India’s Opportunity to Put BRICS Back Together: Navigating Multipolarity and Cohesion

Why in News?

The 18th BRICS Summit is scheduled to be held in New Delhi from September 12-13, 2026. This summit presents a critical opportunity for India to bring coherence back to the expanded grouping and provide it with direction to be an effective body in shaping global events. The article, authored by T.S. Tirumurti (Chair, Steering Committee, Deccan Centre for International Relations, and former Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations), analyzes the evolution of BRICS, the challenges posed by its recent expansion, the emergence of the China challenge, and the urgent need for India to course-correct the bloc to prevent it from becoming an anti-Western alliance or a paralysed entity like SAARC.

Introduction

BRICS, originally comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, was formed to give a greater voice to Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, the emerging economies, in global governance and institutions, particularly financial and economic institutions, and to aim for a more equitable multilateral order. India was initially an enthusiastic participant, seeing the group as a vehicle for genuine reform of multilateral institutions. However, over the years, the grouping has strayed far from its original purpose. The 2026 Summit in New Delhi offers India a huge opportunity to restore BRICS’ original purpose, ensure its cohesion amidst expansion, and steer it away from becoming a tool for anti-Western geopolitical confrontation.

Background

The Emergence of the China Challenge

At the time of BRICS’ formation, even if it was not anti-West, China saw BRICS as a counterpoise to western domination – a view that India also initially shared in the context of reform. More importantly, China needed a group such as BRICS, consisting of emerging economies, to amplify its global ambitions, given that BRICS countries accounted for nearly 20% of world GDP in 2010. Further, China wanted to use BRICS mechanisms such as BRICS-Plus and BRICS Outreach to reach out to the Global South and consolidate their profile as a second pole in a future bipolar world.

Suddenly, India not only had a reform agenda on its hands but also had to act as a counterweight to China’s larger designs on BRICS. India, Brazil and South Africa soon realised that Chinese support for the reform of multilateral institutions was selective. For example, China resisted supporting the three countries’ bid for permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council. Consequently, India started focusing more on BRICS consolidation and intra-BRICS matters to resist Chinese grandstanding. In fact, this year’s theme for India’s chairmanship has four pillars – Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability – and draws on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of “Humanity First” and a “people-centric” approach to BRICS cooperation.

The Erosion of the Consensus Principle

In addition, there was a real danger that the principle of consensus, which had kept BRICS a cohesive group, would be bypassed and that BRICS would go the way of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), where the majority can bulldoze their views through. India and Brazil resisted these efforts. The 2019 BRICS Summit in Brasilia was held without any other invited guest countries – just the five original members. But in 2020, under the Russian presidency, probably the first non-consensus chair’s statement on COVID-19 was issued, bypassing the sacred principle of consensus. If non-consensus documents are increasingly resorted to, as we saw at the BRICS Foreign Ministers’ meeting in May 2026 in New Delhi due to the inability of the new members to agree, then BRICS will cease to be effective.

Membership Expansion Tests BRICS Cohesion

But then, it was difficult to resist the Chinese juggernaut. China pushed for the expansion of the New Development Bank and then for the expansion of BRICS itself. India resisted, as did Brazil. But that was not to be, and BRICS now has 11 members, following the addition of Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Indonesia, as well as 10 partner countries.

India’s sagacity has now been vindicated, as the new members of BRICS have started fighting among themselves. While the original five have their differences, some of them serious, they know how to address them with maturity for the greater good of the group. The new members do not have any such compunctions and are subverting BRICS through their bilateral conflicts. BRICS should not go the way of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), with bilateral disputes paralysing the group.

In addition, the tussle over the direction BRICS should take has begun. India has tried to keep BRICS as a “non-West” group, as opposed to the increasing pressure from some members to turn BRICS into an anti-West group. An anti-West slant is becoming increasingly difficult to avoid, with China competing with the United States for global leadership, Russia at war with Ukraine with the full backing of Europe, and Iran being bombarded by the U.S. and Israel. It becomes even harder to maintain the “non-West” line when Brazil and India have been subjected to punitive tariffs by U.S. President Donald Trump, and the U.S. Congress is considering legislation that would give the President the power to levy punitive tariffs on countries importing Russian oil. The question being asked is: how can India stop BRICS from becoming anti-West at a time when the Quad (Australia, India, Japan, the U.S.) is being emasculated by the U.S., India-U.S. relations are under great pressure, Pakistan is being courted by the U.S. at India’s expense, and global institutions are being made dysfunctional by the West? The more erratic the U.S. is vis-à-vis BRICS, the greater the chances of BRICS going in the wrong direction. Fortunately, India’s effort to prevent an anti-western drift is shared by many other BRICS members, since they too have much to gain by engaging with multiple actors from different camps in their national interest. They want change, but not geopolitical realignment with China and Russia. This is the direction of BRICS’s future.

Key Issues Raised

The article raises several critical issues regarding the future of BRICS and India’s role within it:

1. The Challenge of Expansion and Cohesion

The expansion of BRICS to 11 members (plus 10 partner countries) has brought in new dynamics. While the original five members (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) had serious differences but managed them with maturity for the greater good, the new members (Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Indonesia) lack these compunctions. They are subverting BRICS through their bilateral conflicts. This threatens to paralyse the group, similar to how SAARC has been rendered ineffective by India-Pakistan bilateral disputes. The challenge is to manage these internal contradictions while maintaining the group’s cohesion.

2. The Erosion of the Consensus Principle

The foundational principle of consensus, which kept BRICS cohesive, is under threat. The 2020 non-consensus chair’s statement on COVID-19, issued under the Russian presidency, was a worrying precedent. More recently, the BRICS Foreign Ministers’ meeting in May 2026 in New Delhi failed to agree on a document due to the inability of new members to agree. If non-consensus documents become the norm, BRICS will cease to be effective. The danger is that BRICS could go the way of the SCO, where the majority bulldozes its views through, or SAARC, where bilateral disputes paralyse the group.

3. The “Non-West” vs. “Anti-West” Dilemma

India has consistently tried to keep BRICS as a “non-West” group, as opposed to an “anti-West” group. However, this position is becoming increasingly difficult to maintain. The geopolitical environment is highly polarised:

• China is competing with the U.S. for global leadership.

• Russia is at war with Ukraine with the full backing of Europe.

• Iran is being bombarded by the U.S. and Israel.

• Brazil and India have been subjected to punitive tariffs by U.S. President Donald Trump.

• The U.S. Congress is considering legislation to levy punitive tariffs on countries importing Russian oil.
  The pressure to turn BRICS into an anti-West group is immense. The more erratic the U.S. is vis-à-vis BRICS, the greater the chances of BRICS going in the wrong direction.

4. The Parallel Visions of World Order

A much larger issue is that both the U.S. and China are enunciating parallel visions of the world and playing by their own rules, rather than internationally negotiated ones. Both are, in effect, challenging existing international norms and global institutions and setting up parallel structures and standards in emerging areas such as Artificial Intelligence, digital and Internet governance, data ownership, state control, 5G/6G and telecom, satellite navigation, and electric vehicles. Neither is looking for reform of existing institutions.

• China’s Parallel Structures: China has just set up a new World AI Cooperation Organisation in Shanghai, in addition to other parallel initiatives such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Belt and Road Initiative and the Digital Silk Road, which challenge the Bretton Woods institutions and their governance and financing models. They see BRICS as one of the vehicles through which to pursue their broader goals. For example, the push for de-dollarisation through the establishment of a parallel BRICS currency is receiving a lukewarm response, since many members are uncomfortable with a renminbi-dominated currency and would prefer merely interlinking payment systems, central bank digital currencies and national-currency transactions. Nevertheless, after the success of its pilot project, China is formally launching its ambitious mBridge, an alternative financial payment system. The last thing India wants is an alternative Bretton Woods system dominated by China.

5. The Need for a “Reformed Multilateralism” Agenda

At the 2018 BRICS Summit in South Africa, Mr. Modi first articulated his vision of “reformed multilateralism” at the leaders’ retreat. By 2019, this vision had found its way into the BRICS Summit document in Brasilia, with India, Brazil and South Africa pushing for it. The time has come to revive this agenda and make BRICS a strong voice for the “non-West” middle powers – and, by extension, for the Global South. In Davos, the Canadian Prime Minister spoke about broadly West-centric middle powers coming together. A Global South middle power is very different. And if there is a credible organisation of Global South middle powers, it is BRICS. It has its problems. To begin with, China is hardly a middle power and has disproportionate influence within BRICS. India and China need to find greater synergy on emerging global issues, even as their bilateral differences are being contained. Further, some middle powers that ought to be there are not represented in BRICS. However imperfect its composition may be, it is clear that BRICS has great geopolitical and geo-economic potential.

Timeline of Events

• 2010: BRICS countries accounted for nearly 20% of world GDP. China wanted to use BRICS mechanisms to reach out to the Global South.

• 2012: The fourth BRICS summit hosted by India focused on the theme “Global Stability, Security and Prosperity”. India’s presidency led to the establishment of the BRICS Bank (New Development Bank). Other Indian initiatives followed, including the integration of a counter-terrorism architecture into BRICS’ work.

• 2018: At the BRICS Summit in South Africa, PM Modi first articulated his vision of “reformed multilateralism” at the leaders’ retreat.

• 2019: The vision of “reformed multilateralism” found its way into the BRICS Summit document in Brasilia, with India, Brazil and South Africa pushing for it. The 2019 BRICS Summit in Brasilia was held without any other invited guest countries – just the five original members.

• 2020: Under the Russian presidency, the first non-consensus chair’s statement on COVID-19 was issued, bypassing the sacred principle of consensus.

• May 2026: The BRICS Foreign Ministers’ meeting in New Delhi failed to agree on a document due to the inability of the new members to agree.

• September 12-13, 2026: The 18th BRICS Summit is scheduled to be held in New Delhi.

Government Response

The Indian government’s response, as outlined in the article, focuses on:

1. Theme and Vision: India’s chairmanship theme has four pillars – Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability – drawing on PM Narendra Modi’s vision of “Humanity First” and a “people-centric” approach to BRICS cooperation.

2. Consolidation over Expansion: India initially resisted the expansion of BRICS, as did Brazil. India’s sagacity in resisting has been vindicated by the subsequent infighting among new members.

