Reclaiming Universities, Forest Rights, and Defence Diplomacy: Navigating India’s Multifaceted Governance Challenges

Why in News?

The provided newspaper clippings highlight three significant and interconnected governance and strategic developments in India:

  1. Crisis in Higher Education: The article “Reclaiming universities through trust, student voice” discusses the growing disconnect between university administrations and students, the decline of academic freedom, and the urgent need to reform university governance. It critiques the “control model” of governance, the “blame the failures of university governance” narrative, and the broader crisis in India’s higher education system, including the tragic collapse of a building in Delhi’s Satya Niketan area.

  2. Forest Rights and Tribal Governance: The article “Perilous retreat” warns against the dilution of the Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006. It critiques the Ministry of Tribal Affairs’ proposal to amend the FRA, which would require the consent of only 50% of gram sabha members (instead of the entire gram sabha) for diverting forest land for non-forest purposes. This, the article argues, is a dangerous retreat that undermines the constitutional rights of tribal communities and the spirit of PESA (Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act.

  3. India-Japan Defence Cooperation: The article “India-Japan defence cooperation breaks new ground” analyses the deepening strategic partnership between India and Japan, focusing on their defence cooperation, joint exercises, and the transfer of UNICORN defence equipment. It highlights the convergence of their strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific and their shared concerns about China’s growing military assertiveness.

Introduction

India is at a critical juncture in its domestic and foreign policy. On the domestic front, the country faces significant challenges in higher education governance, environmental protection, and the rights of marginalized communities. On the international front, India is deepening its strategic partnerships, particularly with Japan, to counter China’s growing influence in the Indo-Pacific.

The articles under review paint a picture of a nation grappling with complex governance issues. The crisis in higher education is not just about infrastructure; it is about the fundamental principles of academic freedom, student voice, and institutional accountability. The debate over the Forest Rights Act is a test of India’s commitment to constitutional morality, tribal rights, and environmental sustainability. The India-Japan defence partnership is a strategic response to a changing geopolitical landscape, but it also requires India to balance its strategic autonomy with its growing interdependence.

This article analyses these three issues, their key challenges, and the way forward.

Background

Part 1: Falling Edifice – Delhi’s Ambition as an Education Hub is at Odds with Its Civic Infrastructure

The collapse of a five-storey building in Delhi’s Satya Niketan, being run as a private hostel that killed seven and injured five in a densely populated area near Delhi University’s South Campus, has brought to light the hazardous development in the capital’s residential areas and the shortage of affordable housing for students. With over 70,000 students entering Delhi University every year and the campus accommodating only a fraction of them, the city has failed to keep up with the growing demand. The University has, for all practical purposes, absolved itself of the responsibility, citing lack of land, leaving private players to cast in and run paying guest accommodations and hostels with impunity. In a setup where every extra bed means more revenue, matchbox-sized rooms, often located in buildings that flout building bye-laws and fire safety regulations and have no ventilation, are what students get. The collapse is not just a tragedy; it is a symptom of a systemic failure.

The Delhi government says that it wants the city to be a global education hub. But it cannot be a hub if the city cannot provide a safe, affordable education. The Delhi government has suspended five senior officials of the civic body, ordered a probe and announced that it was working on a new regulatory framework. The AAP government has announced that every building used for public activity would be required to undergo periodic structural audits and obtain safety certificates. It must go beyond these reactive measures to seek more structural solutions, such as building affordable hostels. The city’s infrastructure must be strengthened to meet the demands of a growing student population. The Delhi University must work with educational institutions to develop more residential, travel and learning facilities for students. The introduction of four-year undergraduate programmes also means that students may stay on for an additional year, increasing the demand for housing. Private hostels can be part of the solution, but crumbling civic infrastructure, illegal construction and lack of safety audits must be tackled through policy and strict enforcement.

Part 2: Perilous Retreat – Gram Sabhas Must Have a Veto on Issues Relating to Tribal Land

The Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006, was enacted to correct the historical injustices meted out to forest-dwelling communities. It recognizes the rights of tribal communities over forest land and resources. The Act empowers the gram sabha (village assembly) to decide on matters relating to forest land, including the diversion of forest land for non-forest purposes. The Ministry of Tribal Affairs has proposed an amendment to the FRA that would require the consent of only 50% of gram sabha members, instead of the entire gram sabha, for diverting forest land for non-forest purposes. This proposal is a dangerous retreat that undermines the constitutional rights of tribal communities. The article argues that the consent requirement is not just a procedural formality; it is a substantive right that ensures that tribal communities have a say in decisions that affect their lives and livelihoods. The proposal to reduce the consent threshold to 50% is a violation of the spirit of PESA and the FRA. The article calls for the government to withdraw the proposal and to strengthen the FRA instead.

Part 3: India-Japan Defence Cooperation Breaks New Ground

The August 2026 visit of Japanese Minister Shinjiro Koizumi to India marks an important moment in the evolution of a bilateral relationship that has historically operated below its potential. The joint statement and the signing of the 2+2 mechanism, exercises, logistics agreements, and defence technology discussions are a testament to the deepening strategic partnership between the two countries. The article argues that the India-Japan defence relationship has reached a stage where additional declarations of strategic convergence have little value unless they are accompanied by concrete outcomes. The article highlights the convergence in operational capability, the transfer of UNICORN defence equipment, and the growing maritime security cooperation between the two countries. It also notes the challenges, including the need to move beyond rhetorical convergence and to address the structural constraints in the relationship.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Crisis in Higher Education Governance

The article by Faizan Mustafa raises critical questions about the state of university governance in India. The key issues include:

  • Erosion of Academic Freedom: The Indian Constitution does not explicitly mention “academic freedom,” but the Supreme Court has recognized it as part of the right to freedom of speech and expression (Article 19(1)(a)). However, in practice, academic freedom is under threat. The article cites examples from around the world, including the dismissal of faculty in Turkey and the persecution of professors in the U.S. during the McCarthy era.

  • The “Control Model” of Governance: The article critiques the “control model” of governance, where vice-chancellors are appointed by the government and are accountable to it, rather than to the university community. This model undermines the autonomy of universities and stifles academic freedom.

  • Lack of Student Voice: Students are the primary stakeholders in a university, but they are often excluded from decision-making processes. The article argues that students should have a meaningful role in university governance.

  • Blame the Failures of University Governance: The article argues that the failures of university governance are to blame for the growing protests across Indian campuses. Students are not the problem; the problem is the lack of institutional mechanisms for dialogue and redressal.

2. The Dilution of the Forest Rights Act

The article “Perilous Retreat” raises serious concerns about the government’s proposal to amend the FRA. The key issues include:

  • Undermining Tribal Rights: The FRA recognizes the rights of tribal communities over forest land. The proposal to reduce the consent threshold to 50% undermines these rights.

  • Violation of PESA: The PESA Act, 1996, extends the provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment to Scheduled Areas. It gives the gram sabha a central role in decision-making. The proposal to reduce the consent threshold is a violation of the spirit of PESA.

  • Environmental Degradation: The dilution of the FRA could lead to increased deforestation and environmental degradation.

  • Consultation with Affected Communities: The article argues that the government must consult with the affected communities before making any changes to the FRA.

3. The India-Japan Defence Partnership

The article by Harsh V. Pant and Prathamesh Basu highlights the deepening defence cooperation between India and Japan. The key issues include:

  • Convergence in Operational Capability: The two countries are moving beyond dialogue to concrete outcomes, including the 2+2 mechanism, exercises, logistics agreements, and defence technology discussions.

  • Transfer of UNICORN Defence Equipment: The proposed transfer of Japan’s UNICORN integrated communications antenna system to India is a significant step forward in defence technology cooperation.

  • Maritime Security Cooperation: The two countries are deepening their maritime security cooperation in the Indo-Pacific, driven by shared concerns about China’s growing military assertiveness.

  • Challenges: The article notes that the relationship still faces challenges, including the need to move beyond rhetorical convergence and to address the structural constraints in the relationship.

Timeline of Events

  • 2006: Forest Rights Act (FRA) enacted.

  • 1996: Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act enacted.

  • August 2026: Japanese Minister Shinjiro Koizumi visits India.

  • September 2026: BRICS summit to be held in New Delhi (from a separate article in the same newspaper).

  • Recent: Building collapse in Satya Niketan, Delhi, kills seven students.

  • Recent: Ministry of Tribal Affairs proposes an amendment to the FRA to reduce the consent threshold to 50%.

  • November 2024: India and Japan sign the UNICORN agreement.

  • September 2026: Joint Veer Guardian exercise in India (September 8-22, 2026).

Government Response

  • Higher Education: The Delhi government has suspended five senior officials of the civic body, ordered a probe, and announced a new regulatory framework. The AAP government has announced that every building used for public activity would be required to undergo periodic structural audits and obtain safety certificates.

  • Forest Rights: The Ministry of Tribal Affairs has proposed an amendment to the FRA to reduce the consent threshold to 50%. This has been criticized by civil society groups and tribal rights activists.

  • India-Japan Defence: The government has signed the 2+2 mechanism, exercises, logistics agreements, and defence technology discussions with Japan. It has also agreed to the transfer of UNICORN defence equipment.

Judicial Developments

  • Higher Education: The article mentions the Supreme Court’s recognition of academic freedom as part of Article 19(1)(a). It also cites the case of the University of Delhi, which dropped a paper on the Delhi Sultanate following objections from the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP).

  • Forest Rights: The article does not mention any specific judicial developments.

  • India-Japan Defence: The article does not mention any specific judicial developments.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

  • Higher Education:

    • Article 19(1)(a): Freedom of speech and expression, which includes academic freedom.

    • Article 21A: Right to Education.

    • Governance: The “control model” of governance undermines the autonomy of universities.

  • Forest Rights:

    • Article 244: Administration of Scheduled Areas and Tribal Areas.

    • Fifth Schedule: Provisions for the administration and control of Scheduled Areas.

    • PESA Act, 1996: Extends the provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment to Scheduled Areas.

    • FRA, 2006: Recognizes the rights of tribal communities over forest land.

  • India-Japan Defence:

    • Article 51: Promotion of international peace and security.

    • Strategic Autonomy: India’s ability to pursue an independent foreign policy.

Social and Political Significance

  • Higher Education:

    • Student Protests: The growing protests across Indian campuses are a symptom of the failure of university governance.

    • Quality of Education: The decline in public investment in education (from 6% of GDP to 4.4%) has led to a decline in the quality of education.

    • Inequality: The commercialization of education has led to increased inequality.

  • Forest Rights:

    • Tribal Rights: The dilution of the FRA undermines the constitutional rights of tribal communities.

    • Environmental Protection: The FRA is a crucial tool for environmental protection.

    • Social Justice: The FRA is a step towards correcting historical injustices.

  • India-Japan Defence:

    • Indo-Pacific Security: The India-Japan partnership is a key pillar of the Indo-Pacific security architecture.

    • Balancing China: The partnership is a response to China’s growing military assertiveness.

    • Strategic Autonomy: The partnership is a test of India’s ability to balance its strategic autonomy with its growing interdependence.

Challenges

  • Higher Education:

    1. Erosion of Academic Freedom: The “control model” of governance undermines academic freedom.

    2. Lack of Student Voice: Students are excluded from decision-making processes.

    3. Declining Public Investment: Public investment in education has declined from 6% of GDP to 4.4%.

    4. Commercialization: The commercialization of education has led to increased inequality.

  • Forest Rights:

    1. Dilution of FRA: The proposal to reduce the consent threshold to 50% undermines tribal rights.

    2. Lack of Consultation: The government has not consulted with the affected communities.

    3. Political Interference: The FRA is often diluted to facilitate mining and other industrial projects.

    4. Weak Implementation: The FRA is poorly implemented in many states.

  • India-Japan Defence:

    1. Rhetorical Convergence: The relationship is still characterized by rhetorical convergence rather than concrete outcomes.

    2. Structural Constraints: The relationship faces structural constraints, including Japan’s pacifist constitution and India’s strategic autonomy.

    3. China Factor: The relationship is a response to China’s growing military assertiveness.

    4. Operational Interoperability: The two countries need to increase their operational interoperability.

Way Forward

  • Higher Education:

    1. Reform University Governance: Move from a “control model” to a “liberty model” of governance.

    2. Empower Students: Give students a meaningful role in university governance.

    3. Increase Public Investment: Increase public investment in education to 6% of GDP.

    4. Promote Academic Freedom: Protect and promote academic freedom.

  • Forest Rights:

    1. Withdraw the Proposal: The government should withdraw the proposal to amend the FRA.

    2. Consult Tribal Communities: The government must consult with the affected communities before making any changes to the FRA.

    3. Strengthen the FRA: The government should strengthen the FRA and ensure its effective implementation.

    4. Respect Gram Sabha Consent: The government must respect the gram sabha’s right to consent.

  • India-Japan Defence:

    1. Move Beyond Rhetoric: Move beyond rhetorical convergence to concrete outcomes.

    2. Address Structural Constraints: Address the structural constraints in the relationship.

    3. Increase Operational Interoperability: Increase operational interoperability between the two militaries.

    4. Deepen Defence Technology Cooperation: Deepen defence technology cooperation, including the transfer of UNICORN defence equipment.

Conclusion

The three issues discussed—the crisis in higher education, the dilution of the Forest Rights Act, and the India-Japan defence partnership—are distinct but interconnected. They reflect the broader challenges facing India as it seeks to balance economic development with social justice, environmental protection, and strategic autonomy.

The crisis in higher education is a crisis of governance. The “control model” of governance has stifled academic freedom, excluded students from decision-making, and led to a decline in the quality of education. The way forward requires a fundamental shift in the way universities are governed.

The dilution of the Forest Rights Act is a retreat from constitutional morality. The FRA was enacted to correct historical injustices, and any attempt to dilute it is a betrayal of the tribal communities who have been the custodians of India’s forests for centuries.

The India-Japan defence partnership is a strategic response to a changing geopolitical landscape. The partnership has the potential to be a cornerstone of the Indo-Pacific security architecture, but it requires both countries to move beyond rhetorical convergence and to address the structural constraints in the relationship.

The time for action is now. The future of India’s democracy, its environment, and its strategic autonomy depends on the choices made today.


5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “The crisis in higher education is a crisis of governance.” Critically examine this statement in the context of the recent building collapse in Delhi’s Satya Niketan and the broader challenges facing Indian universities.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The building collapse in Satya Niketan, which killed seven students, is a symptom of a deeper governance crisis. The crisis is characterized by:

  1. The “Control Model” of Governance: Universities are governed by a “control model” where vice-chancellors are appointed by the government and are accountable to it, rather than to the university community. This undermines academic freedom and institutional autonomy.

  2. Lack of Student Voice: Students are the primary stakeholders in a university, but they are often excluded from decision-making processes.

