels does the article draw between the Greek epic tradition and Indian epics?

The article draws a parallel between the Greek epic tradition and Indian epics like the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. These epics have never belonged to a single text. The Ramayana exists in Valmiki’s telling, Kamban’s Tamil version, Tulsidas’s Ramcharitmanas, and numerous other regional adaptations. The Mahabharata also continues to find new life in modern novels, theatre, and television. The article suggests that we rarely ask which version is the “real” epic .

4. What is the author’s view on the concept of an “original” version of a story?

The author argues that the concept of an “original” is an illusion, a modern preoccupation that allows us to claim ownership over a story. Stories, especially epics, are living traditions that evolve and adapt over time. They are shaped by the concerns of each new generation, and they reflect the cultural contexts in which they are retold .

5. What is the significance of Homer’s invocation of the Muse at the beginning of The Odyssey?

Homer’s invocation of the Muse at the beginning of The Odyssey is significant because it presents him not as the author of the story, but as the medium through which an older story is being retold. This suggests that the story is not his creation but a tradition that predates him. This aligns with the oral tradition where stories are transmitted and reshaped by different bards over time .

Will Vikram-1 Be a Commercial Success? The Real Test of India’s Private Space Ambition

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

On July 18, a rocket built entirely inside India, funded by private capital, designed by a company that did not exist eight years ago, placed a payload into a 450 km orbit. Skyroot Aerospace’s Vikram-1 made India the third country, after the US and China, to have a privately developed orbital launch vehicle successfully reach orbit. Reaching orbit on a maiden flight is far from guaranteed, even for well-funded private ventures. Germany’s Isar Aerospace saw its Spectrum rocket fail shortly after lift-off on its own debut orbital attempt earlier in 2025. Vikram-1 got there clean, on its first try [citation:original text].

This did not happen by accident. It is the outcome of six years of deliberate policy, since the government opened the space sector to private enterprise in 2020, and of a founding team, Pawan Kumar Chandana and Naga Bharath Daka, who left ISRO to build something India had never had: a commercially owned rocket capable of taking a satellite to space on demand. The company is now India’s first space-tech unicorn, valued at $1.1 billion after backing from GIC, Sherpa io Ventures and BlackRock funds. For a country that has spent decades watching SpaceX and Rocket Lab define what commercial space access means, Vikram-1 is a genuine entry into that conversation [citation:original text].

The next question is the one that will decide what this entry is worth [citation:original text].

The Commercial Landscape: Competing on Price and Reliability

Skyroot competes in the small satellite launch segment, and that segment is already occupied by companies with years of flight history and tested pricing. Rocket Lab’s Electron carries 300 kg to orbit for roughly $7.5 million, near $25,000 per kilogram, across 79 launches by the end of 2025. Firefly Aerospace’s Alpha carries 1,030 kg for close to $15 million, near $14,560 per kg. ISRO’s own Small Satellite Launch Vehicle prices out at roughly $7,050 to $8,270 per kg for payloads of 375 kg to 525 kg. SpaceX’s Falcon 9 has pushed dedicated launch to about $3,000 per kg at maximum payload, with ride-share slots as low as $6,000-7,000 per kg for customers willing to give up control over orbit and schedule [citation:original text].

Skyroot has not published an official Vikram-1 price. Early commentary around this launch has assumed an Indian cost advantage over Electron and Alpha. That assumption remains unproven until Skyroot discloses commercial pricing. It will have to be earned, through cadence and a growing flight record, rather than claimed on the strength of one successful mission. Vikram-1 itself is rated to carry 350 kg on the orbit profile it flew for Mission Aagaman, with Skyroot’s own specifications listing up to 480 kg on lower-inclination orbits [citation:original text].

Cost per kilogram only matters if the rocket gets there. Globally, 2025 saw 329 orbital launch attempts, of which 321 reached orbit, according to Jonathan McDowell’s Jonathan’s Space Report, a reliability rate above 97 per cent, with wide variation between mature vehicles and new entrants. Rocket Lab closed out 2025 with a perfect record across 21 Electron and HASTE missions, confirmed in the company’s own year-end filing [citation:original text].

The Path to Commercial Success: Cadence and Customer Confidence

Skyroot’s leadership has already identified where the opportunity lies. The company expects only a third of demand to be domestic, with Southeast Asia, Japan, the US and Europe accounting for the rest. That international customer will choose on price, schedule reliability and insurance cost, the last of which falls only as a flight record lengthens. This is the commercial task in front of Indian private space now: convert a proud first flight into a launch cadence and a disclosed, verifiable cost per kilogram that a customer in Tokyo or Singapore chooses over Rocket Lab, on merit rather than sentiment [citation:original text].

None of this diminishes what has been built. Sovereign, on-demand access to orbit ends India’s dependence on the launch queues of other nations, a consideration that matters as much for defence and strategic communications as for commercial customers. It anchors a domestic supply chain, in carbon composites, 3D-printed propulsion and precision manufacturing, with uses well beyond rocketry. India’s own space economy is targeted to grow from $8.4 billion in 2022 to $44 billion by 2033, and Skyroot’s path to meaningful revenue runs through exactly the kind of monthly launch cadence it has yet to demonstrate. Launch economics improve with utilisation for any provider: fixed manufacturing and infrastructure costs are spread across more missions, and insurance premiums tend to fall as a reliability record lengthens [citation:original text].

Vikram-1 has done what it needed to do. It reached orbit, on the first try, as a private Indian company. What it does over the next dozen launches, not this one, will determine whether India’s private space sector becomes a serious commercial player in the global launch market or a proud milestone that international customers admire without buying [citation:original text].

Q&A Section

1. What makes the Vikram-1 launch a significant milestone for India’s space sector?

The Vikram-1 launch is a significant milestone because it is the first orbital launch vehicle developed by a private Indian company to successfully reach orbit. This makes India the third country, after the US and China, to have a private company capable of orbital launches. It is the outcome of deliberate policy reforms that opened the space sector to private enterprise in 2020 .

2. How does Skyroot’s launch price compare to its competitors in the small satellite launch market?

Skyroot has not yet published an official price for Vikram-1. Its competitors include Rocket Lab’s Electron at $25,000 per kg, Firefly’s Alpha at $14,560 per kg, ISRO’s SSLV at $7,050-$8,270 per kg, and SpaceX’s Falcon 9 at about $3,000 per kg for dedicated launches. Skyroot is assumed to have a cost advantage, but this remains unproven until pricing is disclosed .

3. What factors will determine whether Vikram-1 is a commercial success?

Commercial success will depend on Skyroot achieving a consistent launch cadence, disclosing a competitive cost per kilogram, and building a reliability record that lowers insurance premiums. International customers will choose a launch provider based on price, schedule reliability, and insurance costs, not sentiment. The real test is what the company does over the next dozen launches, not the maiden flight .

4. What is the significance of India’s space economy projections?

India’s space economy is targeted to grow from $8.4 billion in 2022 to $44 billion by 2033. This growth is expected to come from a combination of domestic demand, sovereign launch capabilities, and international customers. Skyroot’s success is linked to capturing a share of this growing market, but only if it can demonstrate a reliable and cost-effective launch service .

5. What is the role of launch cadence in improving launch economics?

Launch economics improve with a higher cadence because fixed manufacturing and infrastructure costs are spread across more missions. As a reliability record lengthens, insurance premiums tend to fall, making launches more affordable and attractive to customers. Skyroot must demonstrate a monthly launch cadence to achieve these economic benefits.

The Brexit Decade: What India Must Learn About the True Costs of Economic Disengagement

By P. Saravanan and A. Paul Williams
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

When British voters chose to leave the European Union in June 2016 by a narrow margin of 51.9 per cent to 48.1 per cent, economists warned of economic pain. Most assumed the damage would be sharp, visible, and short lived. A decade on, the evidence tells a different story. New research estimates that by 2025, Brexit had reduced UK GDP by between 6 per cent and 8 per cent (CEPR, 2025), with the costs accumulating quietly and persistently over time rather than arriving all at once [citation:original text].

For a country like India, ambitious, fast-growing, and increasingly vocal about its own economic sovereignty, the Brexit story offers a sobering set of lessons about the true costs of economic disengagement [citation:original text].

The popular narrative around Brexit promised liberation from EU regulations, open borders, and the constraints of pooled sovereignty. What followed was far more complicated than its architects had anticipated. Investment plans were shelved, and managerial time was spent on risk assessments and Brexit preparation rather than developing new products or expanding operations [citation:original text]. In the financial sector, the UK’s departure from the EU’s financial passporting regime significantly curtailed market access for UK-based financial institutions, dealing a serious blow to one of the country’s most productive industries, and, critically, the damage was not front-loaded [citation:original text].

The Unseen Costs: Gradual and Persistent

The Brexit experience demonstrates that the costs of economic disengagement are not always immediate or dramatic. Instead, they accumulate gradually, eroding productivity, investment, and growth over time. The CEPR’s estimate of a 6-8 per cent reduction in UK GDP by 2025 is a testament to this gradual erosion. This is a staggering figure, representing a loss of hundreds of billions of pounds in economic output.

The prolonged policy uncertainty of the Brexit process was a major contributor to this outcome. Firms delayed investments, avoided hiring, and redirected management attention towards contingency planning rather than growth. This “uncertainty tax” is a key lesson for India. When policy is unpredictable, businesses cannot plan for the long term, and investment suffers.

The Financial Sector: A Case Study in Lost Market Access

The UK’s financial services sector, historically a cornerstone of the British economy, was particularly hard hit. The loss of the EU’s financial passporting regime, which allowed UK-based firms to offer services across the EU without additional regulatory approval, was a severe blow. This resulted in a significant shift of financial activity and jobs from London to EU financial centers like Frankfurt, Paris, and Dublin. The damage was not just a one-time event but a continuous erosion of the UK’s competitive advantage.

This is a lesson India must heed. While India has been ambivalent about deep trade integration, sometimes treating free trade agreements with suspicion and stepping back from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership in 2019, Brexit demonstrates that the costs of reduced market access are real and accumulate silently over the years [citation:original text]. Access to markets, especially for services like finance, is not a given; it must be actively cultivated and protected.

The Human Cost: The Forgotten Toll

Brexit carried a quieter human toll. The end of the free EU labour movement significantly disrupted sectors that had relied on European workers, particularly in food, hospitality, healthcare, and social care. Skills gaps emerged faster than training programmes could fill, and communities that had voted Leave in search of economic dignity often found themselves squeezed the hardest [citation:original text].

India faces its own version of this tension. While India’s demographic dividend is often celebrated, the country struggles with skill shortages in key sectors. The Brexit experience suggests that the real danger is not openness to the world. It is the failure to build institutions at home that makes returning worthwhile. The answer is not to close doors but to make the home more liveable, more professionally rewarding, and more institutionally trustworthy [citation:original text].

The Philosophical Lesson: Sovereignty is Strengthened by Openness

The deepest lesson Brexit offers to any developing economy is philosophical. The Leave campaign framed the choice as one between sovereignty and subjugation. Economic sovereignty is not diminished by trade, investment, or integration. It is strengthened by the prosperity those connections generate [citation:original text].

India’s growing diplomatic weight, its assertive multilateralism, and its emergence as a trusted global partner are all built on economic substance, not economic isolation [citation:original text]. India’s influence on the world stage is a function of its economic size and its integration into the global economy, not its isolation from it. To retreat from global integration would be to undermine the very foundations of its rising power.

The Way Forward: Lessons for India

The way forward for India is not to mimic Brexit’s defensiveness but to learn from its consequences [citation:original text]. That means building stable, transparent policy environments that investors can plan around. It means treating global value chain participation as a national priority, not a reluctant concession. And it means investing in the institutions, infrastructure, and human capital that make openness sustainable rather than threatening [citation:original text].