3. Preserving the Consensus Principle: India and Brazil resisted efforts to bypass the consensus principle, which had kept BRICS cohesive. India continues to work to prevent an anti-Western drift, an effort shared by many other BRICS members.

4. Reviving “Reformed Multilateralism”: India is pushing to revive the original raison d’être of BRICS and shape the expanded grouping into a vehicle for reform and stability, while stopping others from hijacking it. The time has come to revive the “reformed multilateralism” agenda and make BRICS a strong voice for the “non-West” middle powers and the Global South.

5. Proactive Engagement: India should proactively embrace the BRICS reform agenda to serve its larger interest of multi-alignment. If India does not, others will take BRICS in a different direction.

Judicial Developments

The provided article does not mention any specific judicial developments or court rulings related to BRICS or its summit.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

While not explicitly stated, the article touches upon several governance dimensions:

• Global Governance Reform: The core purpose of BRICS is to reform global governance institutions, particularly financial and economic ones (Bretton Woods institutions). The article highlights the challenge posed by parallel structures (AIIB, BRI, Digital Silk Road, mBridge) set up by China, which challenge these existing institutions.

• Sovereignty and Consensus: The principle of consensus is a governance mechanism that respects the sovereignty of each member. Its erosion threatens the decision-making capacity of the group.

• Multi-alignment: India’s foreign policy strategy of multi-alignment is reflected in its approach to BRICS—engaging with multiple actors from different camps in its national interest, rather than aligning exclusively with one bloc.

• Institutional Paralysis: The article warns against BRICS going the way of SAARC, where bilateral disputes paralyse the group. This highlights the governance challenge of managing inter-state disputes within a multilateral framework.

Social and Political Significance

• Voice of the Global South: BRICS is positioned as a voice for the Global South. If it becomes an anti-West group or gets paralysed, the Global South loses a critical platform for advocating for a more equitable multilateral order.

• Middle Powers: The article discusses the role of “middle powers” in the Global South. BRICS, despite its imperfections (e.g., China’s disproportionate influence, absence of some middle powers), is seen as the most credible organisation of Global South middle powers.

• Geopolitical Realignment: The direction BRICS takes—whether it remains a “non-West” group or becomes an “anti-West” group—has significant geopolitical implications for the world order.

• Economic Impact: The push for de-dollarisation and alternative financial payment systems (like mBridge) has profound implications for the global economy and the dominance of the U.S. dollar.

Challenges

The article outlines several formidable challenges:

1. Internal Cohesion: Managing the divergent interests and bilateral conflicts of the expanded membership (11 members + 10 partners) is a major challenge.

2. Erosion of Consensus: The trend of non-consensus documents threatens the decision-making effectiveness of BRICS.

3. Geopolitical Polarisation: The increasing pressure to turn BRICS into an anti-West group, driven by U.S.-China rivalry, Russia-Ukraine war, and U.S.-Iran/Israel tensions, makes it difficult for India to maintain its “non-West” stance.

4. Parallel Visions of World Order: Both the U.S. and China are challenging existing international norms and setting up parallel structures, making it difficult for BRICS to advocate for reform of existing institutions.

5. De-dollarisation Dilemma: The push for a parallel BRICS currency is receiving a lukewarm response due to discomfort with a renminbi-dominated currency. China’s launch of mBridge poses a risk of an alternative Bretton Woods system dominated by China, which India wants to avoid.

6. China’s Disproportionate Influence: China is hardly a middle power and has disproportionate influence within BRICS, which complicates India’s efforts to shape the group’s direction.

7. Absence of Key Middle Powers: Some middle powers that ought to be in BRICS are not represented, limiting its representativeness.

Way Forward

The article suggests a clear way forward for India and BRICS:

1. Course Correction at the 2026 Summit: The 2026 Summit in Delhi provides an opportunity for course correction. India has worked hard to persuade new members to overcome their political differences.

2. Revive the Original Raison d’être: India has to revive the original raison d’être of BRICS and shape the expanded grouping into a vehicle for reform and stability, while stopping others from hijacking it.

3. Revive “Reformed Multilateralism”: Revive the agenda of “reformed multilateralism” articulated by PM Modi in 2018 and make BRICS a strong voice for the “non-West” middle powers and the Global South.

4. Maintain “Non-West” Identity: India must continue its efforts to prevent an anti-Western drift, an effort shared by many other BRICS members who want change but not geopolitical realignment with China and Russia.

5. Find Synergy with China: India and China need to find greater synergy on emerging global issues, even as their bilateral differences are being contained.

6. Proactive Embrace of Reform Agenda: India should proactively embrace the BRICS reform agenda to serve its larger interest of multi-alignment. If India does not, others will take BRICS in a different direction.

7. Address the Larger Challenge: Both the U.S. and China are enunciating parallel visions of the world and playing by their own rules, rather than internationally negotiated ones. BRICS must challenge this by advocating for reform of existing international norms and global institutions.

Conclusion

The article concludes that the 2026 BRICS Summit in New Delhi is a pivotal moment for India. BRICS has strayed far from its original purpose, and the expansion has brought new challenges to its cohesion. The emergence of the China challenge and the erosion of the consensus principle threaten to paralyse the group. However, India has a unique opportunity to course-correct. By reviving the original raison d’être of BRICS—reformed multilateralism—and shaping it into a vehicle for reform and stability, India can ensure that BRICS remains a strong voice for the “non-West” middle powers and the Global South. The alternative is a BRICS that is either an anti-West group dominated by China or a paralysed entity like SAARC. India must act proactively to embrace the reform agenda and serve its larger interest of multi-alignment. If India does not, others will take BRICS in a different direction. The time to put BRICS back together is now.

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5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. Discuss the evolution of BRICS from its original purpose to its current expanded form. What are the key challenges facing the grouping today?
Answer: BRICS was originally formed by Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa to give a greater voice to emerging economies in global governance and financial institutions, aiming for a more equitable multilateral order. India was an enthusiastic participant, seeing it as a vehicle for genuine reform. However, the grouping has strayed from its original purpose. The key challenges facing BRICS today include:

1. Expansion and Cohesion: The addition of new members (Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Indonesia) has brought in new bilateral conflicts, threatening to paralyse the group like SAARC.

2. Erosion of Consensus: The principle of consensus is being bypassed, as seen in the 2020 non-consensus chair’s statement on COVID-19 and the 2026 Foreign Ministers’ meeting failure.

3. The “Non-West” vs. “Anti-West” Dilemma: Geopolitical polarisation (U.S.-China rivalry, Russia-Ukraine war, U.S.-Iran/Israel tensions) is pressuring BRICS to become an anti-West group, which India resists.

4. Parallel Visions of World Order: Both the U.S. and China are challenging existing international norms and setting up parallel structures, complicating BRICS’ reform agenda.

5. De-dollarisation Dilemma: The push for a parallel BRICS currency is receiving a lukewarm response due to discomfort with a renminbi-dominated currency.

Q2. “The principle of consensus, which had kept BRICS a cohesive group, is under threat.” Examine the implications of this erosion for the future of BRICS.
Answer: The consensus principle is foundational to BRICS, ensuring that all members, regardless of size or power, have a voice and that decisions are made collectively. Its erosion has serious implications:

1. Paralysis: If non-consensus documents become the norm, BRICS will cease to be effective. It could go the way of SAARC, where bilateral disputes paralyse the group.

2. Domination by Major Powers: It could lead to a situation like the SCO, where the majority (or a dominant power like China) bulldozes its views through, undermining the group’s legitimacy.

3. Loss of Cohesion: The consensus principle has kept BRICS cohesive despite serious differences among the original five members. Its erosion threatens this cohesion, especially with new members who lack the maturity to manage differences.

4. Undermining the “Non-West” Identity: If BRICS becomes a tool for a major power’s geopolitical agenda (e.g., anti-West), it loses its appeal to members who want change but not geopolitical realignment. The 2026 Summit in Delhi is an opportunity to restore the consensus principle and course-correct.

Q3. Analyze the dilemma India faces in maintaining BRICS as a “non-West” group amidst increasing pressure to turn it into an “anti-West” group.
Answer: India’s dilemma is acute. On one hand, India has been subjected to punitive tariffs by the U.S., its relations with the U.S. are under pressure, and the Quad is being emasculated. This creates a strong pull towards an anti-West stance. On the other hand, India’s strategic interest lies in multi-alignment—engaging with multiple actors from different camps. An anti-West BRICS would:

1. Limit India’s Strategic Autonomy: It would force India into a geopolitical realignment with China and Russia, which is not in its national interest.

2. Harm India’s Economic Interests: India has deep economic ties with the West. An anti-West stance could jeopardise these.

3. Undermine the “Reformed Multilateralism” Agenda: The original purpose of BRICS was to reform multilateral institutions, not to confront the West. An anti-West stance would alienate potential partners in the Global South who want change but not confrontation.
   Fortunately, India’s effort to prevent an anti-western drift is shared by many other BRICS members. The way forward is to revive the “reformed multilateralism” agenda and make BRICS a strong voice for the “non-West” middle powers and the Global South.

Q4. What are the parallel structures being set up by China and the U.S. that challenge existing international norms and institutions? How does this impact BRICS?
Answer: Both the U.S. and China are enunciating parallel visions of the world and playing by their own rules, rather than internationally negotiated ones. They are setting up parallel structures and standards in emerging areas:

• China: Has set up a new World AI Cooperation Organisation in Shanghai, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Belt and Road Initiative, the Digital Silk Road, and is launching mBridge, an alternative financial payment system. These challenge the Bretton Woods institutions and their governance and financing models.

• U.S.: While the article focuses more on China’s parallel structures, it notes the U.S. is also challenging existing norms (e.g., making global institutions dysfunctional, considering punitive tariffs on countries importing Russian oil).
  Impact on BRICS: These parallel structures complicate BRICS’ reform agenda. The push for de-dollarisation through a parallel BRICS currency is receiving a lukewarm response because many members are uncomfortable with a renminbi-dominated currency. China’s mBridge poses a risk of an alternative Bretton Woods system dominated by China, which India wants to avoid. BRICS must navigate this complex landscape to advocate for reform of existing institutions rather than being co-opted into one of these parallel visions.