  3. Declining Public Investment: Public investment in education has declined from 6% of GDP to 4.4%, leading to crumbling infrastructure and a shortage of affordable housing for students.

  4. Commercialization: The commercialization of education has led to the rise of private hostels and coaching centres that operate with impunity, flouting safety norms.
    The way forward requires a fundamental shift from a “control model” to a “liberty model” of governance, where universities are trusted, students have a meaningful role, and public investment is increased.

Q2. Discuss the significance of the Forest Rights Act, 2006, in the context of tribal rights and environmental protection. Why is the proposed amendment to reduce the consent threshold to 50% a “perilous retreat”?
Answer: The Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006, is a landmark legislation that recognizes the rights of forest-dwelling communities over forest land and resources. It is significant for:

  1. Correcting Historical Injustices: It corrects the historical injustices meted out to tribal communities during the colonial and post-colonial periods.

  2. Empowering Gram Sabhas: It empowers the gram sabha to decide on matters relating to forest land, including the diversion of forest land for non-forest purposes.

  3. Environmental Protection: It promotes community-based forest management, which is often more effective than state-led conservation.
    The proposed amendment to reduce the consent threshold to 50% is a “perilous retreat” because:

  4. It Undermines Tribal Rights: It reduces the gram sabha’s power to protect its land and resources.

  5. It Violates PESA: It violates the spirit of PESA, which gives the gram sabha a central role in decision-making.

  6. It Facilitates Land Grab: It makes it easier for mining and other industrial projects to divert forest land, leading to deforestation and displacement.

  7. It is Undemocratic: It undermines the principle of consensus-based decision-making that is central to tribal governance.

Q3. “India-Japan defence cooperation has reached a stage where additional declarations of strategic convergence have little value unless they are accompanied by concrete outcomes.” Discuss.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The India-Japan defence relationship has historically operated below its potential, characterized by rhetorical convergence but limited concrete outcomes. However, the recent visit of Japanese Minister Shinjiro Koizumi to India marks a significant shift. The two countries have signed the 2+2 mechanism, exercises, logistics agreements, and defence technology discussions. The proposed transfer of Japan’s UNICORN integrated communications antenna system to India is a significant step forward.
Concrete outcomes are needed because:

  1. Rhetoric is Not Enough: Declarations of strategic convergence do not translate into operational capability.

  2. China’s Assertiveness: The growing military assertiveness of China in the Indo-Pacific requires a coordinated response.

  3. Operational Interoperability: The two countries need to increase their operational interoperability to effectively respond to challenges.

  4. Defence Technology: The transfer of defence technology is a key indicator of the depth of the relationship.
    The way forward requires the two countries to move beyond rhetoric and to focus on concrete outcomes, including joint exercises, logistics agreements, and defence technology cooperation.

Q4. What are the key challenges in reforming university governance in India? How can the “liberty model” of governance be implemented?
Answer: The key challenges in reforming university governance in India are:

  1. Political Interference: Universities are often used as tools for political patronage.

  2. Bureaucratic Resistance: The “control model” of governance is deeply entrenched in the bureaucratic system.

  3. Lack of Accountability: Vice-chancellors are accountable to the government, not to the university community.

  4. Declining Public Investment: The decline in public investment in education has led to a shortage of resources.

  5. Commercialization: The commercialization of education has led to a focus on profit over quality.
    The “liberty model” of governance can be implemented by:

  6. Empowering University Communities: Giving faculty, students, and staff a meaningful role in decision-making.

  7. Ensuring Transparency: Making the appointment of vice-chancellors and other officials transparent and merit-based.

  8. Protecting Academic Freedom: Enshrining academic freedom in law and protecting it from political interference.

  9. Increasing Public Investment: Increasing public investment in education to 6% of GDP.

  10. Promoting Autonomy: Giving universities greater autonomy in academic and administrative matters.

Q5. “The dilution of the Forest Rights Act is a violation of constitutional morality.” Elaborate on this statement with reference to the Fifth Schedule and PESA.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006, is a manifestation of constitutional morality, which requires the state to correct historical injustices and to protect the rights of marginalized communities.
The Fifth Schedule of the Constitution provides for the administration and control of Scheduled Areas. It recognizes the special needs of tribal communities and provides for their protection.
The PESA Act, 1996, extends the provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment to Scheduled Areas. It gives the gram sabha a central role in decision-making, including the power to approve plans, budgets, and the diversion of land.
The proposed amendment to reduce the consent threshold to 50% violates constitutional morality because:

  1. It Undermines the Fifth Schedule: It reduces the protection afforded to tribal communities under the Fifth Schedule.

  2. It Violates PESA: It violates the spirit of PESA, which gives the gram sabha a central role in decision-making.

  3. It is Undemocratic: It undermines the principle of consensus-based decision-making that is central to tribal governance.

  4. It is Unjust: It facilitates the displacement of tribal communities from their ancestral lands.
    The government must withdraw the proposal and strengthen the FRA instead.

Beyond Monolithic Narratives: Gen Z Diversity and the Fight for Women’s Night-Time Freedom

Why in News?

Two significant and interconnected socio-political commentaries have recently come to the forefront, challenging dominant narratives in Indian public discourse:

  1. The Myth of a Monolithic Gen Z: The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) protests and the recent elections have brought the term “Gen Z” into the everyday lexicon. However, the article by Nissim Mannathukkaren argues that treating Gen Z as a unified, monolithic entity is a mistake. The generation is deeply fractured along lines of gender, class, race, and political ideology. Understanding these internal divisions—and the commonalities Gen Z shares with older generations—is crucial for accurate political and social analysis.

  2. Women’s Right to the Night: The Leader of the Opposition, Rahul Gandhi, recently confronted patriarchy at a Pune event, highlighting the vulnerability of women in public spaces. The article by Ragini Nayak argues that while the idea of culture describes our common inquiry, the conclusions are as diverse as our starting points. The understanding of culture as an unalterable value system fails to see Indian culture as a composite entity shaped by caste, class, religion, region, and ways of life. The call to “break the cage” is a direct assault on the idea of male guardianship and the historical denial of women’s right to the night.

Introduction

India is witnessing a churning in its social and political fabric. The youth, particularly Generation Z (Gen Z), are emerging as a potent political force, but their voices are not uniform. The protests by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) and the electoral behaviour of young voters reveal a generation that is diverse, complex, and often divided. At the same time, the struggle for women’s rights, particularly their right to occupy public spaces at night, continues to be a critical battleground. The article by Ragini Nayak highlights how patriarchal structures, justified through appeals to “culture,” continue to restrict women’s mobility and freedom.

This article analyses both issues, their key challenges, and the way forward. It argues that understanding the heterogeneity of Gen Z and challenging the monolithic notion of “Indian culture” are essential for building a more inclusive and equitable society.

Background

Part 1: Beyond a Monolithic Gen Z Youth

The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) protests were a momentous breakthrough in Indian politics. Through them, the appellation “Gen Z” has entered the everyday lexicon. Yet most of the sympathetic commentary on the movement has placed the Gen Z youth in a mythical, monolithic space. Instead of homogenising an entire generation, cautious empirical assessments are the need of the hour. After all, Gen Z youth are a staggering 400 million in India alone.

While this generation is now seen as a vehicle of anti-ruling party/establishment sentiments, in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) received 39% and 37% of the votes from those aged 18 to 25 years and 26-35 years respectively (CSDS-Lokniti post-poll survey). Crucially, these were more than the 35% votes obtained from those aged 56 and above. Similarly, the National Democratic Alliance had a 46% vote share among 18-25 year-olds, but only 4% among those aged above 56. Thus, rather than seeing Gen Z youth as only a uniform entity, it is important to understand the divisions within, and also, the commonalities with other generations.

After all, the central actors of the anti-CAA (Citizenship Amendment Act) and farmer protests were the older generations.

Fractures within
Even as the Gen Z youth have played a critical role in social justice movements globally, such as Black Lives Matter, survey data and studies suggest important fractures within the generation, especially regarding gender, class, race, and political ideology. A Financial Times report shows that American and German women (aged 18-30) are 30 percentage points more liberal than their male counterparts, while it is 25% in the U.K. Similar serious gender rifts have developed in South Korea, China, Tunisia, etc., triggered by movements such as #MeToo. The advancing feminist movement has led to young men feeling embattled, leading to nearly half of the American male youth complaining of reverse discrimination.

In a scholarly study of 32 European countries, it was found that there was no gender gap in political ideology among young people in 14 nations; a stable gender gap in 7; and in the remaining 11 nations, there was a widening gap. In the U.S., this is especially true regarding the millennial generation (1981-1996) who align with Gen Z on many issues. Social media usage and political polarisation amongst Gen Z was like those of other generations (Stanford University student survey), and there was almost near conformity across generations about the positives of more women in politics.

There is also a remarkable split developing within the Gen Z youth; there are now divergences between Gen Z 1.0 (Ages 23-29) and Gen Z 2.0 (Ages 13-22). A Yale University youth poll showed that ages 22-29 preferred Democratic candidates while ages 18-21 preferred Republican candidates in the 2026 congressional elections.

While these global characteristics do not exactly map onto India’s reality, in India, too, not only questions of gender, but attitudes of “upper caste” Gen Z on caste equality and reservation, and Hindu Gen Z on religious majoritarianism would be critical.

George Orwell had once written that “Each generation imagines itself to be more intelligent than the one that went before it, and wiser than the one that comes after it,” which he termed as an illusion. To avoid such illusions, we need more fine-grained studies on Indian Gen Z to understand its composition in all its social complexity.

Part 2: Women Should Take Back the Night

The Leader of the Opposition, Rahul Gandhi, recently caught patriarchy by the horns at Pune’s ‘Chatron Ki Goonj’ women-only conclave. He confronted the vulnerability of women in public spaces by explicitly framing women’s autonomy as ownership not only of their bodies but of their lives. Instead of considering women merely as a constituency to be protected, Rahul Gandhi questioned the very “cage” in which women are confined on the pretext of safety. This intervention echoes a seminal argument on women’s mobility by Rebecca Solnit in her book Wanderlust: A History of Walking, where she explores how the freedom to walk alone at night and to discover the world on one’s own terms has historically been a male prerogative – a right denied to women.

Feminist theorist Catharine MacKinnon argued that male dominance exercises its force as consent and its control as the definition of legitimacy. Patriarchal control operates through practices presented as protection and cultural legitimacy. When Indian women contest these restrictions, cultural narratives and religious scriptures are weaponised to preserve the status quo. This systemic oppression is then presented as “Indian culture.” However, in Culture and Society, Raymond Williams reminds us that culture is never a singular, homogenised, fixed, or unalterable monolith. Rather, it is a dynamic reaction to the changing “conditions of our common life.” Williams argues that while the idea of culture describes our common inquiry, “our conclusions are as diverse as our starting points.” The understanding of culture as an unalterable value system fails to see Indian culture as a composite entity shaped by caste, class, religion, region, and ways of life. For example, the practice of ‘Sati Pratha’, once construed as central to Indian culture, is today deemed one of the most savage and inhuman rituals.

Challenging status quo
Rahul Gandhi challenged the interpretation of Indian culture as an unchanging entity by publicly condemning the Manusmriti’s dictates on women. He struck at the literal text of ancient paternalism: “Pita rakshati kaumare, bhartta rakshati yauvane, rakshati sthvire putra; na stri swatantrayamarhati” (a woman is protected by her father in childhood, by her husband in youth, and by her son in old age; a woman does not deserve independence). In doing so, he also drew a sharp ideological battle line against the foundational philosophy of Hindutva. It is worth remembering that M.S. Golwalkar revered Manu as the “first and greatest lawgiver of the world” and advocated for the Manusmriti to serve as the constitution of independent India.

The argument that reducing a woman’s identity to just three boxes – daughter, wife, or mother – denies her the right to belong to herself seamlessly connected the everyday anxieties of young Indian women to this deep, historical architecture of male custody. No longer is the question simply whether women are safe; it is whether women are free. The call to “break the cage” was therefore not the usual, toothless metaphor for empowerment. It was a direct assault on the idea of male guardianship.

Historically, the night has belonged to men. Girls, from a very tender age, are made to fear the night; of venturing out alone in darkness. Consequently, a woman’s mental energy is consumed by the constant, exhausting labour of safeguarding her body. Simple mobility becomes a calculated risk, forcing women to monitor their posture, clothing, timing, and surroundings just to exist safely in public spaces.

While a structural shift is underway in urban India, it is driven by economic necessity rather than societal liberation. The growth of a 24/7 service economy – spanning IT, aviation, healthcare, and journalism – has propelled Indian women into night shifts. Yet infrastructure remains stubbornly hostile. Dark stretches, unfit transit hubs, a lack of clean public restrooms, and perilous last-mile connectivity ensure that night travel remains hazardous.

Economic utility, therefore, must not be confused with emancipation. True spatial reclamation requires moving from forced utility to unconditional freedom, where a woman can occupy the night without fear. In the 1970s, European and American women took to the streets at night under the banner “Take Back the Night.” For Indian women to fully reclaim the night, the practices that negatively impact women’s enjoyment of basic human rights must be done away with. Women must break the cage, take back the night, and wander.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Heterogeneity of Gen Z

The article by Nissim Mannathukkaren challenges the monolithic portrayal of Gen Z. Key issues include:

  • Internal Fractures: Gen Z is divided by gender, class, race, and political ideology. For example, in the U.S. and Europe, young women are significantly more liberal than young men.

  • Generational Commonalities: Gen Z shares many characteristics with older generations, such as social media usage and political polarisation.

  • Divergences Within Gen Z: There are significant differences between Gen Z 1.0 (ages 23-29) and Gen Z 2.0 (ages 13-22).

  • Indian Context: In India, attitudes towards caste, reservation, and religious majoritarianism vary significantly within Gen Z.

  • Need for Fine-Grained Studies: The article calls for more nuanced studies on Indian Gen Z to understand its composition in all its social complexity.

2. The Fight for Women’s Night-Time Freedom

The article by Ragini Nayak highlights the historical and systemic denial of women’s right to the night. Key issues include:

  • Male Guardianship: The patriarchal notion that women need to be protected by men (father, husband, son) restricts their autonomy and mobility.

  • Weaponisation of Culture: Cultural narratives and religious scriptures are often used to justify restrictions on women’s freedom.

  • Infrastructure Hostility: Dark stretches, unfit transit hubs, and a lack of clean public restrooms make night travel hazardous for women.

  • Economic Utility vs. Emancipation: The growth of the 24/7 service economy has pushed women into night shifts, but this is driven by economic necessity, not societal liberation.

  • The Call to “Break the Cage”: The article argues that women must reclaim the night and challenge the deep, historical architecture of male custody.

Timeline of Events

  • 2024: Lok Sabha elections; BJP receives 39% of votes from those aged 18-25.

  • 2026: Yale University youth poll shows divergences between Gen Z 1.0 and Gen Z 2.0.