India’s manufacturing ambitions under initiatives like Make in India and the Production Linked Incentive scheme depend critically on integration into global value chains. Brexit shows that disrupting established supply relationships is deeply costly and not easily reversed. India must work to embed itself more deeply in these networks and ensure that domestic policy does not inadvertently raise the cost of partnering with international firms [citation:original text].

Conclusion

Brexit is not simply a cautionary tale about the EU or about Britain alone. It is a cautionary tale about the seductive simplicity of economic nationalism and about how gradual, cumulative costs can remain invisible until they become irreversible [citation:original text]. For India, the lesson is clear: the path to prosperity lies not in turning inward but in embracing the world with confidence and building the institutions that make that openness a source of strength, not vulnerability.

Q&A Section

1. What was the estimated economic impact of Brexit on the UK by 2025?

New research estimates that by 2025, Brexit had reduced UK GDP by between 6 per cent and 8 per cent. The costs accumulated gradually over time rather than arriving all at once, as many had initially anticipated . This represents a significant loss of economic output, with far-reaching implications for the UK’s economic trajectory.

2. What was the “uncertainty tax” and how did it affect the UK economy?

The “uncertainty tax” refers to the economic cost of prolonged policy uncertainty during the Brexit process. Firms delayed investments, avoided hiring, and redirected management attention towards contingency planning rather than growth. This uncertainty had a significant impact on productivity and investment, contributing to the overall economic damage .

3. How did Brexit affect the UK’s financial services sector?

The UK’s departure from the EU’s financial passporting regime, which allowed UK-based firms to offer services across the EU without additional regulatory approval, significantly curtailed market access. This led to a shift of financial activity and jobs from London to other EU financial centers, dealing a serious blow to one of the UK’s most productive industries .

4. What was the human cost of Brexit mentioned in the article?

Brexit disrupted sectors that had relied on European workers, particularly in food, hospitality, healthcare, and social care. Skills gaps emerged faster than training programmes could fill, and communities that had voted Leave often found themselves squeezed the hardest. This highlights the social and human consequences of economic disengagement .

5. What is the key lesson for India from the Brexit experience?

The key lesson is that economic sovereignty is not diminished by trade, investment, or integration; it is strengthened by the prosperity those connections generate. India must build stable, transparent policy environments, treat global value chain participation as a national priority, and invest in the institutions and human capital that make openness sustainable .

Exchange Rates and Managing Volatile Flows: The Lost Policy Space in Emerging Economies

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

It is well-known that ensuring some stability and desired level of the exchange rate is critical for macroeconomic strategy for development, especially in low and middle income countries. Yet in a world of liberalised and volatile capital flows, this has become much more difficult for policymakers in such countries [citation:original text].

Increasingly, exchange rate movements are not determined by so-called “fundamentals”, but by flawed risk perceptions as well as domestic macroeconomic strategies. Both monetary policy and fiscal policy must react to the actual or potential movements of cross-border capital that largely determine the movement of nominal exchange rates. These movements then set off domestic economic processes, such as changes in inflation, as well as responses (such as changes in interest rates) that affect real economic activity in often adverse ways [citation:original text].

To see how this has played out in the recent past, let us examine the recent pattern in some of the more prominent middle income countries: India, Brazil and South Africa. These are among the largest economies in their respective regions, part of the IBSA grouping, and significant members of G20. They have had higher growth rates in the recent past than most advanced economies, and significantly, they are also not debt-stressed countries. External debt to GDP ratios in these countries is relatively low, especially when compared to some rich countries: 17 per cent for Brazil, 20 per cent for India and 47 per cent for South Africa in 2025, compared to 96 per cent for the US, 105 per cent for Japan, 150 per cent for Canada and Austria, and as much as 270 per cent for the UK . However, all of them (unlike China) have largely liberalised their external accounts to deregulate cross-border flows of capital almost completely. This has led to significant loss of domestic policy space because of the fear of outflows of legacy capital and consequent internal destabilisation [citation:original text].

The Indian Experience: A Tale of Nominal Depreciation and Stagnant Real Rates

In the past decade, and especially since 2017, the rupee has depreciated substantially in nominal terms, falling by nearly 20 per cent across the top 40 trading partners. But in real terms, the exchange rate has barely shifted, with only marginal changes over the entire period, such that the level in 2025 was only 2 per cent below that in 2016 [citation:original text]. The nominal effective exchange rate (NEER) refers to the weighted trade with 40 top trading partners; the real effective exchange rate (REER) adjusts the nominal rate for relative rates of inflation across the 40 top trading partners [citation:original text]. The nominal exchange rate continued to decline despite significant increases in the domestic monetary policy interest rate from 2022 onwards, which were largely in response to the rise in US Fed rates after the onset of the Ukraine war and associated inflation resulting from higher global food and fuel prices [citation:original text].

Did the depreciating nominal exchange rate have a positive impact on the current account? This would only be expected if the real exchange rate also moved accordingly, which we have observed did not occur [citation:original text]. The data also suggests that the increase in the policy interest rate had a favourable impact on net financial flows in 2022 and 2023, but the effect was relatively short-lived. In the subsequent two years, net capital inflows declined sharply to fall to nominal levels of a decade earlier, which suggests a substantial decline in real terms [citation:original text].

The Brazilian Experience: An Appreciating Real Rate Despite Nominal Depreciation

A very similar trajectory is evident for Brazil, even though as an energy and commodity exporter it actually benefited from the global price hikes in food and fuel commodities. The real exchange rate even appreciated as the nominal exchange rate (here relative to the US dollar) declined by as much as 43 per cent over the entire period. This is because of faster inflation in Brazil than in the trading partners, but also signals a loss of competitiveness and potential for manufacturing exports [citation:original text]. The Brazilian Central Bank raised policy rates in response to global inflationary pressures, but this failed to anchor the real exchange rate or prevent capital flow volatility [citation:original text].

The South African Experience: A Similar Trajectory with Some Differences

South Africa also shows a broadly similar trajectory, with some interesting differences. In the South African case, the real exchange rate did move in the same direction as the nominal exchange rate, albeit to a much more limited extent. The monetary policy response to the Covid-19 pandemic was also sharp, with a drop in the policy interest rate from 6.5 per cent in 2019 to 3.5 per cent [citation:original text].

The Lost Policy Space: A Common Thread

The common thread across these three economies is the loss of domestic policy space. Despite their size and relatively low external debt, they are vulnerable to the whims of global capital flows. The liberalisation of their external accounts has made them hostages to the risk perceptions of international investors, who are often driven by factors unrelated to the fundamentals of these economies.

This has a number of adverse consequences. First, it undermines the ability of these countries to conduct independent monetary policy. They are forced to raise interest rates in response to US Fed hikes, even if domestic conditions do not warrant it. This can stifle economic growth and increase unemployment. Second, it leads to exchange rate volatility, which can disrupt trade and investment. Third, it can create a vicious cycle of devaluation, inflation, and further devaluation, which erodes living standards and undermines economic stability.

Conclusion: The Need for a New Approach

The experience of India, Brazil, and South Africa underscores the need for a new approach to managing capital flows in emerging economies. The current policy framework, which relies on liberalised capital accounts and floating exchange rates, has not delivered the promised benefits of stability and growth. Instead, it has created a situation where these countries are increasingly vulnerable to external shocks and have lost control over their own economic destinies.

A more effective approach would involve a combination of measures, including capital account management, exchange rate intervention, and a more proactive monetary policy that prioritises domestic objectives over external considerations. Such measures would not be a retreat from globalisation, but rather a pragmatic recognition that globalisation must be managed to serve the interests of all countries, not just the most powerful ones.

Q&A Section

1. What is the key challenge for policymakers in low and middle-income countries regarding exchange rates?

The key challenge is managing exchange rates in a world of liberalised and volatile capital flows. Exchange rate movements are often not determined by economic fundamentals but by flawed risk perceptions, which leads to a loss of domestic policy space and adverse effects on inflation and real economic activity .

2. How did India’s exchange rate behave over the past decade?

The rupee depreciated substantially in nominal terms, falling by nearly 20% against a basket of 40 trading partners. However, in real terms, the exchange rate barely shifted, with only marginal changes over the entire period. This means the nominal depreciation did not translate into improved export competitiveness .

3. What was the impact of higher policy interest rates on net financial flows in India?

The increase in policy rates in 2022 and 2023 led to a short-lived increase in net financial flows. However, the effect was short-lived, and net capital inflows declined sharply in the subsequent two years, falling to nominal levels of a decade earlier .

4. What was the Brazilian experience with exchange rates?

Brazil experienced a similar trajectory, with the real exchange rate appreciating even as the nominal exchange rate depreciated by 43%. This was due to faster inflation in Brazil than in its trading partners, leading to a loss of competitiveness and potential for manufacturing exports .

5. What is the common thread across India, Brazil, and South Africa?

Despite being relatively large economies with low external debt, all three countries have liberalised their external accounts, leading to a significant loss of domestic policy space. They are vulnerable to the whims of global capital flows, which forces them to raise interest rates in response to US Fed hikes and leads to exchange rate volatility and economic instability .

The Fine Balance of Good Governance: A Former Regulator’s Perspective

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

I have had the opportunity to view corporate governance from three vantage points: As an executive, as an independent director, and as a regulator [citation:original text]. Executives focus on delivering business outcomes and sometimes chafe at boards coming in the way. Directors worry about being held liable for outcomes outside their control. Regulators examine board decisions, usually well after something has gone wrong [citation:original text]. In my experience, the best boards set clear governance and broad strategy guardrails, while giving management the freedom to lead within them [citation:original text].

Accountability of Board Members: The Principle of Own Acts and Omissions

Independent directors are often concerned about their potential liabilities. On this count, Indian jurisprudence and the Securities and Exchange Board of India’s (Sebi’s) enforcement approach should offer some comfort. Both reflect the principle that directors should ultimately be held accountable for their own acts and omissions, rather than merely for a company’s failures [citation:original text].

I saw this principle applied repeatedly during my time at Sebi. One high-profile case involved allegations that a promoter had siphoned sizeable funds from a listed company. In the court of public opinion and breathless social media, the entire board had failed. The evidence before Sebi, however, painted a different picture. The independent directors had taken up the auditor warnings, questioned management, recorded their concerns, and directed that the questionable transactions be stopped. Management had chosen to ignore these directions. Sebi, therefore, proceeded against the company, its executives, and the promoter, but not against the other directors [citation:original text].

More generally, Sebi’s enforcement process reinforces this discipline. Sebi’s speaking orders set out the evidence, record the submissions of those facing enforcement action, and explain the reasoning behind the conclusions. The availability of review before the Securities Appellate Tribunal provides an additional safeguard and further encourages the application of mind at Sebi. While there is always room for improvement, these steps help ensure that final accountability is based on evidence rather than hindsight [citation:original text].

One practical lesson follows. Directors sometimes claim that they had privately raised concerns with other stakeholders, even though those concerns found no reflection in the board’s deliberations or minutes. Usually, this is to avoid uncomfortable discussions or to “protect the company”. That is a mistake. Governance must happen in the boardroom. As former Sebi chairman M Damodaran once observed, directors must learn to disagree without being disagreeable. Recording concerns politely but firmly ultimately serves the interests of both the director and the company. Years later, memories may fade, but the minutes will endure [citation:original text].

Governance Begins with Management: The Integrity Imperative

The board’s first responsibility is to ensure that commercial success never comes at the expense of integrity. Management, not independent directors, should lead the way here [citation:original text]. In one instance, board approval was sought for a commercially attractive proposal. The note explained why management wished to offer a customer more favourable commercial terms than usual. What it did not disclose was that even the existing practice was in breach of regulations. The enhanced proposal, therefore, would have compounded an existing breach [citation:original text].