Q5. “The 2026 Summit in Delhi provides an opportunity for course correction.” In light of this statement, outline a comprehensive strategy for India to restore BRICS’ original purpose and ensure its effectiveness.
Answer: The 2026 Summit is a pivotal moment for India to restore BRICS’ original purpose. A comprehensive strategy should include:

1. Revive “Reformed Multilateralism”: Reinvigorate the agenda articulated by PM Modi in 2018, making BRICS a strong voice for the “non-West” middle powers and the Global South.

2. Preserve the Consensus Principle: Resist efforts to bypass consensus, ensuring all members have a voice and decisions are collective.

3. Maintain “Non-West” Identity: Continue efforts to prevent an anti-Western drift, building on the shared desire of many members for change without geopolitical realignment.

4. Manage Expansion: Work to persuade new members to overcome their political differences and prioritize the greater good of the group.

5. Find Synergy with China: India and China need to find greater synergy on emerging global issues, even as their bilateral differences are contained.

6. Proactively Embrace the Reform Agenda: India should lead the charge in shaping BRICS’ direction, serving its larger interest of multi-alignment. If India does not, others will take BRICS in a different direction.

7. Address the Larger Challenge: Challenge the parallel visions of the U.S. and China by advocating for reform of existing international norms and global institutions.

India’s Strategic Partnerships and the Future of ISRO: Navigating Diplomacy and Development

Why in News?

The provided text encompasses two significant and distinct developments in India’s contemporary landscape:

1. Diplomatic Engagement: The visit of Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever to Delhi highlights India’s deepening ties with European countries. The visit focused on economic relations, defence ties, and strategic cooperation, particularly in the context of the upcoming India-European Union Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and India’s broader geopolitical maneuvering.

2. Space Sector Evolution: A significant internal development within the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) has come to light. On the day ISRO launched its first geosynchronous imaging satellite (EOS-05) on a semitemporal GSLV, nine employee associations wrote a letter to the chairman demanding clarity on long-term plans, staff strength, recruitment, and the outsourcing of core functions. This grievance stems from the Indian Space Policy of April 2023, which signals a shift in ISRO’s focus toward ambitious exploratory missions and “moonshots,” inspired by NASA.

Introduction

India is at a critical juncture in both its foreign policy and its domestic scientific institutional evolution. On the international front, India is actively building strategic partnerships across sectors, as evidenced by the Belgian Prime Minister’s visit, which underscores a new maturity in India-Europe relations despite geopolitical differences regarding Russia. On the domestic front, ISRO is undergoing a paradigm shift. The Indian Space Policy of 2023 has set the stage for a significant transformation, aiming to reposition ISRO away from routine commercial satellite manufacturing and toward cutting-edge exploratory missions. However, this transition has generated internal tensions regarding job security, the role of the private sector, and the foundational principles of the organisation. This article analyzes both developments, their implications, challenges, and the way forward.

Background

Part 1: India-Belgium Relations and the European Pivot

In terms of size and engagement, Belgium is not one of India’s most important partners. However, the visit of the Belgian Prime Minister to Delhi is part of a larger puzzle of India’s ties with European countries. These ties have gained salience with focus areas for India: economic relations, defence relations, and strategic ties.

At the top of the agenda in talks between Prime Ministers Bart De Wever and Narendra Modi was bilateral trade opportunities once the India-European Union Free Trade Agreement (FTA) is signed, which is expected in December. India-Belgium trade is about $13 billion, a third of which is from over a century of collaboration in the diamond industry. Antwerp is a global hub for diamond trading, while Mumbai and Surat provide the biggest cutting and polishing services. However, once the EU FTA is signed, they hope to benefit from collaboration in other areas including renewable energy and food processing; the Prime Ministers agreed to set a target of doubling bilateral trade in the next five years.

Despite being surrounded by friendly European allies, Belgium has a robust high-tech defence industry—small arms, drone and counter-drone technology, ammunition and naval defence—and is keen to make inroads in the Indian market, with India seeking to diversify its procurement beyond global powers. The two sides agreed on an MoU for co-development of military hardware and signed a letter of intent on defence cooperation. India will appoint a resident defence attaché to Brussels, complementing Belgium’s move.

Statements by the two leaders, however, indicated that the visit went beyond the bilateral to a more geopolitical framing of strategic ties, both bilateral as well as between India and Europe. At a business event, Mr. De Wever said that Europe is now realising the truth of India’s “warnings” on strategic autonomy from global powers and over dependence in trade and industrial production, in particular referring to China. After the talks, Mr. Modi said that democratic values, a market economy, and people-to-people ties make India and Belgium “natural partners”, a theme he has promoted this past year, as he has stepped up visits to Europe and received a number of European leaders in Delhi, in the run-up to his Brussels visit later this year for the FTA. It is also significant that Mr. De Wever’s visit comes in the same week that New Delhi is preparing to welcome Russian President Vladimir Putin for the BRICS summit in Delhi. The engagement with Belgium demonstrates a new maturity for both European countries and India. This shows sensitivity to their respective positions on the Russia-Ukraine conflict, indicating that ties outweigh Europe’s enmity and India’s deep friendship with Moscow.

Part 2: ISRO’s Transformation and Internal Tensions

The irony was evident: on the day the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) had its greatest success of the year—the launch of its first geosynchronous imaging satellite (EOS-05) on a semitemporal GSLV—its employee organisations demanded clarity on its long-term plans. But this grievance was long in the making. Since the Indian Space Policy of April 2023, the message has been clear that ISRO would, one day in the unspecified future, stop making commercial satellites and launch rockets. Clearly inspired by NASA, it expects to focus on ambitious exploratory missions and, literally, moonshots. Why would a space agency ramping up space missions upset a section of employees?

This is not the paradox it presents. The letter, co-signed by nine employee associations, and addressed to the chairman, seeks clarity on staff strength, recruitment and the outsourcing of core functions. ISRO says that it will “not be privatised or reduced”; IN-SPACe, set up to facilitate private participation, says the agency will “not be diminished”, only that the industry’s role must grow. Both are silent on the core concern—potential job losses.

This brings up an underlying tension that ISRO must deal with: does its vision of India’s space sector align with its founding principles, of not being enamoured of space races and being laser-focused on space technology as a tool for social development? Or is the image of power, where India is one of a handful of space-faring countries with a mushrooming of space startups, now the bedrock of that vision?

With a budget 16 times the Department of Space’s—$24.4 billion against ₹13,705 crore—NASA too has scaled back since the 1960s: from 0.7% of American GDP in 1966 to 0.1% now, and from 36,000 civil servants at Apollo’s peak to about 14,000 today. Unlike NASA, which in its early years designed and made every nut and bolt, ISRO has always had a manufacturing relationship with the private sector (Walchandnagar, L&T). What is different is that the buzz is not about established companies building on experience but new entrants with fleeting foreign capital, most interested in satellite data as a service. No sector can hope to be static; survival can mean significant changes to how it operates. There is yet no serious reckoning with the might of China’s space programme. If India’s space sector in 2035 is to be known as a source of export earnings, a nucleus of value-added services that brings in jobs and absorbs skilled labour, then hard choices taken today may be worth it. But jumping onto a bandwagon of space – as fuel for the science fiction fantasy of billionaires and colonial notions of conquest, to align with some misplaced notion of an ‘exclusive’ club – is foolhardy. ISRO must have a transparent policy that spells this out.

Key Issues Raised

1. The “Natural Partners” Narrative and Geopolitical Maturity

• Strategic Autonomy: The Belgian PM’s acknowledgment of India’s warnings on strategic autonomy and over-dependence on China signals a shift in European thinking. Europe is realizing the risks of hyper-globalization and supply chain concentration.

• Defence Diversification: India’s push to diversify defence procurement beyond traditional global powers (like Russia and the U.S.) is finding a willing partner in Belgium, which has a robust high-tech defence industry (drones, counter-drone tech, naval defence).

• Balancing Act: The visit occurring in the same week as preparations for Russian President Putin’s visit for the BRICS summit demonstrates India’s delicate balancing act. It shows that Europe and India can maintain strong ties despite their differing positions on the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

2. The ISRO Paradox: Exploration vs. Social Development

• Mission Shift: The Indian Space Policy 2023 mandates a shift for ISRO away from commercial satellite manufacturing and launch services, leaving that to the private sector, and focusing instead on exploratory missions and “moonshots.”

• Employee Anxiety: The letter from nine employee associations highlights deep-seated anxieties about potential job losses, lack of clarity on staff strength, recruitment, and the outsourcing of core functions.

• Founding Principles vs. New Vision: A fundamental tension exists between ISRO’s founding principle of using space technology as a tool for social development (not engaging in space races) and the new vision of India as a space-faring power with a mushrooming startup ecosystem.

3. The Private Sector’s Role and Capital Flight

• New Entrants: The private space sector is seeing a surge of new entrants with “fleeting foreign capital,” primarily interested in satellite data as a service, rather than established companies building on decades of experience.

• Comparisons with NASA: The article draws a parallel with NASA, which scaled back its budget and civil servant numbers after the Apollo era. Unlike NASA, ISRO has always had a manufacturing relationship with the private sector (e.g., Walchandnagar, L&T), but the current shift is different in its scale and intent.

4. The China Factor and Export Earnings

• Lack of Reckoning: The article notes that there is “yet no serious reckoning with the might of China’s space programme.”

• Economic Imperative: For India’s space sector to be known as a source of export earnings and value-added services by 2035, hard choices must be made today.

• Misplaced Notions: The author warns against jumping onto a bandwagon of space as a “science fiction fantasy of billionaires and colonial notions of conquest” or aligning with a “misplaced notion of an ‘exclusive’ club.”

Timeline of Events

India-Belgium Relations:

• Over a Century: Collaboration in the diamond industry (Antwerp as a global hub; Mumbai and Surat for cutting and polishing).

• Recent Visit: Belgian PM Bart De Wever visits Delhi.

• Agreements Signed: MoU for co-development of military hardware; Letter of Intent on defence cooperation.

• Upcoming: India-EU FTA expected to be signed in December. PM Modi’s Brussels visit planned later this year.

• Same Week: Preparations for Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit for the BRICS summit in Delhi.

ISRO’s Evolution:

• 1960s (NASA): NASA’s budget was 0.7% of American GDP; 36,000 civil servants at Apollo’s peak.

• April 2023: Indian Space Policy introduced, signaling a shift in ISRO’s focus.

• Recent: Launch of EOS-05 (first geosynchronous imaging satellite) on a semitemporal GSLV.