  • 2026: Rahul Gandhi speaks at Pune’s ‘Chatron Ki Goonj’ women-only conclave.

  • 1970s: European and American women take to the streets under the banner “Take Back the Night.”

  • Recent: Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) protests bring “Gen Z” into the everyday lexicon.

Government Response

  • Gen Z: The article does not explicitly detail the government’s response to Gen Z protests. However, it implies that the government’s policies on issues like CAA and farm laws have been met with resistance from both Gen Z and older generations.

  • Women’s Safety: The article critiques the government’s approach to women’s safety, arguing that it focuses on protection rather than empowerment. It calls for a shift from forced utility to unconditional freedom.

Judicial Developments

  • Gen Z: The article does not mention any specific judicial developments.

  • Women’s Safety: The article mentions the Manusmriti and its dictates on women, but does not mention any specific judicial rulings. However, it implies that the judiciary has a role to play in protecting women’s rights and challenging patriarchal norms.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

  • Gen Z:

    • Article 19(1)(a): Freedom of speech and expression, which includes the right to protest.

    • Article 21: Right to Life and Personal Liberty.

    • Representation: The article highlights the need for political representation of Gen Z’s diverse voices.

  • Women’s Safety:

    • Article 14: Equality before Law.

    • Article 15: Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth.

    • Article 21: Right to Life and Personal Liberty, which includes the right to move freely and safely.

    • Directive Principles of State Policy: Article 39(a) directs the state to ensure that men and women equally have the right to an adequate means of livelihood.

Social and Political Significance

  • Gen Z:

    • Political Force: Gen Z is a significant political force, but their votes are not monolithic.

    • Social Justice: Gen Z has played a critical role in social justice movements globally, such as Black Lives Matter.

    • Polarisation: Gen Z is politically polarised, with significant gender and ideological divides.

  • Women’s Safety:

    • Patriarchy: The article highlights the deep-rooted nature of patriarchy in Indian society.

    • Cultural Norms: Cultural narratives and religious scriptures are often used to justify restrictions on women’s freedom.

    • Economic Necessity: The growth of the 24/7 service economy has pushed women into night shifts, but this is driven by economic necessity, not societal liberation.

    • Human Rights: The denial of women’s right to the night is a violation of their basic human rights.

Challenges

  • Gen Z:

    1. Homogenisation: Treating Gen Z as a monolithic entity obscures internal divisions.

    2. Lack of Data: There is a lack of fine-grained studies on Indian Gen Z.

    3. Political Polarisation: Gen Z is politically polarised, making it difficult to address their diverse concerns.

  • Women’s Safety:

    1. Patriarchal Norms: Deep-rooted patriarchal norms restrict women’s mobility.

    2. Hostile Infrastructure: Dark stretches, unfit transit hubs, and a lack of clean public restrooms make night travel hazardous.

    3. Weaponisation of Culture: Cultural narratives and religious scriptures are often used to justify restrictions on women’s freedom.

    4. Economic Necessity vs. Emancipation: The growth of the 24/7 service economy has pushed women into night shifts, but this is driven by economic necessity, not societal liberation.

Way Forward

  • Gen Z:

    1. Fine-Grained Studies: Conduct more nuanced studies on Indian Gen Z to understand its composition in all its social complexity.

    2. Recognise Diversity: Recognise the diversity within Gen Z and avoid homogenising the generation.

    3. Address Divisions: Address the gender, class, and ideological divisions within Gen Z.

    4. Political Representation: Ensure that Gen Z’s diverse voices are represented in political decision-making.

  • Women’s Safety:

    1. Challenge Patriarchy: Challenge the deep-rooted patriarchal norms that restrict women’s mobility.

    2. Improve Infrastructure: Improve infrastructure to make night travel safe for women, including better lighting, safe transit hubs, and clean public restrooms.

    3. Reclaim Culture: Challenge the weaponisation of culture and reclaim Indian culture as a composite, dynamic entity.

    4. From Utility to Freedom: Move from forced utility to unconditional freedom, where a woman can occupy the night without fear.

    5. Break the Cage: Women must break the cage of male guardianship and take back the night.

Conclusion

The two issues discussed—the heterogeneity of Gen Z and the fight for women’s night-time freedom—are distinct but interconnected. Both challenge dominant narratives and call for a more nuanced understanding of Indian society.

The article by Nissim Mannathukkaren reminds us that Gen Z is not a monolithic entity. It is a generation fractured by gender, class, race, and political ideology. Understanding these internal divisions—and the commonalities Gen Z shares with older generations—is crucial for accurate political and social analysis.

The article by Ragini Nayak highlights the historical and systemic denial of women’s right to the night. It argues that patriarchal structures, justified through appeals to “culture,” continue to restrict women’s mobility and freedom. The call to “break the cage” is a direct assault on the idea of male guardianship.

The way forward requires a fundamental shift in our understanding of both Gen Z and women’s rights. We must recognise the diversity within Gen Z and challenge the monolithic notion of “Indian culture.” We must move from forced utility to unconditional freedom, where a woman can occupy the night without fear. The time for action is now.


5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “Gen Z is not a monolithic entity.” Critically examine this statement in the context of the diverse political and social attitudes within the generation.
Answer: The statement is accurate. Gen Z, encompassing those born roughly between 1997 and 2012, is often portrayed as a homogeneous group, but it is deeply fractured along lines of gender, class, race, and political ideology.

  1. Gender Rifts: In the U.S. and Europe, young women are significantly more liberal than young men. A Financial Times report shows that American and German women (aged 18-30) are 30 percentage points more liberal than their male counterparts.

  2. Divergences Within Gen Z: There are significant differences between Gen Z 1.0 (ages 23-29) and Gen Z 2.0 (ages 13-22). A Yale University youth poll showed that ages 22-29 preferred Democratic candidates while ages 18-21 preferred Republican candidates.

  3. Indian Context: In India, attitudes towards caste, reservation, and religious majoritarianism vary significantly within Gen Z. The article notes that “upper caste” Gen Z attitudes on caste equality and Hindu Gen Z on religious majoritarianism would be critical.

  4. Commonalities with Older Generations: Gen Z shares many characteristics with older generations, such as social media usage and political polarisation. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP received 39% of votes from those aged 18-25, which is more than the 35% from those aged 56 and above.
    The way forward requires fine-grained studies on Indian Gen Z to understand its composition in all its social complexity.

Q2. Discuss the role of “culture” in justifying restrictions on women’s mobility in India. How can this narrative be challenged?
Answer: In India, “culture” is often weaponised to justify restrictions on women’s mobility. The article by Ragini Nayak argues that patriarchal control operates through practices presented as protection and cultural legitimacy. When women contest these restrictions, cultural narratives and religious scriptures are used to preserve the status quo.
Examples:

  1. Manusmriti: The ancient text dictates that a woman is protected by her father in childhood, by her husband in youth, and by her son in old age; a woman does not deserve independence.

  2. Sati Pratha: Once construed as central to Indian culture, it is today deemed a savage and inhuman ritual.
    Challenging the Narrative:

  3. Recognise Culture as Dynamic: As Raymond Williams argues, culture is never a singular, homogenised, fixed, or unalterable monolith. It is a dynamic reaction to changing conditions.

  4. Highlight Diversity: Indian culture is a composite entity shaped by caste, class, religion, region, and ways of life.

  5. Challenge Patriarchy: Publicly condemn the Manusmriti’s dictates on women and challenge the idea of male guardianship.

  6. Reclaim the Night: Women must break the cage and take back the night, challenging the historical denial of their right to occupy public spaces at night.

Q3. “Economic utility must not be confused with emancipation.” Discuss this statement in the context of women’s night-time mobility in urban India.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The growth of a 24/7 service economy—spanning IT, aviation, healthcare, and journalism—has propelled Indian women into night shifts. However, this shift is driven by economic necessity, not societal liberation. Infrastructure remains stubbornly hostile: dark stretches, unfit transit hubs, a lack of clean public restrooms, and perilous last-mile connectivity ensure that night travel remains hazardous.
Economic Utility vs. Emancipation:

  1. Forced Utility: Women are entering night shifts because they need to earn a living, not because society has become more accepting of their freedom.

  2. Hostile Infrastructure: The lack of safe infrastructure means women are constantly monitoring their posture, clothing, timing, and surroundings just to exist safely in public spaces.

  3. True Emancipation: True spatial reclamation requires moving from forced utility to unconditional freedom, where a woman can occupy the night without fear.
    The way forward requires improving infrastructure, challenging patriarchal norms, and reclaiming the night.

Q4. What are the key challenges in addressing the diverse concerns of Gen Z in India? How can policymakers ensure that their voices are represented?
Answer: The key challenges in addressing the diverse concerns of Gen Z in India are:

  1. Homogenisation: Treating Gen Z as a monolithic entity obscures internal divisions.

  2. Lack of Data: There is a lack of fine-grained studies on Indian Gen Z.

  3. Political Polarisation: Gen Z is politically polarised, making it difficult to address their diverse concerns.

  4. Generational Commonalities: Gen Z shares many characteristics with older generations, making it difficult to isolate their unique concerns.
    Policymakers can ensure representation by:

  5. Conducting Fine-Grained Studies: Invest in research to understand the composition of Indian Gen Z in all its social complexity.

  6. Recognising Diversity: Acknowledge the gender, class, and ideological divisions within Gen Z.

  7. Promoting Political Representation: Encourage young people to participate in politics and ensure that their diverse voices are represented in decision-making.

  8. Addressing Specific Concerns: Develop policies that address the specific concerns of different segments of Gen Z, such as gender equality, caste discrimination, and religious majoritarianism.

Q5. “The call to ‘break the cage’ is a direct assault on the idea of male guardianship.” Elaborate on this statement with reference to the historical and constitutional dimensions of women’s rights in India.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The call to “break the cage” challenges the patriarchal notion that women need to be protected by men (father, husband, son). This idea of male guardianship is rooted in historical texts like the Manusmriti, which dictates that a woman does not deserve independence.
Historical Dimensions:

  1. Manusmriti: The ancient text codified male guardianship over women.

  2. Sati Pratha: The practice of Sati was justified through appeals to culture and tradition.

  3. Denial of Night-Time Freedom: Historically, the night has belonged to men. Girls are made to fear the night from a very tender age.
    Constitutional Dimensions:

  4. Article 14: Equality before Law.

  5. Article 15: Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of sex.

  6. Article 21: Right to Life and Personal Liberty, which includes the right to move freely and safely.
    The call to “break the cage” is a direct assault on the idea of male guardianship and a demand for unconditional freedom, where a woman can occupy the night without fear. It is a call to reclaim the night and challenge the deep, historical architecture of male custody.

The Sugar Spike Saga: Governance, Policy Myopia, and the Ethanol Dilemma

Why in News?

After retail sugar prices surged to unprecedented levels in August 2026, the Union government has rolled out a number of measures to bring down the prices and ensure availability. These include allowing duty-free imports of 10 lakh metric tonnes (MT) of raw sugar until October 31, 2026, for the first time in a decade. While the measures have eased the prices marginally, the sharp jump of 41% from ₹46.27 per kilogram on August 26, 2025, to a high of ₹65.05 on August 26, 2026, has raised questions on whether the government failed to foresee and take preventive measures. A data-driven analysis by The Hindu reveals that while the government attributed a range of factors for the sharp increase, there were ample signals warning of a potential surge.

Introduction

Sugar is a politically sensitive commodity in India. Its price affects household budgets, the profitability of millions of sugarcane farmers, and the fiscal health of state governments. The recent spike in retail sugar prices to over ₹65 per kilogram in August 2026 has triggered a familiar cycle of crisis and reactive policymaking. The government has blamed a combination of factors: increased demand ahead of the festive season, hoarding, lower-than-expected production, tightening global supplies, and weather-related crop damage.

However, a closer analysis of the data reveals that the government could have foreseen the spike. The warning signals were there: a decline in sugarcane production since 2022-23, a shift in the use of sugar for ethanol production, and a shortfall in the 2025-26 production estimates. The article by Gauri Singaravapu and Sambavi Parthasarathy argues that the crisis was preventable and that the government’s failure to act on early warnings is a case study in policy myopia.

Background

The Scale of the Price Spike

Chart 1 shows the retail price of sugar (per kilogram) at the all-India level. The price remained relatively stable for most of 2025, hovering around ₹46-47 per kilogram. However, in August 2026, there was a sudden and sharp increase, with the price jumping to ₹60.53 on August 17, 2026, and further to ₹65.05 on August 26, 2026. This represents a 41% increase in just one year. Chart 2, which shows the monthly all-India average retail prices of sugar from January 2016 to August 2026, confirms that the spike in August 2026 has clearly been an outlier, unseen ahead of or during festive seasons.

The Government’s Explanation

The government attributed the sharp rise to a combination of factors:

  1. Increased Demand: Ahead of the festive season, demand for sugar typically increases.

  2. Hoarding: There were allegations of hoarding by traders and stockists.

  3. Lower-than-Expected Production: Initial estimates for 2025-26 sugar production were around 343 lakh tonnes, whereas it is now estimated at around 306 lakh tonnes.

  4. Tightening Global Supplies: Crop yields in the European Union were affected due to hot weather, and El Niño-related weather conditions affected production in key Asian countries.

  5. Diversion for Ethanol: A significant shift in the use of sugar for ethanol blending.

The Warning Signals

The article argues that the government had ample signals warning of a potential surge:

  1. Declining Production: India’s sugarcane production has declined since 2022-23, when it hit the highest of 490.5 million MT (Chart 3).

  2. Ethanol Diversion: In the first week of August, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations said that the FAO Sugar Price Index increased by 5.6% in July, indicating the possibility of further rise. Concerns over the potential impacts on crop yields in the European Union due to hot weather, and El Niño-related weather conditions affecting production in key Asian countries, were some of the reasons the FAO attributed.

  3. Production Estimates: The government, while acknowledging this in a reply to the Rajya Sabha in March 2025, had said that production was sufficient to cater to domestic needs. Of all sugar produced, 83% is used for domestic consumption (Chart 4). India’s sugar imports have predominantly been from Brazil. Mr. Munjal said the issue this year has been the gap between production estimates and actual production.

  4. Feedstock Competition: Chart 5 shows the feedstock-wise share (%) in ethanol production in every Ethanol Supply Year (ESY) since 2020-21. In recent years maize has occupied a major share of the feedstock for India’s ethanol blending, a shift from heavy dependence on sugarcane. Data showed that there was no such surge when there was heavy reliance on sugar (Chart 5).

Key Issues Raised

1. The Failure of Early Warning Systems

The core issue is the government’s failure to act on early warning signals. The data clearly showed a decline in sugarcane production and a shift in ethanol policy. The government’s initial estimates for 2025-26 sugar production were overly optimistic (343 lakh tonnes) compared to the actual production (306 lakh tonnes). This gap between estimates and reality led to a delay in policy intervention. The article argues that the government could have foreseen the spike and taken preventive measures, such as releasing buffer stocks or regulating exports earlier.