The issue surfaced when a director with domain expertise raised questions. Management then returned with a revised proposal. It now acknowledged the regulatory issue but argued that competitors followed similar practices, regulators had inspected the industry without objection, government departments were aware of the practice, and the business opportunity was simply too valuable to lose [citation:original text].

None of these arguments altered the central issue. Boards have no authority to authorise regulatory breaches, however compelling the commercial considerations may be. Crucially, the tone at the top is set less by mission statements than by the decisions boards make when commercial incentives collide with integrity [citation:original text].

This offers some broader lessons. First, good governance begins with frontline management being balanced and candid with the board. Second, no individual director can understand every aspect of a company’s business. The board, however, should collectively possess the expertise needed to evaluate proposals across all relevant areas. Building such a board is itself one of the board’s most important responsibilities [citation:original text].

Governance, Not Management: The Freedom to Lead

Having set governance guardrails, the board must give management the freedom to lead within them [citation:original text]. Former executives, administrators, and professionals qualify as independent directors because of their experience and expertise. Ironically, those very strengths can sometimes become a weakness. Those accustomed to taking executive decisions at times find it difficult to confine themselves to advising on them. Oversight can then quickly slip into interference [citation:original text].

Independent directors must resist this temptation. When a director falls into this trap, others should step in gently to call it out [citation:original text]. The best independent directors are often invisible to the public eye. If they complete their tenure without becoming part of the company’s operational narrative, they have probably done their job well [citation:original text].

This is also related to the board’s single most consequential responsibility: Appointing the right leadership team. Once leaders have been chosen, and the broad strategy has been agreed upon, the board should trust management to operate freely within those guardrails [citation:original text].

A Few Other Practical Reflections

High-quality governance, alongside the maturity to let management do its job, requires significant expertise and judgment. It requires directors to maintain an understanding of the company’s context beyond what is presented in board papers [citation:original text]. In my view, therefore, good independent directors deserve higher, not lower, compensation. That remuneration, however, should be structured so that directors are, and are seen to be, long-term stewards of the institution rather than participants focused on its short-term financial performance. There are ways to achieve this. Equally, their association with the company should remain limited so that directors are not perceived to compromise their independence to secure reappointments [citation:original text].

Finally, a few simple disciplines go a long way. Directors should only join boards whose values they are comfortable defending. They should encourage constructive debates and ensure that important discussions are accurately captured. Before every significant decision, they should ask a simple question: If this were to appear on the front page of a newspaper, could they explain it honestly, confidently and without qualification? The answer captures what balanced governance is ultimately about [citation:original text].

Q&A Section

1. What is the principle of accountability for board members as applied by Sebi?

Indian jurisprudence and Sebi’s enforcement approach reflect the principle that directors should ultimately be held accountable for their own acts and omissions, rather than merely for a company’s failures. Sebi’s enforcement process reinforces this discipline through speaking orders that set out evidence and reasoning, and the availability of review before the Securities Appellate Tribunal provides an additional safeguard .

2. Why is it a mistake for directors to raise concerns privately rather than in board minutes?

Directors sometimes claim that they had privately raised concerns with other stakeholders, even though those concerns found no reflection in the board’s deliberations or minutes. This is a mistake because governance must happen in the boardroom. Recording concerns politely but firmly ultimately serves the interests of both the director and the company, as minutes endure when memories fade .

3. What is the board’s first responsibility regarding integrity?

The board’s first responsibility is to ensure that commercial success never comes at the expense of integrity. Management, not independent directors, should lead the way here. Boards have no authority to authorise regulatory breaches, however compelling the commercial considerations may be. The tone at the top is set by the decisions boards make when commercial incentives collide with integrity .

4. What is the difference between governance and management?

Having set governance guardrails, the board must give management the freedom to lead within them. Former executives, administrators, and professionals qualify as independent directors because of their experience and expertise. However, those accustomed to taking executive decisions at times find it difficult to confine themselves to advising on them. Oversight can then quickly slip into interference. The best independent directors are often invisible to the public eye .

5. What is the single most consequential responsibility of the board?

The board’s single most consequential responsibility is appointing the right leadership team. Once leaders have been chosen, and the broad strategy has been agreed upon, the board should trust management to operate freely within those guardrails. Good independent directors deserve higher, not lower, compensation, structured so that directors are long-term stewards of the institution .

Going Beyond Trickle-Down: India’s Next 200 Million Consumers

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

The top 35-50 million urban consumers in India’s top 100 cities by income, consumption, and savings have received enough attention from marketers. Their ability to consume, even during times of economic stress, has been well documented — recall the post-Covid K-shaped recovery across sectors [citation:original text].

The stress in the country’s larger consumption market, from daily essentials to discretionary purchases, and the concomitant reluctance of the private sector to invest in new capacity creation have been the economic policy bugbears for some time now. It is clear to big and small sellers of anything from soaps, shampoos, two-wheelers, washing machines, apparel and cars that they must start focusing on the cohort of the next 200 million consumers, who sit right under the segment of affluent/high-income 35-50 million ones. Now a new study “The Many Urban Indians” jointly brought out by research firm People Research on India’s Consumer Economy (PRICE) and Tata Sons, the holding firm of the eponymous salt-to-software conglomerate, lays down the contours of this huge consumer market [citation:original text].

The Many Urban Indians: A New Classification

Most media attention is focused on the study’s four urban groupings, essentially a classification of top 100 cities and towns based on population — Big Six (six metros with population over 10 million), Boomtowns (19 with population between 2.5 million and 10 million), Breakout Cities (25 with population between 1.5 million and 2.5 million) and Frontier Cities (the remaining 50 with population between 0.5 million and 1.5 million). What’s somewhat getting missed in this reporting is the study’s classification of households based on income criteria, and its emphasis on the importance of what it calls middle-income households across India’s top 100 cities and towns. These top 100 cities account for 19 per cent of India’s population, 35 per cent of income, 31 per cent of spending, almost half (47 per cent) of households’ surplus income, and almost two-thirds of all urban demand [citation:original text].

The Rise of Middle-Income Households

The share of middle-income households (with incomes between ₹6 lakh and ₹36 lakh per annum at 2025-26 prices) has doubled over the past decade to account for over half (53 per cent) of all 62 million households across India’s top 100 cities by 2025-26. That number is expected to rise to over 60 per cent of the 80 million-odd households over the next five years (2030-31). According to the study, the middle-income group it has identified “… broadly corresponds to about PPP $15-90 per person per day, aligning with internationally used middle-income cohort definitions such as the Brookings Institution’s PPP $11-110 range, and the Pew Research Centre’s PPP $10-20 range, while reflecting India’s specific income and consumption realities” [citation:original text].

At an average family size of 4.6, this translates into a cohort of around 200 million consumers. Other income cohorts, according to the study, are low income (annual household income below ₹1.5 lakh per annum), lower middle-income (between ₹1.5 and ₹6 lakh) and high income (above ₹36 lakh) [citation:original text].

The middle-income households will be spread evenly across population clusters, making up 63 per cent of households in the Big Six by 2031, 59 per cent in Boomtowns, 57 per cent in Breakout Cities and 56 per cent in Frontier Cities. The PRICE-Tata Sons study notes that, “This rise marks a structural break in India’s urban income distribution…the single largest socio-economic mobility shift in the country’s urban history.” The share of high-income households will rise to 19.6 per cent, while that of low-income households will fall to 0.4 per cent and that of low middle-income to around 20 per cent [citation:original text].

A Wider, More Nuanced Definition

Note that the study does not define middle-income household simply as the middle of the income distribution, but takes a wider, more nuanced view to include households “…that enjoy a reasonable degree of economic security, with a relatively low risk of falling back into poverty and sufficient resources for discretionary spending, savings, education, health care, and asset creation”. In short, these households are almost ready for the next level of consumption as many approach crucial income thresholds [citation:original text].

The study notes that households earning annually between ₹12 lakh and ₹14 lakh are potential car buyers, and washing machines are typically bought once the household income crosses ₹14 lakh. Even after accounting for the 50-57 per cent share of asset ownership among middle-income households for television, air conditioners, cars and refrigerators, penetration remains relatively low in the middle-income households and deepening it can widen the market substantially [citation:original text].

The Need for an Appropriate Value Proposition

To be sure, marketers are not new to these aspirational 200 million consumers, just that they have not really curated this huge segment and have instead just depended on the trickle-down consumption emanating from models developed for the rich/high-income cohort. What is needed is an appropriate value proposition for these households, something akin to what Tata Zudio did with apparel retailing or a player like CityMall with grocery delivery across India’s Boomtowns, Breakout and Frontier cities [citation:original text].

The opportunity is immense. The middle-income segment is a “structural break” in India’s urban income distribution, representing the single largest socio-economic mobility shift in the country’s urban history. This is a cohort of 200 million people who are aspiring, financially secure, and ready to spend. For marketers, the key is to move beyond the trickle-down model and develop products and services tailored to their specific needs. This is the next frontier of Indian consumption.

Q&A Section

1. What is the “trickle-down” model of consumption, and why is it no longer sufficient?

The “trickle-down” model refers to the idea that consumption patterns and preferences from the affluent/high-income cohort gradually seep down to lower-income groups. However, this model is no longer sufficient because the middle-income segment, comprising 200 million consumers, is now a distinct and substantial market in its own right. They require products and services tailored to their specific needs, not just watered-down versions of luxury goods .

2. What are the four urban groupings identified in the “The Many Urban Indians” study?

The study classifies India’s top 100 cities and towns based on population: Big Six (six metros with population over 10 million), Boomtowns (19 with population between 2.5 million and 10 million), Breakout Cities (25 with population between 1.5 million and 2.5 million) and Frontier Cities (the remaining 50 with population between 0.5 million and 1.5 million) .

3. How has the share of middle-income households in India’s top 100 cities changed over the past decade?

The share of middle-income households (incomes between ₹6 lakh and ₹36 lakh per annum) has doubled over the past decade to account for over half (53 per cent) of all 62 million households across India’s top 100 cities by 2025-26. This number is expected to rise to over 60 per cent of the 80 million-odd households by 2030-31 .

4. What is the income threshold for potential car and washing machine buyers?

The study notes that households earning annually between ₹12 lakh and ₹14 lakh are potential car buyers, and washing machines are typically bought once the household income crosses ₹14 lakh. Even after accounting for existing asset ownership, penetration remains relatively low in middle-income households, presenting a significant opportunity for deepening the market .

5. What are the key implications of the study for marketers?

The study highlights the need for marketers to move beyond relying on trickle-down consumption from the rich/high-income cohort. They must develop an appropriate value proposition for the middle-income segment, which is the single largest socio-economic mobility shift in India’s urban history. This requires curating products and services specifically for this huge and aspirational consumer base .

Right Policy Space for Strategic Industries: India’s Private Sector Leap into Space, Defence, and Nuclear Energy

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Last week, Skyroot Aerospace, a Hyderabad-based start-up, catapulted India into the private orbital launch club, whose only other members are the US and China. The placement of 6 satellites into low Earth orbit by the company’s Vikram-1 rocket is a swift response to India’s decision to encourage commercial exploitation of space. Access to dual-use tech has been eased, and foreign investment has been liberalised for manufacture and delivery of payloads. India has deftly tapped into the commercial interest driving satellite and rocket tech. The immediate business case for the space sector is telecom. The country needs domestic capability in satellite-based internet services, which is predicated on efficient launch technology, such as reusable rockets [citation:original text].

The policy pivot in a strategic sector like space is also delivering results in two other areas—arms production, and atomic energy. Private sector armaments production now accounts for close to 1/4th of domestic output, supported by easier access to technology and capital. This effort has gained traction because GoI is also the principal buyer of privately produced defence equipment. The defence acquisition procedure has been tailored to encourage local procurement. Industrial corridors are facilitating private armaments production, although larger defence platforms, such as aircraft and aircraft carriers, remain in the public sector [citation:original text].