• Same Day: Nine employee associations write a letter to the ISRO chairman demanding clarity on long-term plans.

• Present Day: NASA’s budget is 0.1% of American GDP; about 14,000 civil servants.

• 2035 (Projected): Vision for India’s space sector to be a source of export earnings and value-added services.

Government Response

On India-Belgium Relations:

• Trade Target: Prime Ministers agreed to double bilateral trade in the next five years.

• Defence Cooperation: Signed an MoU for co-development of military hardware and a letter of intent on defence cooperation.

• Diplomatic Posting: India will appoint a resident defence attaché to Brussels.

• Strategic Framing: PM Modi promoted the theme of India and Belgium being “natural partners” based on democratic values, a market economy, and people-to-people ties.

On ISRO:

• Policy Direction: The Indian Space Policy of April 2023 sets the direction for ISRO to focus on exploratory missions.

• Official Statements: ISRO says it will “not be privatised or reduced.” IN-SPACe says the agency will “not be diminished,” only that the industry’s role must grow.

• Silence on Core Concerns: Both ISRO and IN-SPACe are silent on the core concern of potential job losses.

• Need for Transparency: The article calls for ISRO to have a transparent policy that spells out its vision and addresses employee concerns.

Judicial Developments

The provided article does not mention any specific judicial developments or court rulings related to India-Belgium relations or ISRO’s internal matters.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

• Foreign Policy and Diplomacy: The visit highlights the executive’s role in shaping foreign policy, negotiating trade agreements (FTA), and entering into defence cooperation MoUs.

• Strategic Autonomy: The concept of strategic autonomy is a key pillar of India’s foreign policy, balancing ties with various global powers.

• Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs) and Policy Shifts: The ISRO issue touches upon governance of public sector organisations. The Indian Space Policy 2023 represents a major policy shift, raising questions about the government’s role in balancing commercial interests, strategic exploration, and employee welfare.

• Right to Livelihood: The employee associations’ concerns about potential job losses touch upon the broader governance issue of balancing economic reforms with the social security of public sector employees.

Social and Political Significance

• India-Europe Ties: The engagement with Belgium demonstrates a new maturity in India-Europe relations, showing sensitivity to respective positions on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. This could lead to a more robust and multifaceted partnership.

• Defence Indigenisation: The co-development of military hardware with Belgium supports India’s goal of defence indigenisation and diversification of procurement sources.

• ISRO’s Legacy: ISRO’s founding principles of using space technology for social development have a deep social and political significance in India. Any perceived shift away from this could have political ramifications.

• Employment and Skills: The potential job losses at ISRO and the shift towards a private-sector-led model have significant social implications for the scientific community and skilled labour in India.

• National Pride: ISRO’s successes are a source of national pride. The internal tensions and the shift in vision could impact public perception and trust in the organisation.

Challenges

India-Belgium Relations:

1. Geopolitical Divergence: Balancing India’s deep friendship with Russia (and the upcoming BRICS summit) with Europe’s enmity towards Russia due to the Ukraine conflict.

2. Trade Negotiations: Ensuring the India-EU FTA is signed in December and that both sides benefit equally, especially in new areas like renewable energy and food processing.

3. Defence Integration: Moving from MoUs to actual co-development and integration of Belgian high-tech defence technology into India’s procurement systems.

ISRO’s Transformation:

1. Internal Resistance: Managing the grievances of employee associations regarding job losses, recruitment, and outsourcing of core functions.

2. Vision Clarity: Resolving the underlying tension between ISRO’s founding principles (social development) and its new vision (exploratory missions, space power status).

3. Private Sector Ecosystem: Ensuring that the private sector, particularly new entrants with “fleeting foreign capital,” contributes to long-term value creation and export earnings, rather than just chasing short-term data-as-a-service profits.

4. Strategic Competition: Lack of a serious reckoning with the might of China’s space programme.

5. Budgetary Constraints: ISRO’s budget (₹13,705 crore) is significantly smaller than NASA’s ($24.4 billion), requiring hard choices and efficient resource allocation.

6. Policy Transparency: The need for a transparent policy that spells out ISRO’s vision, addresses employee concerns, and avoids aligning with “misplaced notions of an ‘exclusive’ club.”

Way Forward

For India-Belgium Relations:

1. Leverage the FTA: Use the upcoming India-EU FTA to unlock new areas of collaboration beyond diamonds, such as renewable energy and food processing.

2. Deepen Defence Ties: Move beyond MoUs to concrete co-development projects in small arms, drone technology, and naval defence.

3. Maintain Strategic Balance: Continue the mature diplomatic balancing act, engaging with both Europe and Russia based on India’s national interests.

4. Promote “Natural Partnership”: Build on the shared values of democracy and market economy to strengthen people-to-people ties and strategic convergence.

For ISRO:

1. Transparent Policy: ISRO must have a transparent policy that spells out its vision for the future, addressing the core concerns of employees regarding job security and the outsourcing of core functions.

2. Clarify Vision: Clearly define the alignment between ISRO’s founding principles of social development and its new focus on exploratory missions and space power status.

3. Manage Transition: Develop a robust plan for managing the transition of commercial activities to the private sector, ensuring that employees are reskilled or redeployed.

4. Focus on Value Creation: Ensure that the private sector ecosystem, including new entrants, is geared towards long-term value creation, export earnings, and job creation, rather than short-term gains.

5. Strategic Reckoning: Seriously reckon with the might of China’s space programme and develop a long-term strategy to maintain India’s competitive edge.

6. Avoid Misplaced Notions: Avoid jumping onto a bandwagon of space as a “science fiction fantasy of billionaires” or aligning with “colonial notions of conquest.” Instead, focus on space technology as a tool for development and a source of export earnings.

Conclusion

The two developments discussed—India’s deepening ties with Belgium and the internal transformation of ISRO—reflect a broader theme of India’s evolving role on the global stage and its internal institutional maturation. On the diplomatic front, India is successfully navigating a complex geopolitical landscape, building “natural partnerships” with European nations while maintaining its strategic autonomy and deep ties with Russia. The Belgian PM’s visit, the upcoming FTA, and defence cooperation agreements signal a new maturity in India-Europe relations.

On the domestic front, ISRO stands at a crossroads. The Indian Space Policy of 2023 has set it on a path towards ambitious exploratory missions, inspired by NASA. However, this transition has generated significant internal tensions regarding job security, the role of the private sector, and the very soul of the organisation. The challenge for ISRO is to manage this transition transparently, ensuring that it stays true to its founding principles of social development while embracing the new vision of India as a space-faring power. The way forward requires hard choices, a clear vision, and a transparent policy that spells out the future of India’s space sector. If done right, India’s space sector in 2035 could be a source of export earnings, a nucleus of value-added services, and a beacon of development. If done wrong, it risks becoming a bandwagon for misplaced fantasies. The choices made today will determine the destiny of both India’s diplomatic and scientific ambitions.

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5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. Discuss the significance of the Belgian Prime Minister’s visit to India in the context of India’s evolving relations with the European Union. How does it demonstrate India’s strategic balancing act?
Answer: The Belgian PM’s visit is significant as it is part of a larger puzzle of India’s deepening ties with European countries, focusing on economic, defence, and strategic relations. It gains salience due to the upcoming India-EU FTA (expected in December) and the target to double bilateral trade in five years. The visit demonstrates India’s strategic balancing act in several ways:

1. Economic Diversification: It opens new avenues beyond the traditional diamond trade, including renewable energy and food processing.

2. Defence Diversification: Belgium’s high-tech defence industry (drones, naval defence) aligns with India’s goal to diversify procurement beyond global powers.

3. Geopolitical Maturity: The visit occurred in the same week as preparations for Russian President Putin’s visit for the BRICS summit. This shows that India and Europe can maintain strong ties despite their differing positions on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Europe is realizing the truth of India’s warnings on strategic autonomy and over-dependence on China. India is successfully balancing its deep friendship with Moscow with its growing partnership with Europe, prioritizing its national interest.

Q2. “ISRO is at a crossroads between its founding principles and a new vision of space exploration.” Analyze this statement in light of the Indian Space Policy 2023 and the recent grievances of ISRO employees.
Answer: The statement accurately captures the existential dilemma facing ISRO. The Indian Space Policy 2023 signals a shift away from commercial satellite manufacturing and launch services toward ambitious exploratory missions and “moonshots,” inspired by NASA. This new vision, however, clashes with ISRO’s founding principles of not being enamoured of space races and being laser-focused on space technology as a tool for social development.
The recent grievances of ISRO employees (nine associations writing to the chairman) highlight the internal tension. They seek clarity on staff strength, recruitment, and the outsourcing of core functions, fearing potential job losses. While ISRO and IN-SPACe claim the agency will not be “privatised or reduced,” they are silent on the core concern of job losses.
The crossroads is clear: Does ISRO align with its founding principles of social development, or does it embrace the image of power, where India is a space-faring country with a mushrooming of startups? The way forward requires a transparent policy that spells out this vision, managing the transition for employees while ensuring the private sector contributes to long-term value creation and export earnings.

Q3. What are the key challenges facing India’s space sector as it transitions towards greater private sector participation? How can ISRO address the concerns of its employees?
Answer: Key challenges facing India’s space sector include:

1. Internal Resistance: Managing employee grievances regarding potential job losses, recruitment, and outsourcing of core functions.

2. Vision Clarity: Resolving the tension between ISRO’s founding principles (social development) and its new vision (exploratory missions).

3. Private Sector Ecosystem: Ensuring new entrants with “fleeting foreign capital” contribute to long-term value creation, rather than short-term data-as-a-service profits.

4. Strategic Competition: Lack of a serious reckoning with China’s space programme.

5. Budgetary Constraints: ISRO’s budget is significantly smaller than NASA’s, requiring hard choices.
   To address employee concerns, ISRO should:

6. Transparent Policy: Spell out a clear vision for the future, addressing job security and the outsourcing of core functions.

7. Reskilling and Redeployment: Develop a robust plan for managing the transition of commercial activities to the private sector, ensuring employees are reskilled or redeployed.

8. Clarify Alignment: Clearly define how the new vision aligns with ISRO’s founding principles of social development.

9. Avoid Misplaced Notions: Focus on space technology as a tool for development and export earnings, rather than a “science fiction fantasy of billionaires” or “colonial notions of conquest.”