2. The Ethanol Blending Dilemma

The shift towards ethanol blending has created a new dynamic in the sugar sector. While ethanol blending is a strategic imperative for energy security and reducing carbon emissions, it diverts sugarcane and sugar syrup away from domestic consumption. The article notes that in recent years, maize has occupied a major share of the feedstock for ethanol blending, a shift from heavy dependence on sugarcane. However, the diversion of sugar for ethanol still contributes to tightening domestic supplies. The government needs to strike a balance between its ethanol blending targets and domestic sugar availability.

3. The Role of Hoarding and Speculation

The government attributed the price rise partly to hoarding by traders. While hoarding may be a factor, the article suggests that the primary driver was the underlying supply-demand mismatch. The government’s measures, such as imposing stock limits and allowing duty-free imports, are aimed at curbing hoarding and increasing supply. However, these are reactive measures that do not address the structural issues.

4. The Impact on Consumers and Farmers

The sharp increase in sugar prices has a direct impact on household budgets, particularly for low-income families. It also affects the profitability of small businesses that use sugar as a raw material (e.g., bakeries, sweet shops). On the other hand, higher sugar prices benefit sugarcane farmers, who receive a higher price for their produce. The government must balance the interests of consumers and farmers.

5. The Need for a Long-Term Policy Framework

The article argues that the government needs a long-term policy framework for the sugar sector. This framework should include:

  • Accurate Production Estimates: Improve the accuracy of sugarcane production estimates to avoid policy surprises.

  • Buffer Stocks: Maintain adequate buffer stocks to stabilize prices during periods of shortage.

  • Ethanol Policy: Develop a clear and predictable ethanol policy that balances energy security with domestic sugar availability.

  • Trade Policy: Develop a stable trade policy that does not rely on ad-hoc measures like duty-free imports.

  • Price Stabilization Fund: Create a price stabilization fund to protect consumers from sharp price spikes.

Timeline of Events

  • 2022-23: India’s sugarcane production hits the highest of 490.5 million MT.

  • March 2025: Government replies in Rajya Sabha that production was sufficient to cater to domestic needs.

  • August 26, 2025: Retail sugar price is ₹46.27 per kilogram.

  • July 2026: FAO Sugar Price Index increases by 5.6%.

  • August 17, 2026: Retail sugar price jumps to ₹60.53 per kilogram.

  • August 26, 2026: Retail sugar price reaches a high of ₹65.05 per kilogram.

  • August 2026: Government allows duty-free imports of 10 lakh MT of raw sugar until October 31, 2026.

  • Present: Government rolls out measures to bring down prices.

Government Response

1. Duty-Free Imports

The government has allowed duty-free imports of 10 lakh metric tonnes (MT) of raw sugar until October 31, 2026, for the first time in a decade. This is aimed at increasing domestic supply and bringing down prices.

2. Stock Limits

The government has imposed stock limits on traders and stockists to prevent hoarding.

3. Ethanol Diversion

The government has diverted sugar for ethanol production. However, this has also contributed to tightening domestic supplies. The government has said that the diversion for ethanol production is a strategic imperative for energy security.

4. Price Monitoring

The government is monitoring prices and has threatened to take action against hoarders.

Judicial Developments

The provided article does not mention any specific judicial developments or court rulings related to sugar prices.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

  • Right to Food (Article 21): The right to food is a fundamental right. The sharp increase in sugar prices can affect the affordability of food for low-income families. The government has a constitutional obligation to ensure food security.

  • Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP): Article 39(b) and (c) direct the state to ensure that the ownership and control of material resources are distributed to serve the common good. The government’s policies on sugar pricing and distribution should be guided by these principles.

  • Federalism: Sugar is a state subject, but the central government has a significant role in price regulation and trade policy. The coordination between the center and states is crucial for effective policy implementation.

  • Governance Failure: The article highlights a governance failure in the government’s inability to foresee the price spike and take preventive measures. This points to a lack of robust early warning systems and policy coordination.

Social and Political Significance

  • Household Budgets: The sharp increase in sugar prices has a direct impact on household budgets, particularly for low-income families. It can lead to a reduction in the consumption of other essential goods.

  • Small Businesses: Small businesses that use sugar as a raw material (e.g., bakeries, sweet shops) are adversely affected by the price rise.

  • Farmers: Higher sugar prices benefit sugarcane farmers, who receive a higher price for their produce. However, the benefits may not be evenly distributed.

  • Political Sensitivity: Sugar prices are politically sensitive. The government’s handling of the crisis will be closely watched by voters.

  • Inflation: The increase in sugar prices contributes to overall food inflation, which can have broader economic and political implications.

Challenges

  1. Production Volatility: Sugarcane production is subject to weather-related fluctuations, making it difficult to predict.

  2. Ethanol Diversion: The diversion of sugar for ethanol production creates a trade-off between energy security and domestic sugar availability.

  3. Hoarding and Speculation: Hoarding by traders can exacerbate price spikes.

  4. Global Factors: Global sugar prices and trade policies affect domestic prices.

  5. Policy Coordination: Coordination between the center and states is crucial for effective policy implementation.

  6. Lack of Accurate Data: The gap between production estimates and actual production makes it difficult to plan effectively.

Way Forward

  1. Improve Production Estimates: Invest in better data collection and forecasting systems to improve the accuracy of sugarcane production estimates.

  2. Maintain Buffer Stocks: Maintain adequate buffer stocks to stabilize prices during periods of shortage.

  3. Develop a Clear Ethanol Policy: Develop a clear and predictable ethanol policy that balances energy security with domestic sugar availability.

  4. Develop a Stable Trade Policy: Develop a stable trade policy that does not rely on ad-hoc measures like duty-free imports.

  5. Create a Price Stabilization Fund: Create a price stabilization fund to protect consumers from sharp price spikes.

  6. Strengthen Market Intelligence: Strengthen market intelligence to detect hoarding and speculation early.

  7. Promote Diversification: Promote diversification of sugarcane use to reduce dependence on sugar alone.

  8. Improve Coordination: Improve coordination between the center and states on sugar policy.

Conclusion

The sharp spike in sugar prices in August 2026 is a case study in policy myopia. The government had ample warning signals—declining production, a shift in ethanol policy, and rising global prices—but failed to act in time. The reactive measures, such as duty-free imports and stock limits, may provide temporary relief, but they do not address the structural issues.

The way forward requires a long-term policy framework that balances the interests of consumers, farmers, and the ethanol industry. It requires better data, accurate forecasting, and proactive policymaking. The government must learn from this episode and build a more resilient and responsive sugar policy. The alternative is a repeat of this crisis, with all its economic and political costs.


5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “The government could have foreseen the spike in sugar prices.” Critically examine this statement in the context of the recent sugar price crisis and the government’s policy response.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The data shows that there were ample warning signals:

  1. Declining Production: India’s sugarcane production has declined since 2022-23, when it hit 490.5 million MT. The initial estimate for 2025-26 was 343 lakh tonnes, but actual production was around 306 lakh tonnes.

  2. Ethanol Diversion: The shift towards ethanol blending has diverted sugarcane and sugar syrup away from domestic consumption.

  3. Global Factors: The FAO Sugar Price Index increased by 5.6% in July 2026, indicating the possibility of further rise.

  4. Feedstock Competition: The share of maize in ethanol production has increased, but the diversion of sugar for ethanol still contributes to tightening domestic supplies.
    The government’s failure to act on these signals is a case study in policy myopia. The reactive measures, such as duty-free imports and stock limits, are temporary fixes. The way forward requires a long-term policy framework that includes accurate production estimates, buffer stocks, a clear ethanol policy, and a stable trade policy.

Q2. Discuss the impact of ethanol blending policy on India’s sugar sector. How can the government balance the competing demands of energy security and domestic sugar availability?
Answer: The ethanol blending policy has a significant impact on the sugar sector:

  1. Diversion of Sugar: A significant portion of sugarcane and sugar syrup is diverted for ethanol production, reducing the availability of sugar for domestic consumption.

  2. Price Impact: The diversion can lead to a tightening of domestic supplies and an increase in sugar prices.

  3. Farmer Income: Ethanol blending provides an additional revenue stream for sugarcane farmers.

  4. Energy Security: Ethanol blending reduces India’s dependence on imported crude oil and contributes to energy security.
    To balance the competing demands:

  5. Clear Policy: Develop a clear and predictable ethanol policy that specifies the quantity of sugar to be diverted.

  6. Feedstock Diversification: Promote the use of alternative feedstocks like maize for ethanol production to reduce dependence on sugarcane.

  7. Buffer Stocks: Maintain adequate buffer stocks of sugar to stabilize prices during periods of shortage.

  8. Accurate Data: Improve the accuracy of production estimates to plan effectively.

  9. Price Stabilization Fund: Create a price stabilization fund to protect consumers from sharp price spikes.

Q3. “The sugar price crisis is a symptom of a deeper governance failure.” Discuss this statement in the context of the government’s handling of the recent price spike.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The sugar price crisis is a symptom of a deeper governance failure, characterized by:

  1. Lack of Early Warning Systems: The government failed to act on early warning signals of declining production and rising global prices.

  2. Policy Myopia: The government’s focus on short-term measures, such as duty-free imports, rather than long-term structural reforms.

  3. Poor Coordination: Lack of coordination between the center and states on sugar policy.

  4. Inaccurate Data: The gap between production estimates and actual production makes it difficult to plan effectively.

  5. Reactive Policymaking: The government’s response is typically reactive rather than proactive.
    The way forward requires a fundamental shift in governance, including better data, accurate forecasting, proactive policymaking, and improved coordination between the center and states.

Q4. What are the key challenges in managing the sugar economy in India? Suggest measures to address these challenges.
Answer: The key challenges in managing the sugar economy are:

  1. Production Volatility: Sugarcane production is subject to weather-related fluctuations.

  2. Ethanol Diversion: The diversion of sugar for ethanol production creates a trade-off between energy security and domestic sugar availability.

  3. Hoarding and Speculation: Hoarding by traders can exacerbate price spikes.

  4. Global Factors: Global sugar prices and trade policies affect domestic prices.

  5. Policy Coordination: Coordination between the center and states is crucial.

  6. Lack of Accurate Data: The gap between production estimates and actual production makes it difficult to plan effectively.
    Measures to address these challenges:

  7. Improve Production Estimates: Invest in better data collection and forecasting systems.

  8. Maintain Buffer Stocks: Maintain adequate buffer stocks to stabilize prices.

  9. Develop a Clear Ethanol Policy: Develop a clear and predictable ethanol policy.

  10. Develop a Stable Trade Policy: Develop a stable trade policy.

  11. Create a Price Stabilization Fund: Create a price stabilization fund.

  12. Strengthen Market Intelligence: Strengthen market intelligence to detect hoarding.

  13. Promote Diversification: Promote diversification of sugarcane use.

  14. Improve Coordination: Improve coordination between the center and states.

Q5. “The government must learn from this episode and build a more resilient and responsive sugar policy.” In light of this statement, suggest a comprehensive strategy for sugar sector reforms in India.
Answer: A comprehensive strategy for sugar sector reforms must include:

  1. Long-Term Policy Framework: Develop a long-term policy framework that balances the interests of consumers, farmers, and the ethanol industry.

  2. Accurate Data and Forecasting: Invest in better data collection and forecasting systems to improve the accuracy of sugarcane production estimates.

  3. Buffer Stocks: Maintain adequate buffer stocks to stabilize prices during periods of shortage.

  4. Ethanol Policy: Develop a clear and predictable ethanol policy that balances energy security with domestic sugar availability.

  5. Trade Policy: Develop a stable trade policy that does not rely on ad-hoc measures like duty-free imports.

  6. Price Stabilization Fund: Create a price stabilization fund to protect consumers from sharp price spikes.

  7. Market Intelligence: Strengthen market intelligence to detect hoarding and speculation early.

  8. Diversification: Promote diversification of sugarcane use to reduce dependence on sugar alone.

  9. Coordination: Improve coordination between the center and states on sugar policy.

  10. Farmer Welfare: Ensure that farmers receive a fair price for their produce and are protected from market volatility.
    The time for action is now. The government must learn from this episode and build a more resilient and responsive sugar policy.

Postmemory: Delineating the Intergenerational Impact of Trauma

Why in News?

The concept of “postmemory” has recently garnered significant attention in academic and public discourse, particularly in the context of historical tragedies and their enduring impact on subsequent generations. Coined by American philosopher Marianne Hirsch, postmemory describes the relationship of the generation after a traumatic event to the experiences of the previous generation, which they did not directly experience but “remember” through stories and experiences transmitted to them. In India, this concept is profoundly relevant to understanding the lasting psychological and socio-political effects of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots, the 2002 Gujarat riots, the Sri Lankan civil war, and the Holocaust. The recent 80th Anniversary of the Liberation of Auschwitz, commemorated in Poland in 2025, serves as a poignant reminder of the intergenerational transmission of trauma. This article explores the concept of postmemory, its key issues, and its implications for healing, justice, and reconciliation in India.

Introduction

Trauma is not merely a personal experience; it is a collective wound that can transcend generations. The children and grandchildren of survivors of mass violence, genocide, and state-sponsored repression often inherit the psychological scars of events they never witnessed. This phenomenon, known as “postmemory,” challenges the conventional understanding of memory as a purely individual faculty. It posits that memories can be transmitted across generations through stories, silences, photographs, and cultural narratives.

In India, a country with a turbulent history of partition, communal riots, and ethnic conflict, postmemory offers a powerful lens to understand the enduring impact of trauma on the national psyche. The article by Rohan Pillay, which references the work of Marianne Hirsch, explores how the “generation-after” carries the burden of their parents’ and grandparents’ trauma. It also examines the role of acknowledgment, justice, and storytelling in the healing process. This article analyses the concept of postmemory, its key issues, and the way forward for India.

Background

The Concept of Postmemory

The term “postmemory” was coined by Marianne Hirsch, an American philosopher, to describe the relationship that the “generation-after” bears to the personal, collective, and cultural trauma of those who came before. It is distinct from “memory” because it is not based on first-hand experience. Instead, it is a memory that is “received” through stories, images, and behaviors transmitted by the previous generation. Hirsch argues that postmemory is a powerful and often traumatic experience because the “generation-after” feels the trauma as if it were their own, even though they did not live through it.

Hirsch’s work emphasizes the “transactional” nature of postmemory. It is not a passive inheritance; it is an active process of reconstruction and creation. The “generation-after” engages with the traumatic past through public images, stories, and institutional narratives. This engagement can be both a burden and a source of identity.

Postmemory in the Indian Context

The article by Rohan Pillay applies the concept of postmemory to the Indian context, specifically focusing on the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the 2002 Gujarat riots.