The Space Sector: A Swift Policy Response

India’s decision to open the space sector to private enterprise in 2020 has yielded its most significant result with the successful launch of Skyroot’s Vikram-1. The company’s achievement, reaching orbit on its first attempt, is a testament to the effectiveness of the policy framework. The government’s reforms, including the establishment of IN-SPACe as a single-window regulator, have created an enabling environment for private players to innovate and compete. The sector has grown from one startup in 2014 to over 400 in 2026, with the Indian space economy targeted to grow from $8.4 billion to $44 billion by 2033.

The immediate business case for the space sector is telecom. India needs domestic capability in satellite-based internet services, which is predicated on efficient launch technology, such as reusable rockets. The government’s policy of easing access to dual-use tech and liberalising foreign investment for payload manufacture and delivery is a strategic move to position India as a global hub for commercial space services.

The Defence Sector: Private Production Gains Traction

The policy pivot in strategic sectors is also delivering results in arms production. Private sector armaments production now accounts for close to 1/4th of domestic output, supported by easier access to technology and capital. This effort has gained traction because the government is also the principal buyer of privately produced defence equipment. The defence acquisition procedure has been tailored to encourage local procurement, with a focus on indigenisation and import substitution.

The defence sector has seen significant reforms, including the notification of positive indigenisation lists, which specify items that can only be procured from domestic manufacturers. The government has also streamlined the defence acquisition procedure to make it more conducive to private participation. Industrial corridors are facilitating private armaments production, with states like Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu emerging as hubs for defence manufacturing.

While larger defence platforms, such as aircraft and aircraft carriers, remain in the public sector, the private sector is increasingly playing a role in the production of subsystems and components. This is a significant shift from the past, when the defence sector was largely the preserve of the public sector.

The Nuclear Energy Sector: Private Participation Opens Up

The push for private participation in nuclear energy is of more recent vintage. The sticking point was the unlimited civil liability imposed on contractors in the event of an accident, which has now been capped. This should open the door to private nuclear power plants. A clutch of domestic companies has shown interest within a year of the liability law being amended and foreign investment being liberalised [citation:original text].

The amendment to the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act, 2010, has capped the liability of suppliers at ₹500 crore, a significant reduction from the earlier provision of unlimited liability. This has made it more attractive for private companies to participate in the nuclear energy sector. The government has also liberalised foreign investment in the sector, allowing up to 49% foreign investment in nuclear power plants.

Across all three sectors, the conversation has shifted from technological capability to engineering capability. India may have found the right policy combination for developing strategic industries [citation:original text]. The government’s approach has been to create an enabling environment, provide access to technology and capital, and act as a lead customer. This has been complemented by institutional reforms, such as the creation of IN-SPACe and the streamlining of the defence acquisition procedure.

The Challenge of Crowd Management: A Sobering Reminder

The article also addresses a separate issue: the tragic Rath Yatra in Puri, which claimed two lives. The Odisha government has denied the deaths were caused by a stampede or crowd mismanagement. This may well be true, something that needs proper investigation. But deaths and injuries, never mind the sheer discomfort of crushing crowds, isn’t nit-picky about what causes them [citation:original text].

Year after year, mass gatherings — secular and religious — devolve into utter chaos that are so normalised that they seem curated to ‘fail’. This is amplified by such gatherings, especially at religious sites, locked in a fierce competition over who can draw the bigger crowd. Sacred spaces turn into high-stake arenas where human lives are routinely risked for the optics of a massive turnout of devotees [citation:original text]. With SOPs in place and their daily experience of handling crowds, police should by now be pros at predicting bottlenecks and managing sudden surges. That hasn’t happened. This systematic failure is compounded by the utter lack of civic sense of citizens who don’t think twice about breaking lines, breaching barricades and ignoring safety protocols [citation:original text].

The romantic notion that self-punishment is part and parcel of worship hardly helps. Lack of basic safety and comfort protocols are dismissed as ‘first world problems’, validating life-threatening environments as spiritual endurance tests. India needs top-down implementation, heavy penalties for administrative complacency and civic non-compliance. To keep perpetuating crowd chaos as par for our cultural course is the very opposite of the still-mystical notion of being ‘viksit’ [citation:original text].

Q&A Section

1. What is the significance of Skyroot Aerospace’s Vikram-1 launch for India’s space sector?

The Vikram-1 launch catapulted India into the private orbital launch club, making it only the third country, after the US and China, to have a private company capable of orbital launches. It is a swift response to India’s policy decision to encourage commercial exploitation of space, demonstrating the effectiveness of the government’s reforms and the growing capability of the Indian private sector .

2. How has the policy pivot in strategic sectors like space, defence, and nuclear energy delivered results?

In space, the Vikram-1 launch is a direct result of policy reforms. In defence, private sector armaments production now accounts for close to 1/4th of domestic output, supported by easier access to technology and capital, and the government acting as a lead buyer. In nuclear energy, the capping of unlimited civil liability has opened the door for private participation, with several domestic companies showing interest .

3. What is the immediate business case for the space sector in India?

The immediate business case is telecom. India needs domestic capability in satellite-based internet services, which is predicated on efficient launch technology, such as reusable rockets. The government’s policy of easing access to dual-use tech and liberalising foreign investment for payload manufacture and delivery is a strategic move to position India as a global hub for commercial space services .

4. What was the sticking point for private participation in nuclear energy, and how was it addressed?

The sticking point was the unlimited civil liability imposed on contractors in the event of an accident. This has now been capped at ₹500 crore through an amendment to the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act, 2010. This has made it more attractive for private companies to participate in the sector, with several domestic companies showing interest .

5. What are the key challenges in crowd management at mass gatherings in India?

The challenges include a lack of civic sense among citizens, a romantic notion that self-punishment is part of worship, and a lack of effective implementation of SOPs. The article argues that India needs top-down implementation, heavy penalties for administrative complacency and civic non-compliance, and a shift in cultural attitudes towards crowd safety .

Of It, the Not One Of Them: Spain’s Triumph of the Collective Over the Individual

By Javier Dale and Marcela Mora y Araujo
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Yes, the final was dreary in parts, mostly thanks to Argentina. But, still, there was a wonderful message: the trophy ultimately belonged to a squad that didn’t revolve around a star and played as a team. No surprise squads hosting Messi or Ronaldo or Mbappé or Haaland didn’t win the big prize [citation:original text].

In the 98th minute of the World Cup final between Spain and Argentina, Rodri’s body finally gave in. Spain’s captain could go no further and asked to be substituted. Under almost any circumstances, losing your captain and midfield leader in extra time of a World Cup final, with the score still 0-0, would be seen as a major blow. His replacement, Martin Zubimendi, had not played a single minute in the tournament until then. Spain barely blinked. Nothing changed. They did not abandon their plan, retreat into defence or lose control of the match [citation:original text].

The Triumph of the Collective

Spain never abandoned their principles. They continued to trust possession, quick combinations, movement and positional play, behaving as though goals were simply the inevitable consequence of playing well, rather than moments waiting for an individual act of inspiration [citation:original text]. That apparent lack of drama has led some supporters to dismiss Spain as predictable or sterile. Paradoxically, this Spain team – and especially the final against Argentina – may have settled football’s oldest philosophical argument: aesthetics versus results [citation:original text].

The divide between Menottismo and Bilardismo has shaped football for nearly half a century. César Luis Menotti insisted that “the important thing is to play well; the result should be a consequence of that.” The Spain of Luis de la Fuente embodied that philosophy, playing a brand of football that was so cohesive, so system-driven, that it appeared to lack the drama of individual brilliance. Yet, they conceded just one goal in the entire tournament, made favourites France look pedestrian in the semi-final, and completely suffocated Argentina in the final, holding them to zero shots on target across 120 minutes.

The Individual Stories: Messi, Mbappé, and the Quiet Heroes

Throughout the World Cup, almost every day belonged to an individual. Trump and his relationship with Gianni Infantino dominated some news cycles, culminating in the red card. Florian Balogun escaped. VAR generated endless debate. So did memories of the Hand of God. Cristiano Ronaldo was celebrated in his farewell, Lionel Messi inspired every conceivable superlative, Kylian Mbappe reminded everyone of the player he still is, while Erling Haaland demonstrated that there are few greater assets in football than an unstoppable goalscorer. There was room for the tournament’s quieter heroes. Few will forget Vozinha, Cape Verde’s remarkable goalkeeper, or Colombia’s Gustavo Puerta, one of the competition’s genuine revelations [citation:original text].

Lost amid all those stories was Spain. They arrived as one of the favourites because of the strength of their collective, yet their opening 0-0 draw with Cape Verde triggered more concern outside the Spanish camp than within it [citation:original text]. Vicente del Bosque, who coached Spain to the 2010 World Cup title, once described himself as “boring”, admitting that even his voice lacked excitement. Luis de la Fuente belongs to the same school. It is equally difficult to identify a genuinely eccentric personality within this Spanish squad [citation:original text].

The Boring Team that Won

To the untrained eye, Spain may appear to be a boring team. There are no global celebrities – Lamine Yamal is still on his way to superstardom – no dressing-room feuds, no endless headlines. They began the tournament with Nico Williams and Yamal carrying fitness concerns. By the final, Williams had become decisive. Pedro Porro had displaced Marcos Llorente. Fabian Ruiz had eventually replaced Pedro. None of those changes altered Spain’s identity. Players coming off the bench, such as Mikel Merino and Ferran Torres, repeatedly decided difficult matches. Against Portugal and Belgium, with both games drifting towards extra time, it was the substitutes who made the difference.

The Political Manhandling of the Final

The final was not without its political controversies. The French press announced Argentina were apparently officially, now the world’s most hated team. Except in Argentina, where love for this squad knows no bounds, and tears of gratitude ran down manager Scaloni’s cheeks, who at the post-match presser said, “this is not a defeat” [citation:original text]. It wasn’t the most dignified or gratifying way to bow out, but Argentinians are grateful to this group of men for the emotional ride. Messi’s tears contrast with the blown-up drops of sweat on billboards that surrounded the New Jersey stadium. Two Adidas ads, side by side, one with Messi’s face on it, another with Yamal’s. Back on the turf, after the final whistle, the younger man walked determinedly across to his elder, to closely embrace him [citation:original text].

Spain’s Rodri took the Cup from Trump and ushered him along, as the victors celebrated their triumph, and defeated Argentina faced their fans for one last goodbye. At the end, football reclaimed the narrative. Football won [citation:original text].

Q&A Section

1. What was the significance of Rodri’s substitution in the World Cup final?

In the 98th minute of the final, Spain’s captain Rodri asked to be substituted due to exhaustion. His replacement, Martin Zubimendi, had not played a single minute in the tournament until then. However, Spain barely blinked, continuing to play their possession-based game without losing control of the match, demonstrating the strength of their collective system [citation:original text].

2. What philosophical divide did the final between Spain and Argentina potentially settle?

The final between Spain and Argentina may have settled the divide between Menottismo (aesthetics, playing well) and Bilardismo (results at all costs). Spain’s victory, achieved through relentless possession and positional play, supported the Menottista philosophy that playing well leads to results, while Argentina’s pragmatic approach, which had brought them to the final, failed in the face of Spain’s collective brilliance .

3. How did Spain’s collective approach differ from the individual star power of other teams?

While teams like Argentina (Messi), France (Mbappé), and Portugal (Ronaldo) relied on individual brilliance, Spain’s success was built on a collective system where no single player was indispensable. When Rodri, their captain and midfield leader, was substituted in extra time, the team’s performance did not drop. Spain had no global celebrities, no dressing-room feuds, and no endless headlines; they simply played as a cohesive unit .