Q4. “The engagement with Belgium demonstrates a new maturity for both European countries and India.” Discuss this statement in the context of the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
Answer: The statement is apt. The Belgian PM’s visit occurred in the same week that New Delhi was preparing to welcome Russian President Vladimir Putin for the BRICS summit. This demonstrates a new maturity for both Europe and India. Europe, traditionally aligned against Russia due to the Ukraine conflict, is showing sensitivity to India’s deep friendship with Moscow. The Belgian PM acknowledged Europe’s realization of India’s warnings on strategic autonomy and over-dependence on China.
For India, it demonstrates its ability to maintain strategic autonomy and multi-alignment. India is engaging with Europe (Belgium, EU FTA) while simultaneously maintaining its deep ties with Russia. This maturity indicates that ties outweigh Europe’s enmity and India’s deep friendship with Moscow. Both sides are prioritizing their national interests and economic cooperation over geopolitical divergence, signaling a more pragmatic and mature approach to international relations.

Q5. “If India’s space sector in 2035 is to be known as a source of export earnings, a nucleus of value-added services that brings in jobs and absorbs skilled labour, then hard choices taken today may be worth it.” In light of this statement, outline a comprehensive strategy for ISRO’s future.
Answer: A comprehensive strategy for ISRO’s future should include:

1. Transparent Vision: ISRO must have a transparent policy that spells out its vision for 2035, focusing on space technology as a tool for development and a source of export earnings.

2. Manage Transition: Develop a robust plan for managing the transition of commercial activities to the private sector, ensuring employees are reskilled or redeployed to avoid job losses.

3. Foster Value Creation: Ensure the private sector ecosystem, including new entrants, is geared towards long-term value creation, export earnings, and job creation, rather than short-term gains.

4. Strategic Reckoning: Seriously reckon with the might of China’s space programme and develop a long-term strategy to maintain India’s competitive edge.

5. Avoid Misplaced Notions: Avoid jumping onto a bandwagon of space as a “science fiction fantasy of billionaires” or aligning with “colonial notions of conquest.”

6. Focus on Social Development: Ensure that the new vision aligns with ISRO’s founding principles of social development, using space technology to solve real-world problems.

7. Hard Choices: Make hard choices today regarding budget allocation, resource management, and organizational restructuring to ensure survival and growth in a dynamic sector.

Teen Agency in the Digital Age and the Incongruity of Caste and Science

Why in News?

Two significant and seemingly distinct socio-legal and scientific debates have recently come to the forefront in India:

1. Digital Adolescence and Teen Agency: The $1.7 billion settlement by Meta with U.S. states has brought the issue of addictive platform design into sharp focus. However, the broader debate on youth and technology has largely missed the perspective of teens themselves. A research study involving teens highlights how peer dynamics, developmental psychology, and platform design interact, necessitating a reevaluation of how we perceive teen agency in the digital age.

2. Caste, Science, and Constitutional Morality: A poster that appeared at IIT-Mandi on September 4, 2026, assigning caste-based roles (e.g., Brahmins to “spread god’s message,” Shudras to “serve higher classes”), has ignited a debate on the incongruity of caste and science. This incident highlights the persistent clash between inherited social hierarchies and the constitutional and scientific principles of equality, merit, and genetic diversity.

Introduction

India is witnessing a complex interplay between tradition and modernity, manifesting in two critical areas: the digital lives of its adolescents and the persistence of caste-based discrimination in its premier scientific institutions.

The first issue revolves around the psychological and developmental impact of social media on teenagers. While public debate often frames teens as passive victims of addictive algorithms, emerging research from the Teens, Family, and Technology Lab at Rutgers University suggests a more nuanced reality. Teens are not just passive consumers; they are active agents navigating a complex digital landscape, using platforms to satisfy developmental needs like peer connection and independence, even as they struggle with the deliberate design choices that hijack their attention.

The second issue concerns the fundamental conflict between caste-based social hierarchy and the scientific temper. The recent incident at IIT-Mandi, where a poster assigned caste-based roles, underscores a deep-rooted tension. The article by Vasudevan Mukunth argues that while science cannot prove moral or constitutional equality, it thoroughly debunks the biological basis of caste. Genetic studies show that caste is a social construct, not a biological reality, and that endogamy has harmed genetic diversity. This clash of possibilities—between the rigid, hereditary caste system and the fluid, evidence-based world of science—is what makes the appearance of such a poster at a centre of scientific learning particularly tragic.

Background

Part 1: Teen Agency Beyond Meta’s Reckoning

Meryl is 13. She describes YouTube Shorts as “so addicting”; holding her attention “just long enough” that she loses track of everything else. She is one of dozens of teens who have participated in the research at the Teens, Family, and Technology Lab at Rutgers University. While the 13-year-old’s language is not unusual, teen voices are still largely missing from broader debates about social media use.

Meta’s $1.7 billion settlement with U.S. States is making headlines as a reckoning over addictive platform design. However, not much has been said about how teen agency emerges in a media environment built to predict the most tempting feed. Debates about youth and technology have historically focused on media effects: either what teens do with media, or what media does to teens. Nearly 100 years ago, the Payne Fund Studies marked the first systematic exploration of this dynamic, examining the impact of movies on children. With every new wave of technology, the storyline persists. Youth audiences are typically spoken for – cast as passive, trapped or targeted by new tech.

This framing misses the point. It ignores how the experience of adolescence itself shapes media use, and why certain types of media design captivate teens. Teens’ media use resonates with a powerful framework from developmental psychology: a race car that can go very fast, but whose brakes are still being built. That speed creates both opportunities and risks. Teens are primed to learn more rapidly than at any other stage of development. Yet that power makes teens more vulnerable to negative stimuli. This heightened sensitivity exists alongside a crucial asymmetry: their ability to plan and prioritise (what to do first, what next) develops gradually, even as teens exhibit heightened sensitivity to “rewards” (easily persuaded by things that are pleasing). In today’s media, these rewards arrive via personalised recommendations. When short-form video loops shrink the gap between media experiences to 15 or 30 seconds, the onus of decision-making becomes the young person’s problem at a time when the braking system is still getting built.

Whistleblowers, Silicon Valley defectors, and documentaries such as The Social Dilemma have laid bare how platform design choices erode human agency. What remains absent from public commentary is what teens’ vocabularies reveal about their developmental needs. Across the 13-to-16 age group, teens say that short-form videos are shrinking their attention spans. But their reflections point to a persistent entry point: boredom.

Boredom, peer dynamics
Boredom is a developmental driver. As adolescents shift their orientation toward peers and crave greater independence, they continue to live under adult restrictions. They then open an app seeking a quick distraction, only to find themselves stuck for hours on platforms such as YouTube Shorts or TikTok.

Peer dynamics drive how teens move across different apps, with platform design acting as an amplifier. On platforms such as Instagram and Snapchat, where popularity is quantified through public likes and follower counts, every interaction gets a scoreboard. For an adolescent hyper-sensitive to social inclusion and exclusion, this design is incredibly stressful. Early evidence from Australia’s social media ban bears this out. Two systematic surveys by Bursztyn and colleagues found that Australian teens report needing roughly 70% of their peers to quit social media before they’re willing to quit themselves.

Research at the Teens, Family, and Technology Lab shows that adolescents navigate an average of 7 to 12 different platforms daily. Instagram and Facebook exist within a competitive teen media inventory alongside Snapchat, YouTube, Pinterest, Discord, Spotify, and more. Here, teens’ recalibration of media practices, and parents’ concerns for their children’s wellbeing act as powerful competitive forces.

While Meta and other platforms chase topline revenues, some teens are crafting micro-frictions to push back. Pinterest is a big hit with girls who want to escape performative sociality; music streaming competes with short-form video apps; and some teens are deleting apps intermittently. These are behavioural signatures of adolescent metacognition – literally, thinking about thinking. Yet AI-fuelled media design continues to operate at the limits of adolescent development, exacerbating tensions between the intentional and accidental. Understanding the contradictions of adolescent development invites us to reconsider teen media use in a new light – as striving for agency.

Part 2: The Incongruity of Caste and Science

All humans must be treated equally. That is a moral and constitutional position. It is not a scientific position because science does not carry moral or constitutional authority.

The normative system laid out in the ‘Manusmriti’ expresses the ‘principle’ that the birth of a person says something essential about who that person is supposed to be, with persons born into specific social categories to be assigned a place in the division of labour and a set of permitted relationships and social rights. Modern constitutional thinking is radically different. Per the Magna Carta, the English Bill of Rights and the constitutional democracies of today, individuals possess rights that depend on more than their place in a social hierarchy. After all, the fundamental rights of the Indian Constitution are attached to persons and citizens, not to inherited social functions.

Yet a poster that turned up at IIT-Mandi on September 4 said the role of “Brahmans” is to “spread god’s message”, that of “kshatriyas” to “protect society and spirituality”, of “vaishyas” to “drive economy, support others”, and of “shudras” to “serve higher classes”.

Science, which underlies the technologies the IITs are primarily concerned with, offers another conception paralleling the constitutional view, rooted in a different kind of authority.

The authority of science
While some defenders of the caste system have claimed that it is based on inherited biological differences, the system is really the cause of the differences, rather than their inheritor. The human organism develops as its genes interact with its environment, and caste-based discrimination affects these environments. Studies on the social determinants of health have revealed caste-related inequities in healthcare and access to healthcare while social epigenetics has found that social circumstances can induce biological changes via mechanisms that affect the way genes are regulated.

People of Black African heritage and Indigenous peoples in Asia, say, have non-identical genomes for this reason. By applying science’s methods, we know the differences between these peoples do not exclude a caste-like system. Instead, the differences in these people’s social circumstances through history – including societies of which they were part – practises a hereditary, hierarchical system at any point – affected the way they developed.

In a landmark 2009 study, geneticists reported that most present-day Indians descended from two differentiated ancient populations, which mixed extensively before endogamy took root, and present Indian groups contain mixes of these ancestries. The team also said there are substantial genetic differences between various communities today thanks to a long history of endogamy. Other studies of Indian populations have also reported strong founder effects (when a new population emerges from a small group of individuals and inherits the lack of genetic diversity) due to endogamy. The genome does not announce that these people were ordained to marry one another but records the fact that they elected to do so for reasons beyond scientific wisdom.