  • The 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots: The violence that followed the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi led to the massacre of thousands of Sikhs across India, particularly in Delhi. The “generation-after” of survivors lives with the trauma of this event, which they “remember” through the stories of their parents and the community’s collective memory.

  • The 2002 Gujarat Riots: The Godhra train burning and the subsequent communal violence in Gujarat resulted in the deaths of thousands of Muslims. The survivors’ children and grandchildren carry the “postmemory” of this violence, which shapes their identity and their relationship with the state.

  • The Sri Lankan Civil War: The article also references the Sri Lankan civil war, where the Tamil minority faced decades of state-sponsored violence. The “generation-after” of Sri Lankan Tamils, both in Sri Lanka and the diaspora, carries the postmemory of this conflict.

The article highlights that in all these cases, the lack of official acknowledgment and justice exacerbates the trauma. The “generation-after” is not just dealing with the memory of the event; they are also dealing with the state’s denial and the continuing injustice.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Nature of Postmemory

The article raises critical questions about the nature of postmemory. Is it a form of memory that is distinct from individual memory? How does it differ from historical knowledge? The article argues that postmemory is not just a cognitive understanding of the past; it is an emotional and psychological experience. The “generation-after” feels the trauma as if it were their own, even though they did not experience it directly. This can lead to a range of psychological effects, including anxiety, depression, and a sense of inherited guilt or responsibility.

2. The Transmission of Trauma

The article examines how trauma is transmitted from one generation to the next. It identifies several mechanisms:

  • Stories: The stories that parents and grandparents tell (or do not tell) about their experiences.

  • Silences: The gaps and silences in family narratives, which can be as powerful as the stories themselves.

  • Photographs and Images: Visual representations of the traumatic events.

  • Cultural Narratives: The collective stories and myths of the community.

  • State Narratives: The official accounts of the events, which often deny or minimize the trauma.

The article notes that the transmission of trauma is not a passive process. The “generation-after” actively engages with these stories, images, and narratives, reconstructing the past in their own minds.

3. The Role of Acknowledgment and Justice

The article argues that the lack of official acknowledgment and justice is a major source of continuing trauma for the “generation-after.” In the case of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the 2002 Gujarat riots, the state has not adequately acknowledged its role in the violence or provided justice to the victims. This denial is a form of “structural violence” that perpetuates the trauma. The article notes that for the “generation-after,” the struggle for justice is not just about the past; it is about their own present and future.

4. The Power of Storytelling

The article highlights the role of storytelling in the healing process. For the “generation-after,” stories are a way of making sense of the trauma and connecting with their ancestors. However, the article also warns that storytelling can be a double-edged sword. If the stories are not acknowledged by the state or the broader society, they can become a source of isolation and alienation. The article cites the example of the film “The Last of the Mohicans” to illustrate how stories can be erased or distorted by the dominant culture.

5. The Global Context

The article places the Indian experience in a global context. It notes that postmemory is a universal phenomenon, affecting the children and grandchildren of survivors of the Holocaust, the Armenian genocide, the Rwandan genocide, and other atrocities. The article argues that the global community has a responsibility to acknowledge these historical injustices and to support the victims and their descendants.

Timeline of Events

  • 1984: Anti-Sikh riots in India following the assassination of Indira Gandhi.

  • 2002: Gujarat riots in India following the Godhra train burning.

  • 1983-2009: Sri Lankan civil war.

  • 2009: End of the Sri Lankan civil war; the UN reports that up to 40,000 civilians were killed in the last month of the conflict.

  • 2025: 80th Anniversary of the Liberation of Auschwitz, commemorated in Poland.

  • Present: The concept of postmemory gains traction in academic and public discourse.

Government Response

The article does not explicitly detail the government’s response to the trauma of the “generation-after.” However, it implies that the government’s response has been inadequate. The lack of official acknowledgment and justice for the victims of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the 2002 Gujarat riots is a major source of continuing trauma. The article argues that the state has a responsibility to acknowledge its role in the violence and to provide justice to the victims.

Judicial Developments

The article does not mention any specific judicial developments related to postmemory. However, it implies that the judicial system has failed to provide justice to the victims of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the 2002 Gujarat riots. The lack of accountability for the perpetrators of the violence is a major source of continuing trauma.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

  • Right to Life (Article 21): The trauma of the “generation-after” is a violation of the right to life and personal liberty. The state has a constitutional obligation to protect the mental health and well-being of its citizens.

  • Right to Equality (Article 14): The victims of communal violence are often from minority communities. The lack of justice for these victims is a violation of the right to equality.

  • Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP): Article 39A directs the state to ensure that the legal system promotes justice on a basis of equal opportunity. The failure to provide justice to the victims of communal violence is a violation of this principle.

  • Governance Failure: The lack of official acknowledgment and justice for the victims of communal violence is a governance failure. The state has a responsibility to promote reconciliation and healing.

Social and Political Significance

  • Communal Harmony: The trauma of the “generation-after” can be a barrier to communal harmony. The lack of justice can perpetuate a cycle of resentment and violence.

  • Minority Rights: The victims of communal violence are often from minority communities. The lack of justice for these victims undermines the rights of minorities in India.

  • National Psyche: The trauma of communal violence is a collective wound that affects the national psyche. The “generation-after” of both the victims and the perpetrators carry the burden of this trauma.

  • Political Polarization: The issue of communal violence is highly politicized in India. The lack of official acknowledgment and justice can exacerbate political polarization.

Challenges

  1. Lack of Official Acknowledgment: The state’s denial of its role in communal violence is a major challenge.

  2. Lack of Justice: The failure to prosecute the perpetrators of communal violence is a major challenge.

  3. Silence and Stigma: The stigma associated with being a victim of communal violence can lead to silence and isolation.

  4. Political Polarization: The politicization of communal violence makes it difficult to have a constructive dialogue about the past.

  5. Lack of Mental Health Support: There is a lack of mental health support for the “generation-after” of trauma survivors.

  6. Intergenerational Transmission: The transmission of trauma from one generation to the next is a complex process that is not fully understood.

Way Forward

  1. Official Acknowledgment: The state must officially acknowledge its role in communal violence and apologize to the victims.

  2. Justice and Accountability: The state must ensure that the perpetrators of communal violence are brought to justice.

  3. Mental Health Support: The state must provide mental health support to the “generation-after” of trauma survivors.

  4. Storytelling and Dialogue: Promote storytelling and dialogue to break the silence and stigma surrounding communal violence.

  5. Education: Include the history of communal violence in school curricula to educate the younger generation about the past.

  6. Reconciliation: Promote reconciliation between communities to heal the wounds of the past.

  7. Research: Invest in research to understand the intergenerational transmission of trauma and to develop effective interventions.

Conclusion

The concept of postmemory offers a powerful lens to understand the enduring impact of trauma on the “generation-after.” In India, the trauma of communal violence, partition, and state-sponsored repression continues to shape the lives of millions of people. The lack of official acknowledgment and justice exacerbates this trauma and perpetuates a cycle of resentment and violence.

The way forward requires a fundamental shift in the state’s approach to historical injustices. It requires acknowledgment, justice, and a commitment to healing. It requires breaking the silence and stigma surrounding trauma and promoting a national dialogue on reconciliation. The “generation-after” deserves to inherit a legacy of healing, not a legacy of trauma. The time for action is now.


5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. Define “postmemory.” Discuss its relevance in understanding the intergenerational impact of trauma in the Indian context.
Answer: “Postmemory” is a term coined by Marianne Hirsch to describe the relationship that the “generation-after” bears to the personal, collective, and cultural trauma of those who came before. It is distinct from “memory” because it is not based on first-hand experience. Instead, it is a memory that is “received” through stories, images, and behaviors transmitted by the previous generation.
Relevance in the Indian Context:

  1. 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots: The “generation-after” of survivors lives with the trauma of this event, which they “remember” through the stories of their parents and the community’s collective memory.

  2. 2002 Gujarat Riots: The survivors’ children and grandchildren carry the “postmemory” of this violence, which shapes their identity and their relationship with the state.

  3. Sri Lankan Civil War: The “generation-after” of Sri Lankan Tamils carries the postmemory of this conflict.

  4. Partition: The trauma of partition continues to shape the identity of millions of people in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.
    Postmemory is relevant because it helps us understand that trauma is not just an individual experience; it is a collective wound that can transcend generations. It also highlights the role of the state in exacerbating or healing this trauma.

Q2. Discuss the mechanisms through which trauma is transmitted from one generation to the next. How does the lack of official acknowledgment exacerbate this trauma?
Answer: Trauma is transmitted from one generation to the next through several mechanisms:

  1. Stories: The stories that parents and grandparents tell (or do not tell) about their experiences.

  2. Silences: The gaps and silences in family narratives, which can be as powerful as the stories themselves.

  3. Photographs and Images: Visual representations of the traumatic events.

  4. Cultural Narratives: The collective stories and myths of the community.

  5. State Narratives: The official accounts of the events, which often deny or minimize the trauma.
    The lack of official acknowledgment exacerbates this trauma because:

  6. It Denies the Victims’ Experience: When the state denies the trauma, it invalidates the victims’ experience and makes them feel isolated.

  7. It Perpetuates Injustice: The lack of acknowledgment means that the perpetrators of violence are not held accountable, which perpetuates a sense of injustice.

  8. It Creates a “Structural Violence”: The state’s denial is a form of “structural violence” that perpetuates the trauma.

  9. It Hinders Healing: The lack of acknowledgment makes it difficult for the “generation-after” to make sense of the trauma and to heal.

Q3. “The lack of acknowledgment by the state means that their memories form the strongest political tool that recognises the torture they were subjected to.” Critically examine this statement in the context of postmemory.
Answer: The statement highlights the paradoxical role of state denial in shaping the political consciousness of the “generation-after.” When the state denies the trauma, it forces the victims and their descendants to become the custodians of their own memory. This memory becomes a powerful political tool for demanding justice and recognition.
Critical Examination:

  1. Memory as Resistance: The “generation-after” uses their memory of the trauma to resist the state’s narrative of denial.

  2. Political Mobilization: The shared memory of trauma can be a powerful force for political mobilization, as seen in the case of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the 2002 Gujarat riots.

  3. The Burden of Memory: However, this also places a heavy burden on the “generation-after,” who must carry the trauma of their ancestors.

  4. The Limits of Memory: Memory alone cannot bring justice. It must be accompanied by political action and legal accountability.
    The statement is accurate in that state denial can transform memory into a political tool. However, it also highlights the need for the state to acknowledge the trauma and provide justice, so that the “generation-after” can heal.

Q4. What are the challenges in addressing the mental health needs of the “generation-after” of trauma survivors? Suggest measures to provide adequate support.
Answer: The challenges in addressing the mental health needs of the “generation-after” of trauma survivors are:

  1. Lack of Awareness: There is a lack of awareness about the concept of postmemory and its impact on mental health.

  2. Stigma: The stigma associated with mental health and with being a victim of communal violence can prevent people from seeking help.

  3. Lack of Mental Health Infrastructure: There is a lack of adequate mental health infrastructure in India, particularly in rural areas.

  4. Lack of Trained Professionals: There is a lack of trained mental health professionals who are sensitive to the needs of trauma survivors.

  5. Political Polarization: The politicization of communal violence can make it difficult to provide mental health support to the victims.
    Measures to provide adequate support:

  6. Awareness Campaigns: Launch awareness campaigns about postmemory and its impact on mental health.

  7. Community-Based Interventions: Provide community-based mental health support that is culturally sensitive.

  8. Training: Train mental health professionals to work with trauma survivors.

  9. Research: Invest in research to understand the intergenerational transmission of trauma.

  10. State Support: The state must provide adequate funding for mental health services for trauma survivors.

Q5. “The time for action is now. The ‘generation-after’ deserves to inherit a legacy of healing, not a legacy of trauma.” In light of this statement, suggest a comprehensive strategy for reconciliation and healing in India.
Answer: A comprehensive strategy for reconciliation and healing in India must include:

  1. Official Acknowledgment: The state must officially acknowledge its role in communal violence and apologize to the victims.

  2. Justice and Accountability: The state must ensure that the perpetrators of communal violence are brought to justice.

  3. Mental Health Support: The state must provide mental health support to the “generation-after” of trauma survivors.

  4. Storytelling and Dialogue: Promote storytelling and dialogue to break the silence and stigma surrounding communal violence.

  5. Education: Include the history of communal violence in school curricula to educate the younger generation about the past.

  6. Reconciliation: Promote reconciliation between communities to heal the wounds of the past.

  7. Research: Invest in research to understand the intergenerational transmission of trauma and to develop effective interventions.

  8. Civil Society Engagement: Engage civil society organizations in the process of reconciliation and healing.
    The time for action is now. The “generation-after” deserves to inherit a legacy of healing, not a legacy of trauma. The state must take the lead in this process, but it also requires the participation of the entire society.

The RSS, Global Migration, and Urban Safety: Navigating India’s Ideological, Economic, and Governance Crossroads

Why in News?

The provided newspaper clippings present three significant and interconnected commentaries on contemporary India:

  1. RSS and the Minority Question: The article “Questions for Bhagwat, and how he can easily lay debate over his remarks to rest” critically examines the recent remarks by Mohan Bhagwat, the chief of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), regarding Muslims in India. It argues that while his statement that “any Hindu who believes Muslims should not live in India ceases to be a Hindu” is welcome, it is insufficient unless followed by institutional and public action to curb the RSS’s alleged involvement in anti-minority activities. The article also raises critical questions about the RSS’s stance on the Places of Worship Act, the Waqf Amendment Bill, and the broader issue of the “Hindu psyche” and cultural nationalism.

  2. India’s Demographic Advantage: The article “India’s young can power the world’s ageing economies” highlights India’s unique demographic advantage in a world of ageing populations. With 450 million Indians currently aged between 18 and 35, India has the largest reservoir of young human capital. The article argues that India can become a “global hub for trusted talent mobility” if it invests in skills, education, and ethical recruitment frameworks. It also critiques the outdated narrative of “brain drain” and advocates for a more sophisticated reality of “brain circulation.”

  3. Urban Safety and Regulatory Reset: The article “Safety in Delhi needs a regulatory reset” analyses the recent building collapse in Satya Niketan and other similar incidents in Delhi. It argues that the current regulatory framework for building safety is inadequate, characterized by “loopholes, lax enforcement, and institutional fragmentation.” The article calls for a fundamental regulatory reset, including the use of technology (AI, GIS, remote sensing) to monitor construction, and the empowerment of building departments to act as independent regulators rather than just facilitators of the building industry.

Introduction

India stands at a crossroads of ideology, demography, and governance. The RSS’s recent remarks on Muslims have ignited a debate on the nature of Indian nationalism and the place of minorities in it. At the same time, India’s demographic dividend presents a historic opportunity to power the world’s ageing economies, but it requires a strategic shift from “brain drain” to “brain circulation.” Meanwhile, the recurring building collapses in Delhi highlight the failure of urban governance and the urgent need for a regulatory reset.