4. What political controversies surrounded the World Cup final?

The final was surrounded by political controversies. The French press declared Argentina the world’s most hated team. Argentine players held up a banner saying ‘Las Malvinas Son Argentinas’, triggering a political kerfuffle with President Milei. Trump’s White House backed the Argentinian players, while Netanyahu and other Israeli ministers also voiced support for Argentina, given Spain’s government’s condemnation of Israeli actions in Gaza. This led to the final being likened to an Israeli vs Palestine face-off .

5. Who were some of the tournament’s quieter heroes besides Spain’s squad?

Besides Spain’s squad, the tournament’s quieter heroes included Vozinha, Cape Verde’s remarkable goalkeeper, and Colombia’s Gustavo Puerta, one of the competition’s genuine revelations. These players, along with Spain’s substitutes like Mikel Merino and Ferran Torres, repeatedly decided difficult matches without receiving the same media attention as the superstars .

The Entrepreneurs Building a Self-Reliant India: PMFME’s Journey to Two Lakh Sanctions

By Chirag Paswan
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

When the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted lives and livelihoods in 2020, Prime Minister Narendra Modi recognised that recovery had to reach beyond large industry. It had to reach the smallest producers and enterprises, especially those working in India’s villages and small towns [citation:original text].

The Pradhan Mantri Formalisation of Micro Food Processing Enterprises Scheme (PMFME) was launched that year under the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan with this purpose. It began with a part of the food economy that had long remained outside formal finance and institutional support: the micro-processor already producing, selling and employing a few people, but without the capital or guidance needed to grow. The scheme reflected a conviction the Prime Minister has consistently held, that India’s growth must begin at its base, among people willing to build enterprises of their own [citation:original text].

The Milestone: Two Lakh Sanctions

The credit-linked component of PMFME has now crossed two lakh sanctions. The milestone matters because of the people behind it, entrepreneurs who have entered the formal credit system and secured a real chance to build. It is an achievement worth celebrating, and a moment to honour those who made it possible [citation:original text].

The first of them was Jamnalal Patidar, whose application was the very first sanctioned under PMFME. A tenth-pass entrepreneur with no background in food processing, he began a coriander-processing unit with an investment of ₹10 lakh. With the scheme behind him, he gained access to finance, machinery and guidance, and his idea grew into a working enterprise that today employs more than five people [citation:original text].

His story makes a simple point. Enterprise is not the privilege of the well-born or the well-schooled. It turns on whether a person with an idea can find the finance, technology and support needed to act on it. By enabling ordinary Indians to build enterprises and employ others, PMFME is carrying forward the Prime Minister’s vision of turning job-seekers into job-creators [citation:original text].

The Gaps: Finance, Technology, and Market Access

India has long been home to millions of skilled micro-processors making distinctive local products. What many of them lacked was affordable finance, modern technology, quality certification and a way into organised markets. The scheme was built to close those gaps together, through credit-linked assistance, capacity building, common infrastructure, branding and market linkage, and to bring informal enterprises into the formal economy where they have a real chance to grow [citation:original text].

The micro food processing sector in India is vast and largely informal. It comprises millions of small-scale enterprises, from traditional food processors like spice grinders, pickle makers, and flour mills to innovative entrepreneurs producing packaged snacks, bakery items, and health foods. These enterprises are often the backbone of rural economies, providing employment and income to local communities. However, they have historically been excluded from formal finance and institutional support, limiting their ability to grow and compete.

The Role of Women: Principal Drivers of Change

Women have been among the principal drivers of this change. Nearly 44 per cent of the two lakh credit-linked sanctions have gone to enterprises led by women, while more than four lakh Self-Help Group members have received seed capital to strengthen and upgrade their businesses. The scheme as a whole has drawn more than ₹20,300 crore in investment and enabled close to six lakh livelihood opportunities. More than 75,000 units have entered the formal economy through Udyam registration and compliance under FSSAI and GST. For many women, this has meant turning skills practised within the household or community into recognised enterprises with access to finance, technology and wider markets. Helping many more make that transition must remain central to the phase ahead [citation:original text].

Women have been among the principal drivers of this change. In states like Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal, women-led enterprises have been at the forefront of the scheme’s implementation. For many of these women, PMFME has been a transformative experience, providing them with the financial and technical support needed to formalise their businesses and access larger markets. The scheme has enabled them to move from subsistence-level production to commercially viable enterprises.

The Impact: Vocal for Local in Practice

Behind each of these numbers is a wider gap. A working enterprise buys a farmer’s produce, cuts the loss that once followed every harvest, and keeps more value close to where it is made. A local crop becomes a branded product. A household skill becomes steady employment. In time, a district comes to be known for what it makes. This is Vocal for Local in practice, one enterprise at a time [citation:original text].

The scheme’s impact on local economies is significant. By providing financial and technical support to micro-processors, PMFME is helping to create local value chains that connect farmers, processors, and consumers. This not only increases income for producers but also reduces post-harvest losses and promotes local consumption. The scheme has also helped to preserve traditional food processing techniques and promote indigenous products.

The Future: From Sanction to Enduring Business

The sanction that carried PMFME to two lakh went to Inderjeet Singh of Ranchi, who is building a bakery and dreams that his cakes and pastries will one day be known across Jharkhand. Like Patidar before him, he begins with a small venture and a large ambition, and he begins with the scheme behind him. He is one of thousands of first-generation entrepreneurs PMFME is now carrying from a first sanction towards a thriving enterprise. If Patidar shows how far this journey can travel, Singh shows that it is still gathering pace [citation:original text].

That is the shape of the road ahead. Opening formal credit to micro-processors was the first task, and the harder, more rewarding one is to help each sanction become a disbursed loan, and each loan a business that trades and endures. A sanction opens the door; our work is to help every entrepreneur walk through it and build something that lasts [citation:original text].

This must define the next phase of PMFME. We will get credit to promising enterprises faster, help them adopt better technology and packaging, widen their access to markets, and prepare many more of them to reach buyers at home and abroad. And we will stand with our entrepreneurs after the sanction, not only before it, with the steady support that turns a first loan into a lasting livelihood [citation:original text].

Conclusion

Taken together, these two lakh sanctions are far more than an administrative milestone. Each enterprise that takes root strengthens the economy around it. It buys from nearby farms, creates income closer to home, and gives more women and young Indians the confidence to build businesses of their own [citation:original text].

When we look at Patidar’s coriander unit, the lesson is simple. The first sanction under PMFME went to a man with no established factory and no specialised degree. What he had was an idea and the will to work; what the scheme gave him was access. Two lakh sanctions later, that opportunity has reached entrepreneurs across the country. Our task now is to help more of them build businesses that survive, employ others and create value where they begin [citation:original text].

Q&A Section

1. What is the Pradhan Mantri Formalisation of Micro Food Processing Enterprises (PMFME) Scheme?

PMFME is a credit-linked scheme launched under the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan in 2020 to support micro food processing enterprises in India. It aims to provide affordable finance, modern technology, quality certification, and market access to these enterprises, bringing them into the formal economy and enabling them to grow .

2. Who was the first entrepreneur to receive a sanction under PMFME?

The first sanction under PMFME went to Jamnalal Patidar, a tenth-pass entrepreneur from a small town who started a coriander-processing unit with a ₹10 lakh investment. With the scheme’s support, his enterprise now employs more than five people .

3. What is the role of women in the scheme’s success?

Women have been principal drivers of change under PMFME. Nearly 44% of the two lakh credit-linked sanctions have gone to women-led enterprises, and more than four lakh Self-Help Group members have received seed capital to strengthen their businesses. The scheme has enabled many women to turn household skills into recognised enterprises with access to finance and larger markets .

4. What has been the overall impact of PMFME so far?

The scheme has drawn more than ₹20,300 crore in investment and enabled close to six lakh livelihood opportunities. More than 75,000 units have entered the formal economy through Udyam registration and FSSAI/GST compliance. It has also helped create local value chains, reduce post-harvest losses, and promote indigenous products .

5. What is the vision for the next phase of PMFME?

The next phase aims to get credit to promising enterprises faster, help them adopt better technology and packaging, widen access to markets, and prepare more of them to reach domestic and international buyers. The focus will be on ensuring that each sanction becomes a disbursed loan and each loan becomes an enduring business that trades and employs others .

What India Can Learn from Japan’s Teaching Culture: Building Professional Capacity, Not Just Conducting Training

By Sakshi Sethi
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Every education system in the world generates instructors. Very few produce teaching cultures. This delicate, almost invisible distinction is what makes Japan worth studying, not for its technology or test scores, but for the silent philosophy that drives what happens inside its classrooms and, more importantly, its staffrooms [citation:original text].

Consider Jugyo Kenkyu, or Lesson Study, a collaborative practice that has existed in Japanese education for more than a century. A group of teachers jointly plans a lesson. One teacher conducts it while the others observe how students respond, where they struggle and what helps them understand. Afterwards, the group discusses and refines the lesson. The purpose is not to rate the teacher but to examine the learning. In too many Indian schools, classroom observation still arrives wearing the uniform of appraisal. Lesson Study offers a different possibility: observation as professional cooperation rather than judgement [citation:original text].

The Power of Lesson Study: Collaboration Over Appraisal

Lesson Study is a powerful example of how a teaching culture can transform professional development. In Japan, this practice is not an occasional event but a regular, embedded part of the school calendar. Teachers are expected to participate in Lesson Study cycles, and the results are shared across the school and even across the district. This creates a culture of continuous improvement, where teachers are not isolated in their classrooms but are part of a collaborative learning community.

In India, the professional development of teachers is often limited to sporadic, one-day workshops that are disconnected from the realities of the classroom. These workshops are often viewed as a chore rather than an opportunity for growth. The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 has recognized this gap, calling for a shift towards continuous professional development and collaborative learning. However, the implementation of these reforms has been uneven, and the culture of appraisal and isolation remains deeply entrenched in many schools.

The second useful idea is Kaizen, i.e. continuous improvement through small and consistent changes. Indian education remains fascinated by the grand gesture: the new policy, revised assessment pattern or digital platform that promises to transform learning. But transformation is rarely an event. It is an accumulation. A teacher who regularly asks, “What did not work today, and what can I change tomorrow?” may improve more meaningfully than one who attends several ceremonial workshops. Kaizen dignifies the small [citation:original text].

Kaizen: The Power of Small, Consistent Changes

Kaizen, the Japanese philosophy of continuous improvement, is a powerful antidote to the “grand gesture” approach that dominates Indian education. In Japan, Kaizen is applied to every aspect of school life, from lesson planning to classroom management to school administration. Teachers are encouraged to identify small problems and work collaboratively to solve them. This creates a culture of incremental improvement, where even the smallest change is valued.

In India, the focus on large-scale reforms and one-off interventions often misses the importance of small, consistent changes. Teachers are frequently overwhelmed by new policies and programmes that are introduced without adequate support or training. The result is a sense of fatigue and a cynicism about the possibility of real change. Kaizen offers a more sustainable approach, one that empowers teachers to take ownership of their own professional development and to work together to improve their practice.

Then there is Ho-Ren-So, an abbreviation of hōkoku (report), renraku (inform) and sōdan (consult). It is a Japanese workplace principle based on communicating early, sharing relevant information and seeking guidance before problems become crises. Anyone who has worked in an Indian school understands how much energy is lost when communication fails. Ho-Ren-So is not unnecessary bureaucracy. It is courtesy converted into a system. Schools that communicate early and laterally become calmer institutions, and calm institutions teach better [citation:original text].

Ho-Ren-So: Communication as Courtesy

Ho-Ren-So is a simple but powerful principle that transforms the culture of communication in a school. In Japan, teachers are expected to communicate early and often, sharing information and seeking guidance before problems escalate. This creates a culture of transparency and collaboration, where everyone is informed and aligned.