The human nervous system is also very plastic; it constantly rewires itself in response to every experience in a life-long process. Not everyone is good at everything, but plasticity means the neurological system develops together with each human’s environment, interests, temperament, and individual choice, giving rise to a variety of abilities among people.

No matter how well-equipped, the practice of science could never say whether all humans are equal. That is a political and ethical proposition it cannot test or prove. However, it does say that all humans are members of one species, that their development is shaped by their experiences, and that social environments can become embodied.

Just as caste constrains the plasticity of the human brain, it also constrains the human capacity for culture. Homo sapiens can accumulate knowledge and pass it on so that other H. sapiens do not have to learn from scratch. Caste-based discrimination, however, restricts the spread of knowledge and narrows the social range over which one of the defining capacities of our species can operate – as if a student’s ability to solve a differential equation has anything to do with the status of their ancestors. This clash of possibilities is what makes the appearance of a message reinforcing the caste system at a centre of scientific learning particularly tragic.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Missing Teen Perspective in Digital Debates

• Passive vs. Active Agency: The public debate often frames teens as passive victims of addictive algorithms. The article argues that this misses the point. Teens are active agents navigating a complex digital landscape, using platforms to satisfy developmental needs like peer connection and independence.

• Developmental Asymmetry: The adolescent brain is like a race car with weak brakes. Teens are primed to learn rapidly and are highly sensitive to rewards, but their ability to plan and prioritise is still developing. This makes them vulnerable to platform designs that offer instant gratification (e.g., short-form video loops).

• Boredom as a Driver: Boredom is a developmental driver. Teens seek quick distractions, which platforms readily provide, leading to hours of unintended use.

• Peer Dynamics and Quantification: Platforms like Instagram and Snapchat quantify popularity through likes and followers. For an adolescent hyper-sensitive to social inclusion and exclusion, this design is incredibly stressful.

• Micro-Frictions: Some teens are crafting “micro-frictions” to push back, such as using Pinterest to escape performative sociality, intermittent deleting of apps, or choosing music streaming over short-form video. These are behavioural signatures of adolescent metacognition.

2. The Clash Between Caste and Science

• Moral vs. Scientific Equality: All humans must be treated equally. This is a moral and constitutional position, not a scientific one. Science does not carry moral or constitutional authority.

• The Manusmriti vs. Modern Constitution: The Manusmriti assigns people to specific social categories based on birth. Modern constitutional thinking, per the Magna Carta and the Indian Constitution, attaches fundamental rights to persons and citizens, not to inherited social functions.

• The IIT-Mandi Poster: A poster at IIT-Mandi on September 4, 2026, assigned caste-based roles (Brahmins to spread god’s message, Shudras to serve higher classes), highlighting the persistence of caste-based discrimination in premier scientific institutions.

• Science Debunks Biological Caste: While some defenders of the caste system claim it is based on inherited biological differences, the system is really the cause of the differences, rather than their inheritor. Caste-based discrimination affects environments, and studies on social determinants of health have revealed caste-related inequities.

• Genetic Evidence: A landmark 2009 study reported that most present-day Indians descended from two differentiated ancient populations that mixed extensively before endogamy took root. Present Indian groups contain mixes of these ancestries, and there are substantial genetic differences between various communities today due to a long history of endogamy. The genome records the fact that people elected to marry one another for reasons beyond scientific wisdom, not that they were ordained to do so.

• Neural Plasticity: The human nervous system is very plastic; it constantly rewires itself in response to every experience. Plasticity means the neurological system develops together with each human’s environment, interests, temperament, and individual choice, giving rise to a variety of abilities among people.

• Constraining Human Capacity: Just as caste constrains the plasticity of the human brain, it also constrains the human capacity for culture. Homo sapiens can accumulate knowledge and pass it on, but caste-based discrimination restricts the spread of knowledge and narrows the social range over which this defining capacity can operate.

Timeline of Events

Digital Adolescence:

• Nearly 100 years ago: The Payne Fund Studies marked the first systematic exploration of media effects on children (movies).

• Recent: Meta’s $1.7 billion settlement with U.S. States over addictive platform design.

• Recent: Research at the Teens, Family, and Technology Lab at Rutgers University involving teens like 13-year-old Meryl.

• Recent: Early evidence from Australia’s social media ban shows teens report needing roughly 70% of their peers to quit social media before they’re willing to quit themselves.

Caste and Science:

• Ancient: The normative system laid out in the ‘Manusmriti’.

• 1215: The Magna Carta.

• 1689: The English Bill of Rights.

• 1950: The Indian Constitution comes into effect, attaching fundamental rights to persons and citizens.

• 2009: A landmark genetic study reported that most present-day Indians descended from two differentiated ancient populations.

• September 4, 2026: A poster appeared at IIT-Mandi assigning caste-based roles.

Government Response

The provided articles do not explicitly detail specific government responses to these issues. However, they imply the need for:

• For Digital Adolescence: A reevaluation of how we perceive teen agency in the digital age. Instead of just focusing on media effects, policymakers should consider the developmental needs of teens and how platform design can be made less exploitative. The Australian social media ban is mentioned as early evidence of a policy intervention, though its effectiveness is still being studied.

• For Caste and Science: The article implies that the government and institutions like the IITs must uphold the constitutional and scientific principles of equality. The appearance of a casteist poster at a premier scientific institution is a failure of governance and institutional culture. There is an implicit call for these institutions to actively combat caste-based discrimination and promote a scientific temper.

Judicial Developments

• Digital Adolescence: The Meta settlement ($1.7 billion) with U.S. States is a significant judicial/legal development, holding a tech giant accountable for addictive platform design.

• Caste and Science: The article references the Indian Constitution and its fundamental rights, which are attached to persons and citizens, not to inherited social functions. This forms the constitutional basis for challenging caste-based discrimination. No specific court case is mentioned regarding the IIT-Mandi poster.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

• Fundamental Rights: The Indian Constitution guarantees equality before the law (Article 14) and prohibits discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth (Article 15). The IIT-Mandi poster directly challenges these constitutional provisions.

• Scientific Temper: Article 51A(h) of the Constitution lists the “scientific temper” as a fundamental duty of every citizen. The propagation of caste-based roles at a scientific institution is a direct contradiction of this duty.

• Institutional Governance: The incident at IIT-Mandi raises questions about the governance and institutional culture of premier educational institutions. It highlights the need for robust mechanisms to prevent and address caste-based discrimination.

• Regulatory Frameworks: The debate on teen digital agency raises questions about the need for regulatory frameworks to ensure that platform design does not exploit the developmental vulnerabilities of adolescents. This involves balancing innovation with the protection of minors.

Social and Political Significance

• Youth and Technology: The way society frames teen technology use has significant social implications. Viewing teens as passive victims can lead to overly restrictive policies, while ignoring the risks can lead to harm. Recognizing teen agency is crucial for developing effective and empowering interventions.

• Caste in Modern India: The persistence of caste-based discrimination in premier institutions like the IITs highlights the deep-rooted nature of this social evil. It shows that economic and educational advancement alone does not eliminate caste prejudice. The incident has significant political implications, as it touches upon the ongoing debate about reservation, merit, and social justice.

• Science and Society: The clash between caste and science is a clash between tradition and modernity. It raises questions about the role of science in a society deeply stratified by caste. The article argues that science has a crucial role to play in debunking the biological basis of caste and promoting a more egalitarian society.

Challenges

• Digital Adolescence:

  1. Platform Design: Platforms are designed to maximize engagement, often at the expense of user well-being. Changing this requires addressing the fundamental business models of tech companies.

  2. Developmental Vulnerability: The adolescent brain is particularly vulnerable to addictive designs. Protecting teens requires a nuanced understanding of their developmental needs.

  3. Parental and Peer Pressure: Parents’ concerns and peer dynamics play a complex role. Teens may feel pressured to stay on platforms to maintain social connections.

  4. Regulatory Dilemmas: Regulating platform design without stifling innovation or infringing on free speech is a significant challenge.

• Caste and Science:

  1. Deep-Rooted Prejudice: Caste-based discrimination is deeply ingrained in Indian society. Eliminating it requires a sustained, multi-pronged effort.

  2. Institutional Complicity: The appearance of such a poster at IIT-Mandi suggests that institutions may not be doing enough to combat casteism.

  3. Misuse of Science: Some defenders of the caste system have tried to use science (e.g., genetics) to justify their views, despite scientific evidence to the contrary.

  4. Constitutional vs. Social Reality: There is a wide gap between the constitutional promise of equality and the social reality of caste-based discrimination.

Way Forward

• For Digital Adolescence:

  1. Center Teen Voices: Policymakers and researchers must actively include teens in debates about social media use. Their vocabularies reveal their developmental needs and their striving for agency.

  2. Design for Well-being: Tech companies should be incentivized or regulated to design platforms that prioritize user well-being over engagement metrics.

  3. Digital Literacy: Promote digital literacy programs that help teens understand the persuasive design techniques used by platforms and develop their metacognitive skills to navigate them.

  4. Support Micro-Frictions: Encourage and support teens’ own efforts to create “micro-frictions” (e.g., app timers, deleting apps intermittently) as acts of agency.

• For Caste and Science:

  1. Uphold Constitutional Morality: Institutions must unequivocally uphold the constitutional principles of equality and non-discrimination.

  2. Promote Scientific Temper: Educational institutions must actively promote a scientific temper and debunk pseudo-scientific justifications for caste.

  3. Address Social Determinants: Address caste-related inequities in healthcare, education, and access to resources.

  4. Institutional Accountability: Hold institutions accountable for failing to prevent caste-based discrimination. The IIT-Mandi incident should be thoroughly investigated and addressed.

  5. Dialogue and Education: Foster a dialogue about the incongruity of caste and science, using evidence from genetics and neuroscience to show that caste is a social construct, not a biological reality.

Conclusion

The two articles, while addressing vastly different topics, share a common thread: the tension between inherited structures and the potential for human agency and progress.

In the digital realm, teens are not passive victims but active agents navigating a complex media environment. Their developmental needs—for peer connection, independence, and stimulation—are both exploited and served by platform design. Recognizing their agency is the first step towards creating a digital ecosystem that supports their well-being rather than undermining it.