This article analyses these three issues, their key challenges, and the way forward. It argues that India’s future depends on its ability to reconcile its ideological diversity, harness its demographic advantage, and build safe, sustainable, and inclusive cities.

Background

Part 1: Questions for Bhagwat – The RSS and the Minority Question

Mohan Bhagwat’s recent outreach to Muslims has elicited a variety of reactions. To his critics, his apparent inclusiveness and the claim that “any Hindu who believes Muslims should not live in India ceases to be a Hindu” are window-dressing or worse. His own supporters have two takes. Some are tempted to say, “We are not as intolerant as we have been made out to be. We have always been misundersood.” Others on the Right are wondering if he meant to sound a bit too much like a liberal who has walked into the wrong math. Others still are wondering if this is a sign of RSS moderation, a transition from hate to humanism.

It is worth reiterating that there is nothing new in Bhagwat’s remarks in New York. He has been saying the same things for years. He used the identical sentence in a speech to the Muslim Rashtriya Manch in 2021. The mystery is why both critics and friends are astonished by it. Such is our state of colonisation, even of the RSS chief has to go to New York for his words to be noted. Even more amazing is that many estric critics think this is the perfect excuse to make peace with the RSS. They were looking for a pretext to make peace.

The RSS chief’s past record provides history is full of ironies. Well-intentioned and moral actors can sometimes produce catastrophic consequences. Narrow and opportunistic agents can sometimes produce good. Organisations cannot overcome the traces of their origin. The RSS faces two challenges. First, it has to think of a future beyond Narendra Modi. Modi’s rise facilitated its growth, but that is no longer a guarantee. Second, internally, the RSS’s authority rested on being a special organisation. It is now a cadre, a disclosure of service and discipline. But it is no secret that the more power it has acquired, the pathologies of normal organisations have begun to afflict it, including careerism and corruption. It may have to reinvent its self-image. This context may provide some room for ideological contention within the RSS.

But Bhagwat can easily lay to rest the debate over his remarks by acting institutionally and publicly. There are lots of hanging fruit. Just take recent events. Bhagwat cannot afford to be silent on the bulldozing of Muslim shrines everywhere. Yogi Adityanath recently announced the goal of building temples in Mathura and Vrindavan. Can Bhagwat say he will oppose any moves that violate the spirit of the Places of Worship Act, 1991, and oppose communal triumphalism? Will Bhagwat ask for a repeal of anti-conversion legislation in Maharashtra that is shifting the burden of innocence even in ordinary acts of worship by minorities? Will he display his moral leadership and the might of his organisation, on the ground, opposing and resisting attacks on Christian prayer meetings and burial grounds in West Bengal (both the Matharas and Bengaluru) as reported by this newspaper? Will he ensure that the law will not be weaponised to target minorities, whether the filing of an FIR against a political leader offering namaz, or the alacrity with which bulldozers are being used against a mosque in Sharanpur, without the possibility of an appeal? Will he use the RSS’s power to sanction a minister or even the Prime Minister for hate speech? Will he perhaps share his anguish: Why, despite his apparently inclusive remarks over the last decade, has the communal atmosphere become more poisonous?

Perhaps Bhagwat’s inclusiveness is sincere. But most of us Hindus have little idea what it means. The mission statement on the RSS website says that, even as the struggle for political independence was being pursued, there were “few or no sustained efforts for restoration of the Hindu psyche to its pristine form.” Indeed, it is the latter that is now shaping the content of the “Hindu psyche.” For those Hindus who are neither pristine nor even particularly sure what “Hindu psyche” is, I would worry: I doubt even a deep reader of the Yoga Vasistha or Abhinavagupta can decode what the pristine Hindu psyche means. This alignment for freedom and identity is hardly reassuring for the safety of Hindus, let alone minorities. Rather than constantly searching for benchmarks of civilisational identity, would it not be simpler to say one’s religious, cultural, or even civilisational identity is irrelevant to one’s standing as a free and equal citizen?

The RSS apparently values education. Delhi University is India’s most important public university. It’s a low-hanging fruit for the RSS to display its evolution. Had the Vice-Chancellor been appointed by the RSS, would it have been possible to appoint a Muslim as the Vice-Chancellor? If the RSS can’t do that, then why is it asking for the post? The RSS’s Muslim Rashtriya Manch is a classic example of the RSS’s approach to minorities. It is a “minority” wing of the RSS, but it is not clear what it does. It is not a representative body of Muslims. It is a tool for the RSS to spread its ideology among Muslims. The article argues that the RSS’s approach to minorities is tokenistic and instrumentalist. It does not address the root causes of communal violence and discrimination.

Part 2: India’s Young Can Power the World’s Ageing Economies

The global economy is entering a period of profound demographic transition. Across advanced economies, declining fertility rates, ageing populations, and shrinking workforces are creating structural labour shortages in key sectors. Healthcare systems are struggling to recruit nurses and caregivers. Infrastructure programmes require skilled technicians and tradespeople. Digital economies continue to demand engineers, coders, and specialised professionals.

India is placed uniquely. For decades, countries have leveraged their natural resources as instruments of economic and geopolitical influence. The Gulf economies used oil, Australia built strength around coal, iron ore, and uranium, China leveraged its control over rare earths. India’s greatest strategic resource may well be raw talent. In a rapidly ageing world, India has the largest reservoir of young human capital. There are 450 million Indians currently aged between 18 and 35, and as per the UN’s population estimates, a significant share of this generation is English-speaking, digitally literate, and globally connected. Most importantly, they possess a level of collective aspiration unmatched in modern economic history. However, raw talent alone is not enough. Language capability, technical training, certification, cultural preparedness and professional discipline are needed for Indian talent to thrive in global markets.

If India can prepare its youth for global workforce participation, Indian workers can become catalysts of economic growth across ageing societies, through flows of remittances and talent, while simultaneously strengthening India’s soft power and international influence. This is why global skills mobility must now be viewed not simply as migration policy, but as a strategic pillar of economic diplomacy, workforce development, and international cooperation.

The scale is already visible. India received over $110 billion in worker remittances in FY 2025-26, a 26 per cent increase compared to the previous year. The outdated narrative of “brain drain” is increasingly giving way to a more sophisticated reality of “brain circulation.” But this opportunity cannot be built on fragmented recruitment systems or opaque intermediaries. The future must rest on trusted institutions, ethical mobility frameworks, worker protection, transparent standards, and international partnerships. None of this can be built without confronting an uncomfortable reality: Political appetite for migration is shrinking in the countries that need workers most. Across much of Europe, parties running on explicitly anti-immigration platforms — from Germany’s AfD to Austria’s Freedom Party — have moved from the margins into government, and “remigration” has entered political vocabulary.

Circular mobility — temporary, socially accretive, and economically expansive — offers a genuinely different proposition, distinct from the OECD’s recent migration experience, and the evidence that it works politically as well as economically already exists. Singapore’s worker permit system, Hong Kong’s helper and skilled-worker system, and the Gulf’s kafala-linked systems recognise that temporariness, not restriction, is what has made mobility politically sustainable. Governments have a critical role in negotiating mobility agreements, harmonising standards, and ensuring worker welfare. Industry must move beyond short-term placement targets toward long-term workforce development.

India’s ambition should be to become the global hub for trusted talent mobility. In the coming decades, nations that can reliably produce globally employable talent at scale will possess a decisive strategic advantage. India has the demographic strength, the aspiration, and the human capability to lead this transformation. The question is how quickly it can build the institutions, standards, and strategic frameworks required to convert this demographic moment into a lasting national advantage. The answer will shape not only the future of millions of Indians overseas and at home but also the influence India will wield going forward.

Part 3: Safety in Delhi Needs a Regulatory Reset

The recent collapse of a building in Satya Niketan and similar incidents in Sadh Nagar, Hauz Rani, Tughlakabad Extension, Palam and Vivek Vihar raise concerns about building safety in the capital. In Delhi, planned development coexists with informal growth — slums and unauthorised colonies. Both are plagued by building violations along with a lack of oversight and enforcement. Unauthorised colonies, regularised over time, remain vulnerable. Delhi’s Master Plan, the Delhi Fire Service Act, DD Act and DMC Act, 1957 and stress transport, services and civic amenities. Frequent fire incidents and structural failures in illegal constructions have endangered lives. Delhi falls in seismic Zone IV, where earthquakes may be severe. Ensuring safety is a fundamental imperative, and safety is a basic human right. The city cannot afford unsafe buildings, irrespective of the type of development, land ownership or land use. Every building without a structural and fire safety certificate should be sealed, and a safety-related warning should be displayed. Various courts, commissions (such as those headed by G.T Nanavati and Balaswati Prasad), and high-level committees (such as the one headed by Tejendra Khanna) have underlined building safety, but with very little impact.

Delhi faces severe challenges from haphazard development and weak monitoring systems, resulting in inefficiencies, delays and loss of accountability. To combat this, the city introduced an online single-window system for building proposals. It used the Automated Development Control Regulations (Auto DCR) and Building Plan Approval Management System to verify mandatory documents. Once the documents are submitted, the system issues an auto-generated online payment and sends an SMS to the applicant. The applicant can print the receipt and submit a site visit. These documents are then scrutinised for compliance with building bye-laws and development control (DC) rules. Auto DCR creates detailed entries such as plot, building layouts, and road dimensions. AutoCAD and other software are used to analyse the compliance of building plans with the DC Regulations, and the status is available online. These are examined for approval.

However, the reform has not been successful. Unauthorised constructions are left out, and the software needs to be updated to handle modern urban planning complexities, such as those related to redevelopment, green buildings, transit-oriented development and approvals under mixed land use.

It is time to consider whether the regulatory function of buildings can be made independent of the political apparatus and can be “demunicipalised”. Building departments mainly deal with the plans they receive — massive illegal and risky constructions are left out. The current regulatory framework is inadequate. There is a need for a new regulatory body that is independent of the political apparatus. The new body should have the power to enforce building safety norms, and it should be staffed with qualified professionals. The article argues that the current system is broken and that a fundamental regulatory reset is needed.

Key Issues Raised

1. The RSS and the Minority Question

The article raises critical questions about the RSS’s stance on minorities:

  • Inclusiveness vs. Action: Bhagwat’s remarks on Muslims are welcome, but they are insufficient unless followed by institutional and public action to curb anti-minority activities.

  • Places of Worship Act: The RSS’s silence on the bulldozing of Muslim shrines and the demand for building temples in Mathura and Vrindavan raises questions about its commitment to the rule of law.

  • Anti-Conversion Legislation: The RSS’s support for anti-conversion legislation in Maharashtra and other states is a threat to religious freedom.

  • Hate Speech: The RSS’s failure to sanction a minister or the Prime Minister for hate speech is a sign of its complicity.

  • The “Hindu Psyche”: The RSS’s mission to restore the “Hindu psyche” to its “pristine form” is a majoritarian project that excludes minorities.

  • Education: The RSS’s approach to education, including the appointment of Vice-Chancellors, is a test of its commitment to pluralism.

2. India’s Demographic Advantage

The article highlights India’s unique demographic advantage:

  • Young Human Capital: India has 450 million people aged 18-35, the largest reservoir of young human capital in the world.

  • Global Demand: Ageing economies in Europe, Japan, and the Gulf need workers.

  • Brain Circulation: The narrative of “brain drain” is outdated; the reality is “brain circulation.”

  • Remittances: India received over $110 billion in worker remittances in FY 2025-26.

  • Challenges: Political appetite for migration is shrinking in the countries that need workers most.

  • Strategy: India needs to build trusted institutions, ethical mobility frameworks, and international partnerships.

3. Urban Safety and Regulatory Reset

The article raises critical issues about urban safety in Delhi:

  • Building Collapses: The recent collapse in Satya Niketan and other incidents highlight the failure of urban governance.

  • Regulatory Loopholes: The current regulatory framework is inadequate, characterized by loopholes, lax enforcement, and institutional fragmentation.

  • Unauthorised Constructions: Unauthorised colonies and illegal constructions are left out of the regulatory net.

  • Technological Solutions: The use of AI, GIS, and remote sensing can help monitor construction and ensure compliance.

  • Independent Regulator: The building department should be made independent of the political apparatus.

  • Accountability: The current system is broken, and a fundamental regulatory reset is needed.

Timeline of Events

  • 2021: Bhagwat uses the identical sentence in a speech to the Muslim Rashtriya Manch.

  • 2025-26: India receives over $110 billion in worker remittances.

  • Recent: Building collapse in Satya Niketan, Delhi.

  • Recent: Yogi Adityanath announces the goal of building temples in Mathura and Vrindavan.

  • Recent: Bulldozing of Muslim shrines in various parts of India.

  • Recent: Attacks on Christian prayer meetings and burial grounds in West Bengal.

Government Response

  • RSS: The RSS has not officially responded to the article’s criticisms.

  • Demographic Advantage: The government has launched various skill development programs, but the article argues that a more strategic approach is needed.

  • Urban Safety: The Delhi government has introduced an online single-window system for building proposals, but the article argues that it has not been successful. The government has also announced a new regulatory framework for building safety, but it is yet to be implemented.

Judicial Developments

  • RSS: The article mentions the Places of Worship Act, 1991, which is a subject of ongoing legal debate.

  • Demographic Advantage: The article does not mention any specific judicial developments.

  • Urban Safety: The article mentions various court orders and commissions (Nanavati, Balaswati Prasad, Tejendra Khanna) that have underlined building safety, but with little impact.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

  • RSS:

    • Article 25: Freedom of Religion.

    • Article 14: Equality before Law.

    • Article 15: Prohibition of discrimination.

    • Secularism: The RSS’s majoritarian project is a threat to India’s secular fabric.

  • Demographic Advantage:

    • Article 21: Right to Life and Personal Liberty, which includes the right to work.

    • Article 19(1)(g): Freedom to practice any profession.

    • DPSP: Article 39(a) directs the state to ensure that men and women equally have the right to an adequate means of livelihood.

  • Urban Safety:

    • Article 21: Right to Life, which includes the right to safe housing.

    • Municipal Governance: The failure of municipal bodies to enforce building safety norms is a governance failure.

    • Federalism: The coordination between the center and states is crucial for effective urban planning.

Social and Political Significance

  • RSS:

    • Communal Harmony: The RSS’s remarks and actions have a significant impact on communal harmony in India.

    • Minority Rights: The RSS’s approach to minorities is a major political issue.

    • Nationalism: The debate over the RSS’s remarks is a debate over the nature of Indian nationalism.

  • Demographic Advantage:

    • Economic Growth: India’s demographic advantage can power its economic growth and the growth of ageing economies.

    • Soft Power: Indian workers can become ambassadors of India’s soft power.