In India, communication in schools is often characterised by silos, hierarchies, and a lack of transparency. Teachers may not feel comfortable sharing their concerns with their superiors, and administrators may not be proactive in communicating important information. This leads to misunderstandings, inefficiencies, and a sense of isolation. Ho-Ren-So offers a different model, one where communication is seen as a professional obligation and a form of courtesy.

Another idea, Omoiyari, means understanding others’ feelings and responding with consideration. In schools, it helps teachers notice a quiet child, an overwhelmed colleague or a parent’s hidden concerns [citation:original text]. A fifth lesson comes from Tokkatsu, or Special Activities, through which Japanese schools integrate cooperation, responsibility and participation into daily life. Students may help clean classrooms, serve lunch and take responsibility for shared spaces. Character is not outsourced to a weekly moral education period. It is built into the ordinary rhythm of the school day. Japan’s insight is simple: character is caught more often than it is taught. If schools want responsible students, the conduct of adults becomes part of the curriculum [citation:original text].

Tokkatsu: Character Built into the Rhythm of the Day

Tokkatsu, or Special Activities, is a distinctive feature of Japanese education that integrates character education into the ordinary rhythm of the school day. Students are given responsibility for cleaning their classrooms, serving lunch, and organising school events. This is not seen as a chore but as an opportunity to develop cooperation, responsibility, and participation.

In India, character education is often outsourced to a weekly moral education period or to religious instruction. The result is that character development is seen as separate from academic learning, and students may not develop the practical skills and values needed for responsible citizenship. Tokkatsu offers a different model, one where character is built through everyday actions and responsibilities.

A final lesson comes from Japan’s wellbeing culture: Shinrin-yoku, or forest bathing, the practice of restoring oneself through mindful time in nature. The idea may sound indulgent until one considers teacher exhaustion: correction loads, data entry, duty rosters, administrative paperwork and the emotional labour of managing dozens of children. A depleted teacher cannot remain endlessly patient, creative and compassionate. Rest is not softness; rather, it is sustainability [citation:original text].

Conclusion: Building a Teaching Culture for India

Japan’s education system is neither free from pressure nor should it be romanticised. The purpose is not to copy another country uncritically, but to identify ideas that can be adapted intelligently. Strong teaching cultures assume that excellence is collaborative, incremental, empathetic and sustainable. As India implements the National Education Policy (NEP), we must ask whether we are genuinely building professional capacity or merely conducting training. Training fills a half for a day. Culture fills a career [citation:original text].

A teacher’s influence begins somewhere very ordinary: in a staffroom where teachers trust one another, in a lesson improved collectively, in a problem communicated before it grows and in the quiet act of noticing a child [citation:original text].

Q&A Section

1. What is the difference between “training” and “teaching culture”?

Training fills a half for a day, while culture fills a career. Training focuses on providing teachers with skills through workshops and courses, whereas teaching culture is a collaborative, empathetic, and sustainable approach to professional development. It is built on trust, cooperation, and a shared commitment to excellence in teaching and learning .

2. What is “Lesson Study” (Jugyo Kenkyu) and how is it applied?

Lesson Study is a collaborative practice where a group of teachers jointly plans a lesson, one teacher conducts it while others observe how students respond, and afterwards the group discusses and refines the lesson. The purpose is not to rate the teacher but to examine the learning. It is a form of observation as professional cooperation rather than judgement .

3. What is “Kaizen” and how does it apply to teaching?

Kaizen is a Japanese philosophy of continuous improvement through small and consistent changes. In teaching, a teacher who regularly asks, “What did not work today, and what can I change tomorrow?” may improve more meaningfully than one who attends several workshops. Kaizen dignifies the small and promotes a culture of incremental improvement .

4. What is “Ho-Ren-So” and why is it important for schools?

Ho-Ren-So is an abbreviation of hōkoku (report), renraku (inform) and sōdan (consult). It is a workplace principle based on communicating early, sharing relevant information, and seeking guidance before problems become crises. Schools that communicate early and laterally become calmer institutions, and calm institutions teach better. It is courtesy converted into a system .

5. What is “Tokkatsu” and how does it contribute to character education?

Tokkatsu, or Special Activities, is a practice through which Japanese schools integrate cooperation, responsibility, and participation into daily life. Students may help clean classrooms, serve lunch, and take responsibility for shared spaces. Character is not outsourced to a weekly moral education period but is built into the ordinary rhythm of the school day. The insight is simple: character is caught more often than it is taught .

Time for Public Audit to Put Land at the Centre of Governance

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Public audit in India has traditionally followed the money. It examines whether expenditure was authorized, whether procedure was followed, whether revenue was collected, and whether public funds were properly used. But one of the most valuable public assets often remains outside the centre of audit attention — land [citation:original text].

Land is the silent base of public governance, infrastructure, welfare delivery, urban expansion, environmental protection and economic development. Yet governments often know less about their land than about far less valuable assets. While elaborate systems exist for accounting for buildings, vehicles, machinery and financial assets, information on land is frequently fragmented, outdated or incomplete [citation:original text].

The question that public audit must increasingly ask is simple: Does the government know what land it owns, where it is located, how it is being used, whether it is encroached upon, and whether it is creating public value? This question is not technical. It goes to the heart of public accountability [citation:original text].

The Gap: Land Governance as a Systemic Failure

Weak land governance affects public finances, project delivery, citizen services, environmental protection and public trust. Acquisition delays push up costs. Weak records generate uncertainty. Encroachments erode public assets. Poorly managed land remains idle while public institutions search for space. Faulty compensation records can lead to overpayment, litigation or exclusion of rightful beneficiaries. Yet public discourse usually views land through narrow lenses like ownership disputes, acquisition controversies, mutation delays or revenue administration. These are important, but they often describe symptoms rather than causes. Land governance is not one department’s routine function. It is a connected system of maps, records, transactions, updates and ground possession. When these links do not speak to one another, the state begins to carry multiple versions of the same parcel [citation:original text].

A registered sale may not update revenue records. A revenue correction may not reach municipal databases. A court order may not be reflected in administrative records. A map may say one thing, a register another, and actual possession something else. For an auditor, this is not merely a clerical inconsistency. It is a risk signal [citation:original text].

The Shift in Audit: From Transaction to Value Creation

The traditional auditor asked, “Was the transaction proper?” The modern auditor asks, “Did the system work?” The future auditor must ask, “Was public value created?” Land governance is perhaps the most suitable field for this transition [citation:original text]. Take government land, for example. In theory, it is a valuable public asset. In practice, many departments do not even have complete and updated inventories of their land holdings. Information on location, area, present use, ownership status, encroachment, litigation and valuation is often scattered. A department may lose public land not because someone formally transferred it, but because nobody knew it was its own land in the first place [citation:original text].

This calls for an asset-management approach to land. Government must identify, inventory, protect, utilise and monitor public land with the same seriousness with which it manages other valuable assets. In fact, land deserves greater attention because it is finite, difficult to replace, and often appreciates over time [citation:original text].

The Acquisition and Compensation Challenge

The same logic applies to acquisition and compensation. Many project delays are attributed to contractors, funding gaps or execution weaknesses. But quite often, the real bottleneck lies earlier, in poor planning, faulty surveys, weak consultation, unclear ownership records, repeated alignment changes and compensation disputes. Compensation administration, too, is not merely a payment process. It involves the identification of rightful beneficiaries, accurate measurement, correct valuation and timely disbursement. Errors can lead to duplicate payments, exclusion, litigation and fiscal loss [citation:original text].

A useful audit lens is to move beyond the lazy shorthand of “land disputes”. In public administration, many problems that reach the state as disputes are actually system failures wearing the mask of disputes. A boundary conflict may be the result of outdated spatial information. An ownership mismatch may arise from delayed record correction. A disputed compensation payment may reflect weak beneficiary identification. An encroachment may reveal not merely an enforcement failure, but the absence of a reliable public land inventory [citation:original text].

The Role of Digitisation: Promise and Peril

Digitisation has opened new possibilities, but also new risks. Online records, digital mutation workflows, registration databases and citizen portals can improve transparency and service delivery. But technology cannot cure bad data. An inaccurate paper record does not become accurate merely because it is digitised. In fact, digitisation can amplify old errors by making them more widely accessible and more quickly replicated. Validation, correction mechanisms, access controls, audit trails and interoperability are essential. If digital systems remain isolated, governments may only replace paper silos with digital silos [citation:original text].

The Next Frontier: Geospatial and Technological Audit

The next frontier is geospatial and technological audit. GIS, satellite imagery, drone surveys, spatial databases and AI can help auditors move beyond departmental records. They can verify encroachments, land use, infrastructure progress, environmental compliance and acquisition claims through independent spatial evidence. This does not reduce the importance of documents. It strengthens audit evidence [citation:original text].

Citizen Trust and the State’s Credibility

Land governance also has a direct bearing on citizen trust. For many citizens, the state is encountered not in Parliament or the Secretariat, but in the registration office, revenue office, mutation counter, survey camp, compensation hearing or grievance forum. When records are unreliable, mutations delayed, encroachments unchecked or compensation disputed, the credibility of governance suffers [citation:original text].

Therefore, land audit should not be confined to revenue audit. It cuts across performance audit, compliance audit, IT audit, environmental audit, infrastructure audit and asset-management audit. A mutation backlog is not merely a service-delivery issue. A weak land inventory is not merely a departmental lapse. A flawed acquisition process is not merely a project delay. Each is part of a larger governance risk [citation:original text].

Conclusion: The Test of Good Land Governance

India’s public audit institutions have an opportunity to widen the frame. Land must be seen not only as a legal subject, revenue matter or administrative routine, but also as a strategic public asset. The test of good land governance is not merely whether files moved, records were digitised or transactions were registered. The real test is whether public assets were protected, fiscal risks reduced, citizens served, infrastructure delivered, environmental safeguards maintained and public value created [citation:original text].

In public finance, what is not counted is often not controlled. In land governance, what is not known is eventually lost. Public audit must, therefore, also begin to ask a basic question that governments have too often avoided: “Do we really know the land we govern?” [citation:original text]

Q&A Section

1. What is the traditional focus of public audit in India, and what is often overlooked?

Public audit in India has traditionally followed the money, examining whether expenditure was authorized, procedure was followed, revenue was collected, and public funds were properly used. However, one of the most valuable public assets, land, often remains outside the centre of audit attention, despite being the silent base of public governance, infrastructure, and development .

2. What is the fundamental question that public audit must ask regarding land?

The fundamental question is: Does the government know what land it owns, where it is located, how it is being used, whether it is encroached upon, and whether it is creating public value? This question goes to the heart of public accountability and is not merely technical .

3. What are the consequences of weak land governance?

Weak land governance affects public finances, project delivery, citizen services, environmental protection, and public trust. Acquisition delays push up costs, weak records generate uncertainty, encroachments erode public assets, and faulty compensation records can lead to overpayment and litigation. It also undermines the credibility of the state in the eyes of citizens .

4. How does digitisation affect land governance?

Digitisation offers opportunities for improved transparency and service delivery. However, it also carries risks: an inaccurate paper record does not become accurate merely because it is digitised. In fact, digitisation can amplify old errors by making them more widely accessible. Effective digitisation requires validation, correction mechanisms, access controls, audit trails, and interoperability .

5. What is the next frontier for land audit?

The next frontier is geospatial and technological audit, using GIS, satellite imagery, drone surveys, spatial databases, and AI to verify encroachments, land use, infrastructure progress, and acquisition claims through independent spatial evidence. This strengthens audit evidence and helps move beyond the limits of departmental records .