In the social realm, the persistence of caste-based discrimination in premier scientific institutions like IIT-Mandi highlights the deep-rooted nature of this social evil. The incongruity of caste and science is stark: science, through genetics and neuroscience, debunks the biological basis of caste, while the constitution enshrines equality. Yet, the social reality remains one of hierarchy and exclusion. The appearance of a casteist poster at a centre of scientific learning is a tragic reminder of the work that remains to be done.

Both issues require a fundamental shift in perspective. For teens, it means moving beyond the “media effects” paradigm to recognize their striving for agency. For caste, it means moving beyond the constitutional promise to actively dismantle the social structures that perpetuate discrimination. The way forward requires a commitment to evidence, empathy, and the unwavering pursuit of equality and justice.

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5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “The public debate on youth and technology has largely missed the perspective of teens themselves.” Critically examine this statement in the context of the developmental psychology of adolescents and the design of social media platforms.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The public debate often frames teens as passive victims of addictive algorithms, ignoring their agency. Developmental psychology reveals that adolescence is a period of heightened sensitivity to rewards and peer influence, coupled with an immature ability to plan and prioritise—a “race car with weak brakes.” Social media platforms exploit this asymmetry through personalised recommendations and short-form video loops (15-30 seconds) that provide instant gratification.
However, research from the Teens, Family, and Technology Lab shows teens are active agents. They navigate 7 to 12 platforms daily, seeking to satisfy developmental needs like peer connection and independence. They experience “boredom” as a driver and use “micro-frictions” (e.g., deleting apps, using Pinterest to escape performative sociality) to push back against platform design. Understanding this agency is crucial for developing effective digital literacy and regulatory interventions that support teens’ well-being rather than simply restricting their access. The Meta settlement highlights the need to hold platforms accountable, but it must be coupled with a nuanced understanding of teen development.

Q2. Discuss the genetic and neuroscientific evidence that debunks the biological basis of caste. How does this evidence contradict the normative system laid out in texts like the Manusmriti?
Answer: Genetic and neuroscientific evidence thoroughly debunks the biological basis of caste:

1. Genetic Evidence: A landmark 2009 study reported that most present-day Indians descended from two differentiated ancient populations that mixed extensively before endogamy took root. Present Indian groups contain mixes of these ancestries. The substantial genetic differences between communities today are due to a long history of endogamy (marrying within a community), not because they were ordained to do so. The genome records social choices, not biological ordination.

2. Neuroscientific Evidence: The human nervous system is highly plastic; it constantly rewires itself in response to experiences. Plasticity means the neurological system develops together with each human’s environment, interests, temperament, and individual choice, giving rise to a variety of abilities. Caste-based discrimination constrains this plasticity by restricting environments and opportunities.
   This evidence contradicts the Manusmriti’s normative system, which assigns people to specific social categories based on birth, determining their place in the division of labour and permitted relationships. The Manusmriti’s ‘principle’ is that birth determines essence. Science shows that birth determines nothing essential; it is social circumstances (like caste-based discrimination) that shape development. The Constitution, like science, attaches rights to persons, not to inherited social functions.

Q3. What are the key challenges in regulating social media platforms to protect adolescent well-being without infringing on their agency?
Answer: Key challenges include:

1. Defining Harm: It is difficult to define and measure “harm” in the context of social media use, as it is often subjective and developmental.

2. Balancing Protection and Agency: Overly restrictive regulations can infringe on teens’ agency and their ability to access valuable resources and social connections. Under-regulation can lead to harm.

3. Platform Design: Regulating platform design (e.g., infinite scroll, personalised recommendations) without stifling innovation or free speech is complex. Business models are built on maximizing engagement.

4. Enforcement: Enforcing age-verification and parental consent requirements is technically challenging and raises privacy concerns.

5. Peer Dynamics: Teens may feel pressured to stay on platforms to maintain social connections, even if they want to quit. A ban in one country may not be effective if their peers are still online.

6. Evolving Technology: AI-fuelled media design is constantly evolving, making it difficult for regulations to keep pace. The way forward involves centering teen voices, promoting digital literacy, and encouraging platform design that prioritizes well-being over engagement metrics.

Q4. “The appearance of a message reinforcing the caste system at a centre of scientific learning is particularly tragic.” Discuss the significance of this statement in the context of the Indian Constitution and the scientific temper.
Answer: The statement highlights the deep incongruity between caste-based social hierarchy and the principles of science and the Indian Constitution. The Indian Constitution (Articles 14, 15) guarantees equality and prohibits discrimination on grounds of caste. Article 51A(h) lists the “scientific temper” as a fundamental duty. Premier institutions like the IITs are meant to be temples of this scientific temper and constitutional morality.
The appearance of a casteist poster at IIT-Mandi is tragic because:

1. Betrayal of Constitutional Values: It betrays the constitutional promise of equality and fraternity.

2. Contradiction of Scientific Temper: Science, through genetics and neuroscience, debunks the biological basis of caste. The poster promotes a pre-scientific, hierarchical worldview.

3. Failure of Institutional Culture: It indicates that even premier institutions are not immune to deep-rooted social prejudices. It shows that economic and educational advancement alone does not eliminate casteism.

4. Constraining Human Capacity: Caste-based discrimination restricts the spread of knowledge and narrows the social range over which human capacity can operate, harming the institution and society at large. This clash of possibilities makes the incident particularly tragic.

Q5. “Just as caste constrains the plasticity of the human brain, it also constrains the human capacity for culture.” Elaborate on this statement with reference to the concepts of neuroplasticity and cumulative culture.
Answer: The statement captures the profound impact of caste on human potential.

1. Constraining Neuroplasticity: Neuroplasticity is the brain’s ability to reorganize itself by forming new neural connections throughout life. It develops in response to environment, interests, temperament, and individual choice. Caste-based discrimination constrains this plasticity by restricting access to education, resources, and opportunities for certain groups. It creates environments of deprivation and stress, which can induce biological changes via mechanisms that affect gene regulation, limiting the development of individual abilities.

2. Constraining Cumulative Culture: Homo sapiens have a unique capacity for cumulative culture—the ability to accumulate knowledge and pass it on so that future generations do not have to learn from scratch. This capacity depends on the free flow of ideas and the widest possible pool of participants. Caste-based discrimination restricts the spread of knowledge by denying access to education and participation in knowledge-producing institutions to marginalized groups. It narrows the social range over which this defining human capacity can operate. It is as if a student’s ability to solve a differential equation is determined by the status of their ancestors, which is patently absurd. Thus, caste not only harms individuals but also impoverishes the collective human capacity for culture and progress.

The Crumbling Edifice: Addressing India’s Building Collapse Epidemic and the Accountability Deficit

Why in News?

The collapse of a five-storey building in Satya Niketan, Delhi, on September 6, 2026, which resulted in the confirmed death of at least six people, has once again brought the issue of structural safety and governance laxity into sharp focus. While this specific incident caught public attention due to the high death toll and the fact that it was a PG (Paying Guest) accommodation for students, it is merely the tip of the iceberg. A data-driven analysis by The Hindu reveals a grim reality: nearly 8,000 people have died due to the collapse of structures across India between 2020 and 2024. Despite this staggering toll, the systemic issue of lax enforcement of building safety norms remains largely unaddressed, with incidents occurring across the country going mostly unnoticed.

Introduction

The recurrent collapse of buildings across India is not merely a series of unfortunate accidents but a symptom of a deep-rooted governance failure. From the densely populated National Capital Territory (NCT) of Delhi to the most populous state of Uttar Pradesh, the failure of regulatory mechanisms to ensure structural safety is claiming thousands of lives annually. The data highlights a disturbing trend: while the number of deaths may fluctuate marginally year-on-year, the underlying systemic problem—a lack of well-thought-out long-term strategies to keep pace with the growing need for affordable housing and safe buildings—persists. This article analyzes the data behind these collapses, the governance and constitutional dimensions, the social and political significance, and the urgent need for a paradigm shift from reactive demolition drives to proactive, accountable urban planning.

Background

The Scale of the Tragedy: A Data-Driven Analysis

According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) report “Accidental Deaths and Suicides in India” (ADSI), a total of 7,874 people were killed in building collapse across the country between 2020 and 2024. Delhi alone recorded 169 deaths in the same period.

While the ADSI report for 2025 is yet to be released, a compilation of incidents reported in the media showed that at least 70 people have died in 20 incidents since January 2025, which means that at least three people have died every month in such incidents.

A closer look at the ADSI 2024 report reveals the following trends:

• Uttar Pradesh (UP) reported the highest number of deaths (223), followed by Maharashtra (220) and Madhya Pradesh (174).

• Delhi reported the 12th highest number of deaths (42) in the country in 2024.

• Despite being geographically smaller, the densely populated NCT has been among the top 15 States every year since 2020.

• Moreover, the deaths recurring every year in the capital are more worrying when seen in relation to its population. Deaths from building collapses per million population, calculated using mid-year population estimates from the ADSI reports, show that Delhi recorded the second or third-highest deaths per million population in 2022, 2023, and 2024.

The Limitations of Data

The article notes significant limitations in the available data:

• The ADSI includes five sub-categories under deaths due to collapse of structures – Collapse of Dwelling House/Residential Building, Collapse of Office/Commercial Building, Collapse of Dam, Collapse of Bridge, and Others. The data discussed in this article excludes the numbers reported under the categories of ‘Collapse of Dam’ and ‘Collapse of Bridge’.

• The incidents and death toll were compiled from news reports. Though each incident has been verified from at least three news reports, there may be some inaccuracies. Incident locations are geocoded to locality-level, and not the precise spot of the incident.

The Recent Incident and Municipal Response

The collapse of the five-storey building in Satya Niketan on Sunday, September 6, 2026, is a grim reminder. There have been at least 34 incidents, killing more than 90 people since 2024. Acting in predictable haste, as most government agencies do after such incidents, the Municipal Corporation of Delhi has said that it will seal all illegal five-storey and taller buildings “immediately”. However, this reactive approach fails to address the underlying systemic problem.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Systemic Governance Failure

The core issue is not a lack of laws, but a lack of enforcement. Building bye-laws and safety norms exist, but their implementation is weak. The article argues that the problem is systemic and requires well-thought-out long-term strategies. The reactive sealing of buildings after a tragedy is a band-aid solution that does not prevent future collapses.