    • Remittances: Worker remittances are a major source of foreign exchange for India.

  • Urban Safety:

    • Public Health: Building collapses are a major public health issue.

    • Urban Planning: The article highlights the failure of urban planning in Delhi.

    • Accountability: The lack of accountability for building safety is a major governance issue.

Challenges

  • RSS:

    1. Ideological Rigidity: The RSS’s commitment to its ideology makes it difficult for it to change.

    2. Political Power: The RSS’s growing political power makes it less accountable.

    3. Lack of Internal Democracy: The RSS’s lack of internal democracy makes it difficult for dissenting voices to be heard.

  • Demographic Advantage:

    1. Skill Gap: India’s workforce lacks the skills required for global markets.

    2. Political Resistance: Political appetite for migration is shrinking in the countries that need workers most.

    3. Ethical Recruitment: The lack of ethical recruitment frameworks can lead to exploitation of workers.

  • Urban Safety:

    1. Regulatory Loopholes: The current regulatory framework is inadequate.

    2. Lax Enforcement: The building department lacks the resources and political will to enforce safety norms.

    3. Institutional Fragmentation: Multiple agencies are responsible for building safety, leading to confusion and lack of accountability.

Way Forward

  • RSS:

    1. Institutional Action: The RSS must act institutionally and publicly to curb anti-minority activities.

    2. Support for Rule of Law: The RSS must support the rule of law, including the Places of Worship Act.

    3. Condemn Hate Speech: The RSS must condemn hate speech and take action against its leaders who engage in it.

    4. Promote Pluralism: The RSS must promote pluralism and respect for all religions.

  • Demographic Advantage:

    1. Skill Development: India must invest in skill development and education.

    2. Ethical Mobility Frameworks: India must build trusted institutions and ethical mobility frameworks.

    3. International Partnerships: India must negotiate mobility agreements with other countries.

    4. Worker Protection: India must ensure the protection and welfare of its workers abroad.

  • Urban Safety:

    1. Regulatory Reset: The regulatory framework for building safety needs a fundamental reset.

    2. Independent Regulator: The building department should be made independent of the political apparatus.

    3. Technology: The use of AI, GIS, and remote sensing should be expanded.

    4. Accountability: The current system is broken, and a fundamental regulatory reset is needed.

Conclusion

The three issues discussed—the RSS and the minority question, India’s demographic advantage, and urban safety—are distinct but interconnected. They reflect the broader challenges facing India as it seeks to reconcile its ideological diversity, harness its demographic advantage, and build safe, sustainable, and inclusive cities.

The RSS’s remarks on Muslims are a test of its commitment to pluralism and the rule of law. The article argues that the RSS must act institutionally and publicly to curb anti-minority activities.

India’s demographic advantage is a historic opportunity to power the world’s ageing economies. But it requires a strategic shift from “brain drain” to “brain circulation,” and a commitment to skill development, ethical mobility frameworks, and worker protection.

The recurring building collapses in Delhi are a symptom of a broken regulatory system. The article calls for a fundamental regulatory reset, including the use of technology and the creation of an independent regulator.

The way forward requires a commitment to pluralism, a strategic approach to workforce development, and a fundamental overhaul of urban governance. The time for action is now.


5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “Mohan Bhagwat’s recent remarks on Muslims are a welcome change, but they are insufficient unless followed by institutional and public action.” Critically examine this statement.
Answer: The statement is accurate. Bhagwat’s remarks that “any Hindu who believes Muslims should not live in India ceases to be a Hindu” are a welcome change from the RSS’s traditional anti-minority stance. However, they are insufficient because:

  1. Lack of Institutional Action: The RSS has not taken any institutional action to curb anti-minority activities by its affiliated organizations.

  2. Silence on Key Issues: The RSS has been silent on the bulldozing of Muslim shrines, the demand for building temples in Mathura and Vrindavan, and the attacks on Christian prayer meetings.

  3. Support for Anti-Conversion Laws: The RSS supports anti-conversion legislation that is used to harass minorities.

  4. Failure to Condemn Hate Speech: The RSS has not condemned hate speech by its leaders, including the Prime Minister.

  5. The “Hindu Psyche”: The RSS’s mission to restore the “Hindu psyche” to its “pristine form” is a majoritarian project that excludes minorities.
    The article argues that the RSS must act institutionally and publicly to prove its sincerity. Otherwise, its remarks will be seen as mere window-dressing.

Q2. Discuss the concept of “brain circulation” and its relevance to India’s demographic advantage. How can India become a “global hub for trusted talent mobility”?
Answer: “Brain circulation” refers to the temporary, socially accretive, and economically expansive mobility of skilled workers. It is distinct from the traditional “brain drain” narrative, which views migration as a permanent loss of talent. “Brain circulation” recognizes that migrants can return home with new skills, networks, and capital, contributing to the development of their home country.
Relevance to India’s Demographic Advantage:
India has 450 million people aged 18-35, the largest reservoir of young human capital in the world. If India can prepare its youth for global workforce participation, Indian workers can become catalysts of economic growth across ageing societies, through flows of remittances and talent, while simultaneously strengthening India’s soft power.
How India can become a “global hub for trusted talent mobility”:

  1. Skill Development: Invest in language capability, technical training, certification, and professional discipline.

  2. Ethical Mobility Frameworks: Build trusted institutions and transparent standards for recruitment.

  3. International Partnerships: Negotiate mobility agreements with other countries.

  4. Worker Protection: Ensure the welfare and protection of Indian workers abroad.

  5. Circular Mobility: Promote temporary, socially accretive, and economically expansive mobility.

Q3. “The outdated narrative of ‘brain drain’ is increasingly giving way to a more sophisticated reality of ‘brain circulation’.” Discuss this statement in the context of India’s global workforce participation.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The narrative of “brain drain” viewed migration as a permanent loss of talent. However, the reality is more complex. Indian workers who migrate abroad often return home with new skills, networks, and capital. They also contribute to India’s economy through remittances, which reached over $110 billion in FY 2025-26.
The shift from “brain drain” to “brain circulation” is driven by:

  1. Globalization: The world is more interconnected, making it easier for people to move back and forth.

  2. Technology: Digital technologies enable remote work and collaboration.

  3. Aspiration: Indian youth are aspirational and globally connected.

  4. Demographic Transition: Ageing economies need workers, creating opportunities for Indian talent.
    The way forward requires India to view global skills mobility not as a migration policy, but as a strategic pillar of economic diplomacy, workforce development, and international cooperation.

Q4. What are the key challenges in ensuring building safety in Delhi? Suggest a comprehensive strategy to address these challenges.
Answer: The key challenges in ensuring building safety in Delhi are:

  1. Regulatory Loopholes: The current regulatory framework is inadequate, characterized by loopholes, lax enforcement, and institutional fragmentation.

  2. Unauthorised Constructions: Unauthorised colonies and illegal constructions are left out of the regulatory net.

  3. Weak Monitoring: The monitoring systems are weak, resulting in inefficiencies, delays, and loss of accountability.

  4. Political Interference: The building department is not independent of the political apparatus.

  5. Lack of Resources: The building department lacks the resources and trained personnel to enforce safety norms.
    Comprehensive Strategy:

  6. Regulatory Reset: A fundamental reset of the regulatory framework is needed.

  7. Independent Regulator: The building department should be made independent of the political apparatus.

  8. Technology: The use of AI, GIS, and remote sensing should be expanded to monitor construction.

  9. Accountability: The current system is broken, and a fundamental regulatory reset is needed.

  10. Public Awareness: Citizens should be made aware of their rights and the importance of building safety.

Q5. “The time for action is now.” In light of this statement, suggest a comprehensive strategy for India to address the triple challenges of ideological polarization, demographic transition, and urban governance failure.
Answer: A comprehensive strategy to address the triple challenges must include:

  1. Ideological Polarization:

    • Promote Pluralism: The RSS and other organizations must promote pluralism and respect for all religions.

    • Rule of Law: The state must uphold the rule of law, including the Places of Worship Act.

    • Condemn Hate Speech: Political leaders must condemn hate speech and take action against those who engage in it.

  2. Demographic Transition:

    • Skill Development: India must invest in skill development and education.

    • Ethical Mobility Frameworks: India must build trusted institutions and ethical mobility frameworks.

    • International Partnerships: India must negotiate mobility agreements with other countries.

    • Worker Protection: India must ensure the protection and welfare of its workers abroad.

  3. Urban Governance Failure:

    • Regulatory Reset: A fundamental reset of the regulatory framework is needed.

    • Independent Regulator: The building department should be made independent of the political apparatus.

    • Technology: The use of AI, GIS, and remote sensing should be expanded.

    • Accountability: The current system is broken, and a fundamental regulatory reset is needed.
      The time for action is now. The future of India’s democracy, its economy, and its cities depends on the choices made today.

Mapping a Diverse World and Protecting the Digital Child: A Dual Challenge for Global and Domestic Governance

Why in News?

Two significant developments have recently captured attention, highlighting distinct yet interconnected challenges in global governance and domestic law enforcement:

  1. The Shift in World Maps: The United Nations has adopted a resolution to shift away from the 16th-century Mercator map of the world towards one that more accurately depicts Africa’s vast size. This resolution, adopted by 164 countries (with the US voting against), represents a significant step in decolonizing cartography and challenging Eurocentric worldviews. However, the new map, based on the Equal Earth design, is not without its own trade-offs, raising the question: “Why a flat map fails to accurately depict Earth.”

  2. The Crisis of Child Sexual Abuse Material (CSAM): The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has issued notices to two Union ministries and the Delhi Police over paid Instagram advertisements that allegedly used search terms like “rape video” and “child video” to direct users to Telegram channels offering child sexual abuse material. This incident highlights the systemic failures in regulating social media platforms, the limitations of automated content moderation, and the broader challenges in investigating and prosecuting CSAM cases in India.

Introduction

The world is facing a dual crisis of representation and protection. On one hand, the global community is grappling with how to accurately represent a diverse and complex world on a two-dimensional map. The UN’s adoption of the Equal Earth map is a step towards correcting historical distortions, but it also highlights the inherent trade-offs in cartography. On the other hand, the digital age has created new vulnerabilities, particularly for children. The proliferation of Child Sexual Abuse Material (CSAM) on social media platforms is a grave violation of human rights, and the recent NHRC notice to Meta and the Delhi Police underscores the urgent need for stronger regulatory frameworks and more effective enforcement.

This article analyses both issues, their key challenges, and the way forward.

Background

Part 1: Why a Flat Map Fails to Accurately Depict Earth

The United Nations has adopted a resolution to shift away from the 16th-century Mercator map of the world towards one that more accurately depicts Africa’s vast size. At a recent UN General Assembly session, 164 countries (including India) voted to adopt the 2018 Equal Earth design—with the US voting against the Togo-led resolution, and six countries abstaining. Since UN resolutions are not binding, it remains to be seen if or when governments, organisations and classrooms adopt it.

The Mercator layout has been the world’s most widely used projection for centuries. But it has also long been criticised for exaggerating the size of regions towards the poles relative to those closer to the equator. The most infamous example of these distortions is the depiction of the African continent, which appears similar to Greenland—an island 14 times smaller and about the size of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The 2018 Equal Earth design, developed by an international team of cartographers, has its own limitations. But its supporters say it will help reverse “colonial” perceptions of Africa.

The Earth is not a sphere
Earth is not a sphere, though it is sometimes treated as one to make mathematical calculations easier. It bulges in the middle due to its spin, the Moon’s gravity warps it, and the continents and oceans distort the shape. Maj Gen (Dr) Siva Kumar Rachapudi (retd), a scientist who has served in the Department for Science and Technology, told The Indian Express: “Projection refers to the transformation of a three-dimensional space onto a two-dimensional map. There are many different types of projections, including conformal projections (which preserve angles); equal-area projections (which preserve areas, such as the newly-adopted map); equidistant projections (which maintain distance); and compromise projections (balance distortions in area, shape, distance and direction rather than preserving any one of them exactly). The Mercator layout is a conformal projection.”

Origins of the Mercator Projection
The Mercator layout was introduced by the Flemish (present-day Belgium) geographer and mapmaker Gerardus Mercator in 1569 to help sailors navigate the world. It is a conformal, cylindrical map. This means Mercator projected the Earth’s surface as if unwrapped from a cylinder around the globe. So, if you drew a straight line from Mumbai to Muscat on a Mercator map, you could point your ship in the same compass direction throughout the journey and reach your destination. This was a major advantage over other map projections, where a constant-direction route would appear curved.

The Mercator’s colonial lens
The Mercator projection has a grid pattern with longitudes and latitudes at 90-degree angles. The longitudes (vertical lines) are evenly spaced, but the distances between latitudes (horizontal lines) increase as one moves away from the equator towards the poles. This is deliberate. “To preserve shapes, the ratio of increase in the length of the parallels is kept exactly the same with respect to the increase in the length of the meridians,” said Dr Bimal Kumar Kar, president of the Indian National Cartographic Association and former head of Gauhati University’s geography department. The result is that Mercator projection inflates the size of lands the farther they are from the equator. “Therefore, landmasses such as Greenland and Antarctica appear far larger than they actually are relative to landmasses near the equator,” said Siva Kumar. Mercator’s projection helped Western cartographers easily mark towns, cities, and roads in the northern part of the world. Its popularity also lies in its ease of construction, since all parallels and meridians are straight lines. “Sad Kar,” said Kar.

This Western-centric view has come in for criticism. “…if you’re a humanist well versed in European imperialism’s harsh imprint on the Third World, the traditional Greenwich-and-archored world map becomes a clear example of Western cultural hegemony…” wrote cartography professor Mark Monmonier in his 2004 book Rhumb Lines and Map Wars: A Social History of the Mercator Projection.

The search for a better map
Every flat representation of the Earth distorts at least one property: area (how large a landmass is relative to others), shape (the true outline and appearance of a country), distance (the actual space between two points) and direction (the correct compass bearing from one location to another). The one you pick depends on your purpose representing data, navigation or general reference. This is why, as Kar cautions, one should not directly compare one type of map with another.

Attempts to create other projections began centuries ago. In 1855, Scottish clergyman James Gall presented a new projection. In 1973, German historian Arno Peters unveiled a map that gained widespread attention. While it preserves area accurately, it makes landmasses look stretched or squashed. In 2017, schools in Boston introduced it. In 1963, geographer Arthur H Robinson devised the Robinson projection which tried to better balance the sizes and shapes of land masses and sought to solve the “Greenland problem”. It is a compromise projection, with meridians curving gently towards the poles.

In 1921, German cartographer Oswald Winkel devised the similar Winkel Tripel projection, seeking to reduce distortion across area, distance and direction. In 1998, it replaced the Robinson projection in world maps made by the National Geographic Society. Schools and textbooks followed, as did the World Bank. This is also a compromise projection.