India’s Private Space Age Has Arrived: The Vikram-1 Launch and the Lessons of a Six-Year Revolution

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

On the morning of July 18, 2026, a seven-storey rocket lifted off from the Satish Dhawan Space Centre in Sriharikota, climbed for roughly fifteen minutes, and placed several payloads into orbit some 450 kilometres above the Earth. The rocket was Vikram-1. The company that built it, Skyroot Aerospace, is not a government arm, not a legacy defence contractor, and not even a decade old. With this single launch, India became only the third country in the world, after the United States and China, where a private company has independently designed, constructed, and flown its own rocket into orbit [citation:original text].

It is worth sitting with that fact before moving on to the human story around it, because the number that matters most here is not four payloads or 450 kilometres. It is six. Six years ago, in May 2020, the Government of India announced that the space sector, until then a strict government monopoly, would be opened to private participation. Six years later, an Indian startup has done something only two other nations have managed at the level of private industry. That is an extraordinarily short runway for a result of this magnitude, and it deserves to be the actual headline [citation:original text].

The Closed Sector: A Legacy of Constrained Ambition

For most of independent India’s history, space was constitutionally the exclusive domain of the state. The Indian Space Research Organisation designed the launch vehicles, built the satellites, and owned the launch pads; private firms, at best, supplied components and hoped for a contract. This was not unique to space. Telecom, coal, aviation, and banking all operated for decades on the same premise: that certain sectors were too strategic or too capital-intensive to entrust to private hands. The costs of that premise rarely show up immediately. They show up as absence: as a generation of engineers who dreamed of building rockets but had exactly one employer to dream about; as capital that might have funded ten competing approaches to a hard problem instead funding one; as innovation that thrives on rivalry never getting a field to compete in. Closed sectors do not just constrain companies. They constrain what an entire generation is permitted to imagine for itself [citation:original text].

This was the reality of India’s space sector until 2020. While ISRO achieved remarkable successes, including the Mars Orbiter Mission (Mangalyaan) and the Chandrayaan missions, the private sector was largely confined to a supplier role. The full potential of India’s engineering talent remained untapped, and the country’s space economy remained a fraction of what it could be.

The Reforms: A Policy Pivot

The government’s decision to open the space sector to private participation in 2020 was a watershed moment. The establishment of IN-SPACE as a single-window regulator provided a clear pathway for private companies to access ISRO’s facilities, technology, and expertise. This was complemented by the Indian Space Policy 2023, which formalized the framework for private participation. The result has been a transformation in the sector, with more than 400 private space startups now active in India.

The reforms were not just about opening the door; they were about creating an ecosystem. The government introduced a ₹1,000 crore venture capital fund to support early-stage space startups, and the Technology Adoption Fund to support innovation. These measures, combined with the institutional framework provided by IN-SPACE, have created a fertile ground for private innovation.

The Entrepreneurs: From ISRO to Skyroot

The two engineers behind Skyroot understood this from the inside. Pawan Kumar Chandana and Naga Bharath Daka met as scientists at ISRO, one having worked on India’s heaviest launch vehicle, the GSLV Mark III, the other bringing expertise in the avionics that let a rocket sense its own position and correct its path mid-flight. In June 2018, while it was still, in practical terms, unthinkable for a private company to build its own rocket in India, they left secure government careers to start one anyway, with ten people and $1.5 million in seed funding. Eight years and more than $160 million later, that bet has produced a rocket now in orbit [citation:original text].

Chandana and Daka’s technical skill was built inside ISRO, on the back of decades of public investment in their training. More than seventy technologies developed within ISRO have since been formally transferred to private industry, letting companies like Skyroot build on government research rather than start from zero. What changed in 2020 was not the talent. It was the permission. Government investment supplied the skill; policy reform supplied the outlet. Vikram-1 is what happens when those two things are finally allowed to meet [citation:original text].

The Name: A Quiet Argument for Continuity

The rocket’s name is itself a quiet argument for that reading. It honours Vikram Sarabhai, the physicist who founded ISRO in 1969 on the conviction that a poor country could not afford to stay out of space, not to compete with wealthier nations for prestige, but because space technology was how India could leapfrog straight to solving problems on the ground: connecting villages, tracking monsoons, mapping resources. Sarabhai built that vision inside government because, in his era, there was no other institution capable of building it. Chandana and Daka have now shown that the same vision can be built outside it too, not instead of the government’s role, but as an extension of it [citation:original text].

The Strategic Dimension: A New Role for India

There is a strategic dimension worth naming plainly. India’s space economy is currently valued at roughly $8.4 billion, about two per cent of the global total, a modest share for a country that trains a disproportionate share of the world’s engineers. The government’s own projections put that figure at around $44 billion by 2033 and $100 billion by 2040. None of that growth was available while the sector legally belonged to a single government department. More than three hundred private space startups are now active in India, up from a handful five years ago, and the sector already supports close to a hundred thousand jobs [citation:original text].

A country that can launch small satellites reliably and cheaply, precisely the market Vikram-1 was built for, is also a country that can become the launch partner of choice for the dozens of developing nations that want satellite access to agriculture data, disaster monitoring, and communications, but will never build a Sriharikota of their own. That is not only a commercial opportunity. It is a geopolitical one, and India is now positioned to claim it early [citation:original text].

The Road Ahead: The Real Test

None of this guarantees what comes next. Skyroot must still prove it can launch repeatedly, not just once; that it can compete on cost with established players; that international customers and insurers will trust a young company with expensive payloads. Those are real hurdles, and the company has been candid that they remain ahead of it. But the sequence that got India here is not really in dispute: the sector was closed, then it was opened, and within six years of opening, a company with no state backing put a rocket into orbit. That sequence is the real lesson of July 18, not that India has arrived in space, which it did in 1969, but that India has learned something about how to get out of its own way, and did not take nearly as long to learn it as history might have suggested [citation:original text].

Q&A Section

1. What is the significance of the Vikram-1 launch for India’s space sector?

The Vikram-1 launch marks the first time a private Indian company has independently designed, constructed, and flown its own rocket into orbit. It makes India only the third country, after the US and China, with a private orbital launch capability. This is a testament to the success of the government’s space sector reforms, which opened the sector to private participation in 2020 .

2. How did India’s space sector change after 2020?

In 2020, the government announced that the space sector would be opened to private participation. This was followed by the Indian Space Policy 2023, which formalized the framework for private participation, and the establishment of IN-SPACe as a single-window regulator. These reforms allowed private companies to access ISRO’s facilities, technology, and expertise, and led to the growth of more than 400 private space startups .

3. What was the role of ISRO’s technology in Skyroot’s success?

The founders of Skyroot, Chandana and Daka, built their technical skill inside ISRO, on the back of decades of public investment in their training. More than seventy technologies developed within ISRO have since been formally transferred to private industry, allowing companies like Skyroot to build on government research rather than start from zero. Government investment supplied the skill; policy reform supplied the outlet .

4. Why was the rocket named Vikram-1?

The rocket was named after Vikram Sarabhai, the physicist who founded ISRO in 1969. Sarabhai believed that a poor country could not afford to stay out of space, not for prestige but because space technology could help solve problems on the ground. The name honours Sarabhai’s vision and suggests that the private sector is an extension of that government-led vision .

5. What are the strategic implications of India’s private space capability?

India’s ability to launch small satellites reliably and cheaply positions it to become the launch partner of choice for developing nations that want satellite access for agriculture data, disaster monitoring, and communications. This is a commercial opportunity, but also a geopolitical one, as India can now claim a role in the global space economy early.

Time for Public Audit to Put Land at the Centre of Governance

By Aditi Nayar
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

Public audit in India has traditionally followed the money. It examines whether expenditure was authorised, where the procedure was followed, whether revenue was collected, and whether public funds were properly used. But one of the most valuable public assets often remains outside the centre of audit attention — land [citation:original text].

Land is the silent base of public governance, infrastructure, welfare delivery, urban expansion, environmental protection and economic development. Yet governments often know less about their land than about far less valuable assets. While elaborate systems exist for accounting for buildings, vehicles, machinery and financial assets, information on land is frequently fragmented, outdated or incomplete [citation:original text].

The question that public audit must increasingly ask is simple: Does the government know what land it owns, where it is located, how it is being used, whether it is encroached upon, and whether it is creating public value? This question is not technical. It goes to the heart of public accountability [citation:original text].

The Gap: Land Governance as a Systemic Failure

Weak land governance affects public finances, project delivery, citizen services, environmental protection and public trust. Acquisition delays push up costs. Weak records generate uncertainty. Encroachments erode public assets. Poorly managed land remains idle while public institutions search for space. Faulty compensation records can lead to overpayment, litigation or exclusion of rightful beneficiaries. Yet public discourse usually views land through narrow lenses like ownership disputes, acquisition controversies, mutation delays or revenue administration. These are important, but they often describe symptoms rather than causes. Land governance is not one department’s routine function. It is a connected system of maps, records, transactions, updates and ground possession. When these links do not speak to one another, the state begins to carry multiple versions of the same parcel [citation:original text].

A registered sale may not update revenue records. A revenue correction may not reach municipal databases. A court order may not be reflected in administrative records. A map may say one thing, a register another, and actual possession something else. For an auditor, this is not merely a clerical inconsistency. It is a risk signal [citation:original text].

The Shift in Audit: From Transaction to Value Creation

The traditional auditor asked, “Was the transaction proper?” The modern auditor asks, “Did the system work?” The future auditor must ask, “Was public value created?” Land governance is perhaps the most suitable field for this transition [citation:original text]. Take government land, for example. In theory, it is a valuable public asset. In practice, many departments do not even have complete and updated inventories of their land holdings. Information on location, area, present use, ownership status, encroachment, litigation and valuation is often scattered. A department may lose public land not because someone formally transferred it, but because nobody knew it was its own land in the first place [citation:original text].

This calls for an asset-management approach to land. Government must identify, inventory, protect, utilise and monitor public land with the same seriousness with which it manages other valuable assets. In fact, land deserves greater attention because it is finite, difficult to replace, and often appreciates over time [citation:original text].

The Acquisition and Compensation Challenge

The same logic applies to acquisition and compensation. Many project delays are attributed to contractors, funding gaps or execution weaknesses. But quite often, the real bottleneck lies earlier, in poor planning, faulty surveys, weak consultation, unclear ownership records, repeated alignment changes and compensation disputes. Compensation administration, too, is not merely a payment process. It involves the identification of rightful beneficiaries, accurate measurement, correct valuation and timely disbursement. Errors can lead to duplicate payments, exclusion, litigation and fiscal loss [citation:original text].

A useful audit lens is to move beyond the lazy shorthand of “land disputes”. In public administration, many problems that reach the state as disputes are actually system failures wearing the mask of disputes. A boundary conflict may be the result of outdated spatial information. An ownership mismatch may arise from delayed record correction. A disputed compensation payment may reflect weak beneficiary identification. An encroachment may reveal not merely an enforcement failure, but the absence of a reliable public land inventory [citation:original text].

The Role of Digitisation: Promise and Peril

Digitisation has opened new possibilities, but also new risks. Online records, digital mutation workflows, registration databases and citizen portals can improve transparency and service delivery. But technology cannot cure bad data. An inaccurate paper record does not become accurate merely because it is digitised. In fact, digitisation can amplify old errors by making them more widely accessible and more quickly replicated. Validation, correction mechanisms, access controls, audit trails and interoperability are essential. If digital systems remain isolated, governments may only replace paper silos with digital silos [citation:original text].

The Digital India Land Records Modernisation Programme (DILRMP), launched in 2008 and now in its third phase, has made significant progress in digitising land records. However, the challenge of ensuring the accuracy and completeness of these records remains. The programme has been criticized for its slow progress and for focusing on digitisation without addressing the underlying issues of land governance.

The Next Frontier: Geospatial and Technological Audit

The next frontier is geospatial and technological audit. GIS, satellite imagery, drone surveys, spatial databases and AI can help auditors move beyond departmental records. They can verify encroachments, land use, infrastructure progress, environmental compliance and acquisition claims through independent spatial evidence. This does not reduce the importance of documents. It strengthens audit evidence [citation:original text].

The use of satellite imagery to monitor land use changes, detect encroachments, and verify the progress of infrastructure projects is already being explored in some states. The integration of this technology into the audit process would significantly enhance the ability of auditors to provide independent and reliable evidence.

Citizen Trust and the State’s Credibility

Land governance also has a direct bearing on citizen trust. For many citizens, the state is encountered not in Parliament or the Secretariat, but in the registration office, revenue office, mutation counter, survey camp, compensation hearing or grievance forum. When records are unreliable, mutations delayed, encroachments unchecked or compensation disputed, the credibility of governance suffers [citation:original text].

The recent controversy in Tamil Nadu, where the state government faced criticism for its handling of land records and compensation issues, illustrates the political salience of this issue. The government’s failure to ensure clear titles and fair compensation for land acquisition led to public protests and legal challenges. This highlights the importance of transparent and accountable land governance for maintaining citizen trust.

A Wider Frame: Land as a Strategic Public Asset

Therefore, land audit should not be confined to revenue audit. It cuts across performance audit, compliance audit, IT audit, environmental audit, infrastructure audit and asset-management audit. A mutation backlog is not merely a service-delivery issue. A weak land inventory is not merely a departmental lapse. A flawed acquisition process is not merely a project delay. Each is part of a larger governance risk [citation:original text].

India’s public audit institutions have an opportunity to widen the frame. Land must be seen not only as a legal subject, revenue matter or administrative routine, but also as a strategic public asset. The test of good land governance is not merely whether files moved, records were digitised or transactions were registered. The real test is whether public assets were protected, fiscal risks reduced, citizens served, infrastructure delivered, environmental safeguards maintained and public value created [citation:original text].

Conclusion

In public finance, what is not counted is often not controlled. In land governance, what is not known is eventually lost. Public audit must, therefore, also begin to ask a basic question that governments have too often avoided: “Do we really know the land we govern?” [citation:original text]

Q&A Section

1. What is the traditional focus of public audit in India, and what is often overlooked?

Public audit in India has traditionally followed the money, examining whether expenditure was authorized, procedure was followed, revenue was collected, and public funds were properly used. However, one of the most valuable public assets, land, often remains outside the centre of audit attention, despite being the silent base of public governance, infrastructure, and development [citation:original text].

2. What is the fundamental question that public audit must ask regarding land?

The fundamental question is: Does the government know what land it owns, where it is located, how it is being used, whether it is encroached upon, and whether it is creating public value? This question goes to the heart of public accountability and is not merely technical [citation:original text].

3. What are the consequences of weak land governance?

Weak land governance affects public finances, project delivery, citizen services, environmental protection, and public trust. Acquisition delays push up costs, weak records generate uncertainty, encroachments erode public assets, and faulty compensation records can lead to overpayment and litigation. It also undermines the credibility of the state in the eyes of citizens [citation:original text].

4. How does digitisation affect land governance?

Digitisation offers opportunities for improved transparency and service delivery. However, it also carries risks: an inaccurate paper record does not become accurate merely because it is digitised. In fact, digitisation can amplify old errors by making them more widely accessible. Effective digitisation requires validation, correction mechanisms, access controls, audit trails, and interoperability [citation:original text].

5. What is the next frontier for land audit?

The next frontier is geospatial and technological audit, using GIS, satellite imagery, drone surveys, spatial databases, and AI to verify encroachments, land use, infrastructure progress, and acquisition claims through independent spatial evidence. This strengthens audit evidence and helps move beyond the limits of departmental records [citation:original text].

India Needs a Climate-Integrated Inflation Forecasting Framework

By Abhinav Jindal and Vaibhavi Singh
New Delhi, July 22, 2026

As India becomes increasingly vulnerable to climate change, its implications for inflation can no longer be ignored. Climate risk is now inflation risk too, requiring monetary policy frameworks to evolve and reflect this reality [citation:original text]. The Reserve Bank of India’s (RBI) Monetary Policy Report of April 2024 estimated that climate-induced shocks could add up to 100 basis points to headline inflation by 2050 [citation:original text]. While India’s flexible inflation targeting (FIT) framework has a CPI inflation target of 4%, with a margin of 2% on either side, its primary tool—the repo rate—is effective against demand-driven inflation. So, we must evaluate how this band would change if climate shocks are incorporated [citation:original text].

This is especially important because food, which accounts for over one-third of the consumer price index (CPI), is highly climate-sensitive. Yet, a 6% inflation reading caused by a failed kharif harvest and one driven by excess liquidity appear identical in conventional models, despite requiring very different policy responses. Existing frameworks struggle to distinguish between the two [citation:original text].

The Climate-Inflation Nexus: A Structural Shift

Global evidence shows that excessive rainfall, heat stress and flood damage reduce productivity and disrupt supply chains. Inflation-targeting assumes supply shocks are temporary and self-correcting, but climate change has been making them more frequent, persistent and overlapping. This represents a structural shift in inflation dynamics [citation:original text].

The FIT framework largely treats all inflation deviations as alike, even though climate-induced inflation differs from demand-driven inflation in both persistence and policy implications. The key challenge is to tell temporary price spikes apart from persistent climate shocks. Misreading a climate-driven inflation spike as excess demand could slow growth without easing inflation, while underestimating persistent climate shocks risks inflation expectations getting unanchored [citation:original text].

Climate change is reducing RBI’s margin for policy error. Research suggests food inflation is turning structural, with temperature shocks raising it by up to 0.4 percentage points [citation:original text]. The RBI’s own analysis has shown that a 1% deviation in the southwest monsoon from its long-period average reduces agricultural GDP growth by 0.25 percentage points and increases food inflation by 0.15 percentage points. However, these estimates are not yet integrated into the central bank’s forecasting models.

India’s Progress: Climate Risk Integration

India has made significant progress in integrating climate risks into policymaking through three key developments. First, RBI’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) has increasingly recognized climate risks in its deliberations, citing El Niño (2023), excessive rainfall (2024) and a likely deficient southwest monsoon (2026) as risks to inflation and growth [citation:original text]. Second, Climate Risk Disclosure Frameworks require regulated entities to report climate exposures in line with principles outlined by the Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures. Third, RBI’s newly launched Reserve Bank-Climate Risk Information System (RB-CRIS) provides centralized climate data for climate-adjusted forecasting. Integrating these into policy models is the next challenge [citation:original text].

Despite these advances, climate risk largely enters policy through qualitative judgement rather than as a quantified input for inflation models. The next step is to systematically adopt inflation forecasting that duly takes climate data into account for policy calibration [citation:original text].

Global Best Practices: Lessons from the ECB, BoE, and RBA

No major central bank has completely solved the climate-driven inflation riddle and they are at different stages in integrating climate risks into their policy frameworks. Three cases are instructive [citation:original text].

The European Central Bank (ECB): The ECB has developed a three-part taxonomy that includes ‘climateflation’ for supply-side price pressures caused by physical climate events, ‘fossilflation’ for energy volatility related to carbon pricing, and ‘greenflation’ for input cost increases led by decarbonization efforts. These give policymakers vocabulary for calibrated responses [citation:original text]. The ECB’s taxonomy has been widely recognized as a useful framework for distinguishing between different types of climate-driven inflation and for tailoring policy responses accordingly.

The Bank of England (BoE): The BoE’s Climate Biennial Exploratory Scenario has extended its forecasting model to embed physical climate variables directly into the rate-decision process [citation:original text]. The BoE has been a pioneer in exploring the implications of climate change for monetary policy, and its approach is being closely watched by other central banks.

The Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA): The RBA publishes a climate scenario analysis that explicitly separates weather-driven supply shocks from demand-side inflation—a decomposition that India’s models currently cannot produce [citation:original text]. The RBA’s approach is particularly relevant for India because both countries face similar challenges, including the impact of El Niño on agricultural production.

Much like India’s central bank, neither the ECB nor BoE has demystified climate inflation, but both have moved from recognizing climate risk to embedding it within their analytical frameworks that guide policy decisions. Led by these examples, India could also try routing RB-CRIS’s meteorological feeds into the macro-economic models that underpin inflation projections and let policymakers see how much of a CPI surprise can be traced to climate effects vis-à-vis other factors [citation:original text].

The Way Forward: A Climate-Integrated Framework

India is fast catching up with Western countries in developing climate-related data infrastructure and frameworks. We have moved from recognition of climate risk to the development of climate data infrastructure and could take the next leap of faith: i.e., using that infrastructure to provide tangible forecasts as inputs for policymakers [citation:original text]. It is amply clear that climate risks in India need to be integrated into its inflation targeting framework. This integration ought to take place before climate shocks become sufficiently persistent to weaken the central bank’s current framework [citation:original text].

A climate-integrated inflation forecasting framework would have several components. First, it would incorporate climate data, such as rainfall, temperature, and extreme weather events, into the forecasting models. Second, it would distinguish between climate-driven inflation and demand-driven inflation. Third, it would allow policymakers to assess the persistence of climate shocks and to calibrate policy responses accordingly.

The RBI is already taking steps in this direction. The RB-CRIS system is a major achievement, and the central bank is working with other institutions to develop climate-adjusted economic models. However, more needs to be done. The RBI should set a timeline for the integration of climate risk into its forecasting models, and it should publish the results of its climate scenario analysis to inform public debate.

Conclusion

India’s inflation targeting framework has been a success in controlling inflation and anchoring expectations. However, the framework was designed for a world where supply shocks were temporary and self-correcting. Climate change is challenging that assumption. It is time to formally incorporate climate-driven inflation risks for effective monetary policy action. The infrastructure is in place; the next step is to use it.

Q&A Section

1. What is the significance of climate risk for India’s inflation targeting framework?

Climate risk is now inflation risk too. The RBI’s Monetary Policy Report of April 2024 estimated that climate-induced shocks could add up to 100 basis points to headline inflation by 2050. The challenge is that the existing framework treats all inflation deviations as alike, even though climate-driven inflation differs from demand-driven inflation in persistence and policy implications .

2. What are the limitations of the current inflation targeting framework in addressing climate shocks?

The current framework assumes supply shocks are temporary and self-correcting. However, climate change is making them more frequent, persistent, and overlapping. The primary tool, the repo rate, is effective against demand-driven inflation but less so against supply shocks. The framework also struggles to distinguish between a 6% inflation reading caused by a failed harvest and one driven by excess liquidity .

3. What progress has India made in integrating climate risks into policymaking?

India has made progress through three developments: the MPC has increasingly recognized climate risks in its deliberations; Climate Risk Disclosure Frameworks require regulated entities to report climate exposures; and the RBI has launched the Reserve Bank-Climate Risk Information System (RB-CRIS) for climate-adjusted forecasting. However, climate risk still largely enters policy through qualitative judgement rather than as a quantified input .

4. What are some global best practices for integrating climate risks into monetary policy?

The ECB has developed a three-part taxonomy that includes ‘climateflation,’ ‘fossilflation,’ and ‘greenflation.’ The Bank of England has embedded physical climate variables directly into its rate-decision process. The Reserve Bank of Australia publishes a climate scenario analysis that separates weather-driven supply shocks from demand-side inflation—a decomposition that India’s models currently cannot produce .

5. What should be the next step for India in integrating climate risks into its inflation targeting framework?

The next step is to systematically adopt inflation forecasting that duly takes climate data into account for policy calibration. India could route RB-CRIS’s meteorological feeds into the macro-economic models that underpin inflation projections, allowing policymakers to see how much of a CPI surprise can be traced to climate effects. This integration should take place before climate shocks become sufficiently persistent to weaken the central bank’s current framework .

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