The Equal Earth map
The Equal Earth map, developed in 2018, is an equal area projection that seeks to preserve the relative areas of land masses. It too, somewhat distorts shapes and distances, with meridians curving gently towards the poles. The Mercator projection heavily exaggerates the size of landmasses near the poles, which visually diminishes the perceived scale of developing regions in the Global South, including South Asia. “Equal Earth fixes this imbalance,” said Siva Kumar.

But is the new map an improvement over previous maps such as the Robinson and Winkel Tripel? “It’s a resounding speciality. It has simplified a problem by simply ignoring the problems that Mercator’s projection, which was designed for a different purpose.” But since it is an equal area map projection with limited shape distortion, it can be used by all categories of users, he said.

According to Siva Kumar, the Equal Earth map is best used to represent thematic and statistical data. “For classrooms and research, it provides a mathematically accurate depiction of area, which is vital for visualising population density, climate impacts, and resource distribution across the Indian subcontinent,” he said.

Part 2: Inside India’s Problem with Reporting Child Sexual Abuse Material

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) issued notices to two Union ministries and the Delhi Police last week over paid Instagram advertisements that allegedly used search terms like “rape video” and “child video” to direct users to Telegram channels offering child sexual abuse material (CSAM). It has directed the Action Taken Report to be sent to the Commission within two weeks.

The notices flagged advertisements that had bypassed review systems of Meta, which owns Instagram, and remained available until they were brought to the company’s attention.

What NHRC asked
The NHRC’s order raised two questions: on whether statutory reporting obligations under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012, were complied with, and whether platforms whose AI systems actively shape content can continue to claim the legal protections available to intermediaries.

On compliance with statutory obligations, the NHRC has asked Meta whether alleged offences were reported, and if not, for it to identify those responsible for ensuring compliance. Section 19 of the POCSO Act mandates that any person “who has apprehension or knowledge that an offence under this Act is likely to be committed” shall report it to the Special Juvenile Police or the local police unit. This obligation, the NHRC states, “cannot be substituted by internal correspondence, grievance redressal or regulatory engagement”.

A supplementary representation filed before the Commission argued that Meta’s AI-assisted tools now do more than host third-party content, that is, the company’s systems can generate captions, recommend postings, optimise engagement, and assist monetisation. On this, the NHRC has asked the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting to examine whether such functions remain consistent with intermediary status, or whether they resemble the role of a publisher of online curated content under the IT Rules, 2021.

The limits of CyberTipline

  • A CyberTipline report often identifies where CSAM was found, not where it originated — establishing that requires a separate investigation.

  • The challenge is growing more complex as offenders increasingly use encrypted platforms and AI-generated content.

India’s larger problem
The complaint against Meta lands inside a system that already struggles to convert reports into prosecutions. India recorded around 1.9 million CyberTipline reports — alerts that are generated when tech platforms detect suspected CSAM — in 2025. Yet only a fraction of these translate into police action.

According to Naresh Diwan of the Delhi Police Cyber Cell, the reports are processed by the National Crime Records Bureau and the Indian Cybercrime Coordination Centre and then routed and assigned to the relevant state and district authorities. Before an FIR is registered, authorities conduct preliminary verification. But not every CyberTipline report progresses beyond this, as these reports vary significantly in quality and completeness.

Investigators assess whether the flagged material prima facie depicts CSAM. Once the jurisdiction is identified and the material verified, the case is forwarded to the local police station or cyber police unit.

One of the more recurring difficulties is verifying the age of the victim. Diwan said that poor image quality, blurred visuals, or uncertainty about age can present obstacles. Once an FIR is registered, investigators begin the process of identifying the individual behind the account.

Cases are generally tried before special courts designated under the POCSO Act. However, convictions depend heavily on the digital evidence. Experts say that defence arguments frequently focus on whether the accused was actually the person using the device, SIM card, or internet connection linked to the offence.

When investigators are unable to identify the person responsible, police may file a closure report.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Politics of Cartography

The article highlights that maps are not neutral representations of reality; they are political tools that reflect and reinforce power structures. The Mercator projection, with its Eurocentric bias, has been used to perpetuate colonial perceptions of Africa and the Global South. The UN’s adoption of the Equal Earth map is a step towards correcting these distortions, but it also highlights the inherent trade-offs in cartography. No flat map can accurately depict the Earth; every projection involves trade-offs.

2. The Distortion of the Mercator Projection

The Mercator projection, designed for navigation, distorts the size of landmasses near the poles. This makes Africa appear much smaller than it actually is, and Greenland appear much larger. This distortion has real-world consequences, as it shapes our perception of the world and our place in it.

3. The Challenge of Regulating Social Media

The NHRC notice to Meta highlights the challenge of regulating social media platforms. Meta’s AI-assisted tools are used to generate captions, recommend postings, optimise engagement, and assist monetisation. This raises the question of whether Meta is still an intermediary or whether it has become a publisher of online curated content. If it is a publisher, it loses the legal protections available to intermediaries under the IT Rules, 2021.

4. The Failure of Reporting Mechanisms

The article highlights the failure of reporting mechanisms for CSAM in India. India recorded around 1.9 million CyberTipline reports in 2025, but only a fraction of these translate into police action. The reports vary significantly in quality and completeness, and investigators face difficulties in verifying the age of the victim and identifying the person responsible.

5. The Limits of AI Moderation

The article highlights the limits of AI moderation. Meta’s AI systems failed to detect the advertisements that used search terms like “rape video” and “child video.” This shows that AI moderation is not foolproof and that human oversight is still necessary.

Timeline of Events

  • 1569: Gerardus Mercator introduces the Mercator projection.

  • 1855: James Gall presents a new projection.

  • 1921: Oswald Winkel devises the Winkel Tripel projection.

  • 1963: Arthur H Robinson devises the Robinson projection.

  • 1973: Arno Peters unveils a new map.

  • 1998: Robinson projection replaced by Winkel Tripel in National Geographic maps.

  • 2012: POCSO Act enacted.

  • 2018: Equal Earth design developed.

  • 2021: IT Rules, 2021, notified.

  • 2025: India records around 1.9 million CyberTipline reports.

  • Recent: UN adopts resolution to shift away from Mercator map.

  • Recent: NHRC issues notices to two Union ministries and Delhi Police over Instagram ads for CSAM.

Government Response

  • Cartography: The UN has adopted a resolution to shift away from the Mercator map. India voted in favour of the resolution. The government has not yet announced whether it will adopt the Equal Earth map in schools and government offices.

  • CSAM: The NHRC has issued notices to the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting and the Delhi Police. It has asked Meta whether alleged offences were reported under Section 19 of the POCSO Act. It has also asked the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting to examine whether Meta’s AI-assisted tools are consistent with intermediary status.

Judicial Developments

  • Cartography: The article does not mention any specific judicial developments.

  • CSAM: Cases are generally tried before special courts designated under the POCSO Act. Convictions depend heavily on digital evidence. Defence arguments frequently focus on whether the accused was actually the person using the device, SIM card, or internet connection linked to the offence.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

  • Cartography:

    • Article 51: Promotion of international peace and security.

    • Education: The government has a role in determining the curriculum, including the maps used in schools.

  • CSAM:

    • Article 21: Right to Life and Personal Liberty, which includes the right to dignity and protection from exploitation.

    • Article 39(e) and (f): DPSP directing the state to protect children from exploitation.

    • POCSO Act, 2012: A comprehensive law to protect children from sexual offences.

    • IT Rules, 2021: Regulate social media platforms and intermediaries.

Social and Political Significance

  • Cartography:

    • Decolonization: The shift away from the Mercator map is a step towards decolonizing knowledge and challenging Eurocentric worldviews.

    • Global South: The Equal Earth map more accurately depicts the size of Africa and other regions in the Global South.

    • Education: The map used in schools shapes the worldview of future generations.

  • CSAM:

    • Child Protection: The proliferation of CSAM is a grave violation of child rights.

    • Digital Safety: The incident highlights the lack of digital safety for children on social media platforms.

    • Corporate Accountability: The NHRC notice to Meta raises questions about the accountability of social media platforms.

Challenges

  • Cartography:

    1. Inherent Trade-offs: No flat map can accurately depict the Earth.

    2. Resistance to Change: The Mercator map is widely used and familiar.

    3. Political Sensitivity: Changing the map can be seen as a political statement.

  • CSAM:

    1. Limits of AI Moderation: AI systems are not foolproof.

    2. Lack of Reporting: Many CSAM cases are not reported.

    3. Investigation Challenges: Verifying the age of the victim and identifying the perpetrator is difficult.

    4. Jurisdictional Issues: CSAM is a global problem that requires international cooperation.

    5. Lack of Awareness: There is a lack of awareness about CSAM and how to report it.

Way Forward

  • Cartography:

    1. Adopt the Equal Earth Map: The government should adopt the Equal Earth map in schools and government offices.

    2. Educate the Public: The public should be educated about the distortions in the Mercator map.

    3. Promote Critical Thinking: Students should be taught to think critically about maps and their political implications.

  • CSAM:

    1. Strengthen AI Moderation: Social media platforms should invest in better AI moderation tools.

    2. Increase Reporting: The government should launch awareness campaigns to encourage reporting of CSAM.

    3. Improve Investigation: The government should provide more resources and training to investigators.

    4. International Cooperation: India should work with other countries to combat CSAM.

    5. Hold Platforms Accountable: Social media platforms should be held accountable for failing to prevent the spread of CSAM.

Conclusion

The two issues discussed—the shift in world maps and the crisis of CSAM—are distinct but interconnected. Both highlight the challenges of governance in a complex and rapidly changing world.

The shift away from the Mercator map is a step towards decolonizing knowledge and challenging Eurocentric worldviews. But it also highlights the inherent trade-offs in cartography. No flat map can accurately depict the Earth.

The proliferation of CSAM on social media platforms is a grave violation of child rights. The NHRC notice to Meta highlights the failure of social media platforms to protect children. The way forward requires stronger regulatory frameworks, better AI moderation, and more effective enforcement.

The time for action is now. The future of our world and our children depends on the choices made today.


5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “Why a flat map fails to accurately depict Earth.” Discuss this statement in the context of the UN’s recent adoption of the Equal Earth map.
Answer: The statement is accurate. A flat map fails to accurately depict Earth because it is impossible to represent a three-dimensional sphere on a two-dimensional surface without distortion. Every projection involves trade-offs between area, shape, distance, and direction.
The UN’s adoption of the Equal Earth map is a step towards correcting the distortions of the Mercator projection, which exaggerates the size of landmasses near the poles and diminishes the perceived scale of developing regions in the Global South. The Equal Earth map is an equal-area projection that seeks to preserve the relative areas of landmasses.
However, the Equal Earth map also distorts shapes and distances, with meridians curving gently towards the poles. The article argues that no flat map can accurately depict the Earth; every projection involves trade-offs. The choice of map depends on the purpose. For navigation, the Mercator projection is useful. For thematic and statistical data, the Equal Earth map is best.

Q2. Discuss the political and social implications of the Mercator projection. Why is the shift to the Equal Earth map significant?
Answer: The Mercator projection has significant political and social implications:

  1. Eurocentrism: The Mercator projection is centered on Europe and exaggerates the size of landmasses in the Northern Hemisphere, perpetuating a Eurocentric worldview.

  2. Colonial Perceptions: The distortion of Africa’s size has been used to perpetuate colonial perceptions of Africa as a small, insignificant continent.

  3. Global South: The Mercator projection diminishes the perceived scale of developing regions in the Global South, including South Asia.
    The shift to the Equal Earth map is significant because:

  4. Decolonization: It is a step towards decolonizing knowledge and challenging Eurocentric worldviews.

  5. Accuracy: It more accurately depicts the size of Africa and other regions in the Global South.

  6. Education: It will shape the worldview of future generations.

  7. Global South: It gives a more accurate representation of the Global South.

Q3. What are the key challenges in regulating Child Sexual Abuse Material (CSAM) on social media platforms in India? Suggest measures to address these challenges.
Answer: The key challenges in regulating CSAM on social media platforms in India are:

  1. Limits of AI Moderation: AI systems are not foolproof and can fail to detect CSAM.

  2. Lack of Reporting: Many CSAM cases are not reported under Section 19 of the POCSO Act.

  3. Investigation Challenges: Verifying the age of the victim and identifying the perpetrator is difficult.

  4. Jurisdictional Issues: CSAM is a global problem that requires international cooperation.

  5. Lack of Awareness: There is a lack of awareness about CSAM and how to report it.
    Measures to address these challenges:

  6. Strengthen AI Moderation: Social media platforms should invest in better AI moderation tools.

  7. Increase Reporting: The government should launch awareness campaigns to encourage reporting of CSAM.

  8. Improve Investigation: The government should provide more resources and training to investigators.

  9. International Cooperation: India should work with other countries to combat CSAM.

  10. Hold Platforms Accountable: Social media platforms should be held accountable for failing to prevent the spread of CSAM.

Q4. “Meta’s AI-assisted tools now do more than host third-party content.” Discuss the implications of this statement for the intermediary status of social media platforms under the IT Rules, 2021.
Answer: The statement is accurate. Meta’s AI-assisted tools now generate captions, recommend postings, optimise engagement, and assist monetisation. This goes beyond the role of a mere intermediary, which is defined under the IT Rules, 2021, as a platform that primarily hosts third-party content.
Implications for Intermediary Status:

  1. Loss of Safe Harbour: If Meta is considered a publisher of online curated content, it may lose the legal protections available to intermediaries under the IT Rules, 2021.

  2. Increased Liability: Meta could be held liable for the content on its platform, including CSAM.

  3. Need for Human Oversight: The use of AI-assisted tools requires human oversight to ensure compliance with the law.

  4. Regulatory Scrutiny: The NHRC has asked the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting to examine whether Meta’s AI-assisted tools are consistent with intermediary status. This could lead to increased regulatory scrutiny of social media platforms.

Q5. “The time for action is now.” In light of this statement, suggest a comprehensive strategy for India to address the dual challenges of cartographic representation and child protection in the digital age.
Answer: A comprehensive strategy to address the dual challenges must include:

  1. Cartographic Representation:

    • Adopt the Equal Earth Map: The government should adopt the Equal Earth map in schools and government offices.

    • Educate the Public: The public should be educated about the distortions in the Mercator map.

    • Promote Critical Thinking: Students should be taught to think critically about maps and their political implications.

  2. Child Protection in the Digital Age:

    • Strengthen AI Moderation: Social media platforms should invest in better AI moderation tools.

    • Increase Reporting: The government should launch awareness campaigns to encourage reporting of CSAM.

    • Improve Investigation: The government should provide more resources and training to investigators.

    • International Cooperation: India should work with other countries to combat CSAM.

    • Hold Platforms Accountable: Social media platforms should be held accountable for failing to prevent the spread of CSAM.
      The time for action is now. The future of our world and our children depends on the choices made today.

 

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