2. The Affordable Housing Paradox

The article highlights a critical paradox: the growing need for affordable housing in urban areas often leads to the construction of unsafe, illegal structures. The demand for cheap accommodation, particularly for students and migrant workers, drives the proliferation of unauthorized multi-storey buildings that flout safety norms. The state’s failure to provide adequate affordable housing creates a vacuum filled by unscrupulous builders.

3. The Accountability Deficit

The title of the graphic, “Accountability collapse,” perfectly captures the situation. Despite the high number of deaths, accountability is rarely fixed. The article notes that while the Satya Niketan collapse caught public attention because it was a PG for students, hundreds of similar incidents across the country go largely unnoticed. There is a lack of political and administrative will to hold negligent builders and corrupt officials accountable.

4. The Data Blind Spot

The reliance on NCRB data, which is often delayed and may undercount incidents, hampers effective policymaking. The fact that the ADSI report for 2025 is yet to be released means that policymakers are working with outdated information. The article’s own compilation of media reports, while useful, highlights the need for a robust, real-time data collection mechanism for building collapses.

5. The Disproportionate Impact on the Poor and Marginalized

The data shows that the states with the highest number of deaths (UP, Maharashtra, MP) are also among the most populous. However, the per million population metric for Delhi shows that even smaller, denser regions are highly vulnerable. The victims are often the poor and marginalized who cannot afford safe, formal housing and are forced to live in precarious structures.

Timeline of Events

• 2020-2024: 7,874 people killed in building collapses across India (NCRB ADSI data).

• 2022, 2023, 2024: Delhi records the second or third-highest deaths per million population due to building collapses.

• 2024: 169 deaths recorded in Delhi due to building collapses. Uttar Pradesh records the highest number of deaths (223), followed by Maharashtra (220).

• Since January 2025: At least 70 people have died in 20 reported incidents (compiled from media reports).

• September 4, 2026: A poster appeared at IIT-Mandi assigning caste-based roles (from a separate article in the same newspaper).

• September 6, 2026: Collapse of a five-storey building in Satya Niketan, Delhi, kills at least six people.

• September 7, 2026 (Monday morning): Death toll confirmed as at least six. The Municipal Corporation of Delhi announces it will seal all illegal five-storey and taller buildings “immediately”.

• September 8, 1976 (From the Archives): Pakistan asks Britain to return the Kohinoor diamond. (Included as per the newspaper’s archive section).

Government Response

The government response, as highlighted in the article, is characterized by reactive measures rather than proactive planning:

• Immediate Reaction: Following the Satya Niketan collapse, the Municipal Corporation of Delhi announced it would seal all illegal five-storey and taller buildings “immediately”.

• Lack of Long-term Strategy: The article criticizes this approach, stating that the government acts in “predictable haste” after such incidents but fails to implement well-thought-out long-term strategies to keep in mind the growing need for affordable housing.

• Silence on Core Issues: There is no mention of addressing the root causes, such as corruption in the building approval process, lack of affordable housing, or the need for a robust inspection regime.

Judicial Developments

The provided article does not mention any specific judicial developments or court rulings related to building collapses. However, the broader context implies that the judiciary has often intervened in cases of illegal construction, but the enforcement of these orders remains a challenge.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

• Right to Life (Article 21): The failure to ensure building safety is a direct violation of the Right to Life and Personal Liberty enshrined in Article 21 of the Constitution. The state’s negligence in preventing building collapses amounts to a failure of its fundamental duty to protect its citizens.

• Municipal Governance: Building regulations and their enforcement are primarily the responsibility of local municipal bodies. The article highlights the failure of these bodies, such as the Municipal Corporation of Delhi, to perform their statutory duties effectively.

• Urban Planning: The issue underscores the need for a more robust and decentralized urban planning framework that anticipates the needs of a growing population and ensures safe, affordable housing.

• Accountability and Transparency: The lack of accountability for negligent officials and builders points to a governance deficit. The article’s title, “Accountability collapse,” suggests a systemic failure in ensuring that those responsible for enforcing safety norms are held accountable.

Social and Political Significance

• Public Outrage and Apathy: The article notes that while incidents like the Satya Niketan collapse (due to the high death toll and the fact that it was a PG for students) catch public attention, hundreds of similar incidents across the country go largely unnoticed. This highlights a disturbing apathy towards the lives of the poor and marginalized.

• Student Vulnerability: The fact that the Satya Niketan building was a PG for students highlights the vulnerability of young people who migrate to cities for education and are forced to live in unsafe accommodations due to a lack of affordable housing.

• Urban Crisis: The recurrent building collapses are a symptom of a larger urban crisis in India—unplanned growth, inadequate infrastructure, and a failure to provide basic services and safety to a growing urban population.

• Political Fallout: While individual incidents may cause local political fallout, the systemic issue rarely becomes a major political agenda. The lack of sustained political will to address the problem is a major challenge.

Challenges

1. Weak Enforcement: The primary challenge is the weak enforcement of existing building bye-laws and safety norms. This is often due to corruption, lack of trained personnel, and inadequate resources in municipal bodies.

2. Affordable Housing Shortage: The growing demand for affordable housing, particularly in urban areas, leads to the construction of illegal and unsafe structures. The state’s failure to provide adequate housing is a root cause.

3. Reactive Governance: The government’s response is typically reactive—sealing buildings after a collapse—rather than proactive—preventing collapses through regular inspections and strict enforcement.

4. Data Deficits: The lack of timely and accurate data on building collapses hampers effective policymaking and accountability.

5. Political and Administrative Apathy: The fact that hundreds of deaths go unnoticed every year points to a deep-rooted apathy and a lack of political will to address the issue.

6. Corruption: Corruption in the building approval and inspection process allows unscrupulous builders to flout safety norms with impunity.

Way Forward

1. Proactive Enforcement: Municipal bodies must shift from a reactive to a proactive approach. This includes regular structural audits of buildings, strict enforcement of building bye-laws, and penalizing violators.

2. Affordable Housing: The government must prioritize the creation of affordable housing to reduce the demand for illegal and unsafe structures. This requires a multi-pronged approach, including public housing projects, rental housing schemes, and incentives for private developers.

3. Strengthen Municipal Capacity: Municipal bodies need to be strengthened with adequate resources, trained personnel, and technology (e.g., GIS mapping of vulnerable buildings) to effectively enforce safety norms.

4. Fix Accountability: There must be clear accountability for negligent officials and builders. This requires a robust system of inspections, penalties, and, where necessary, criminal prosecution.

5. Improve Data Collection: A robust, real-time data collection mechanism for building collapses should be established to inform policy and track progress.

6. Public Awareness: Citizens need to be made aware of their rights and the importance of building safety. This can be done through public campaigns and community participation.

7. Long-Term Urban Planning: India needs a long-term urban planning strategy that anticipates the needs of a growing population and ensures safe, sustainable, and inclusive cities.

Conclusion

The collapse of the building in Satya Niketan is not an isolated incident but a stark reminder of a pervasive governance failure. The data is unequivocal: nearly 8,000 lives lost in five years, with the numbers continuing to rise. The government’s reactive approach—sealing buildings after a tragedy—is a hollow response to a systemic crisis. The root causes—weak enforcement, a shortage of affordable housing, corruption, and a lack of accountability—remain unaddressed.

The article’s title, “Accountability collapse,” is a fitting metaphor for the state of urban governance in India. The collapse of a building is often the physical manifestation of the collapse of the systems meant to ensure its safety. Until the state takes proactive, sustained, and accountable action to enforce building safety norms, provide affordable housing, and fix responsibility, the death toll will continue to mount. The right to life, enshrined in Article 21 of the Constitution, demands nothing less than a comprehensive overhaul of India’s urban safety and housing framework. The time for reactive sealing is over; the time for proactive, accountable governance is now.

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5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “The recurrent collapse of buildings in India is not merely a series of unfortunate accidents but a symptom of a deep-rooted governance failure.” Critically examine this statement in the context of recent data on building collapses.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The data from the NCRB’s ADSI report reveals that 7,874 people were killed in building collapses between 2020 and 2024, with at least 70 deaths in the first few months of 2025 alone. This staggering toll is not due to random accidents but a systemic failure.
The governance failure manifests in several ways:

1. Weak Enforcement: Building bye-laws exist, but their enforcement is weak due to corruption, lack of trained municipal personnel, and inadequate resources.

2. Reactive Governance: The government’s response is typically reactive—sealing buildings after a collapse—rather than proactive—preventing collapses through regular inspections.

3. Affordable Housing Shortage: The state’s failure to provide adequate affordable housing leads to the construction of illegal and unsafe structures.

4. Accountability Deficit: Despite the high number of deaths, accountability is rarely fixed. Negligent builders and corrupt officials often escape punishment.

5. Data Blind Spot: The lack of timely and accurate data hampers effective policymaking. The ADSI report for 2025 is yet to be released.
   The collapse of a building is often the physical manifestation of the collapse of the systems meant to ensure its safety. Until the state takes proactive, sustained, and accountable action, the death toll will continue to mount.

Q2. Discuss the constitutional and governance dimensions of building safety in India. How does the failure to enforce building norms violate the Right to Life?
Answer: The constitutional and governance dimensions of building safety are rooted in Article 21 of the Constitution, which guarantees the Right to Life and Personal Liberty. The failure to ensure building safety is a direct violation of this fundamental right. The state’s negligence in preventing building collapses amounts to a failure of its fundamental duty to protect its citizens.
Governance Dimensions:

1. Municipal Governance: Building regulations and their enforcement are primarily the responsibility of local municipal bodies. The failure of these bodies to perform their statutory duties effectively is a key governance failure.

2. Urban Planning: The issue underscores the need for a more robust and decentralized urban planning framework that anticipates the needs of a growing population and ensures safe, affordable housing.

3. Accountability and Transparency: The lack of accountability for negligent officials and builders points to a governance deficit. The article’s title, “Accountability collapse,” suggests a systemic failure in ensuring that those responsible for enforcing safety norms are held accountable.
   The Right to Life includes the right to live with dignity, which inherently includes the right to safe housing. The state’s failure to provide this is a grave constitutional failure.

Q3. “The growing need for affordable housing often leads to the construction of unsafe structures.” Analyze this paradox and suggest measures to address the affordable housing crisis in India.
Answer: The paradox is that the state’s failure to provide adequate affordable housing creates a vacuum filled by unscrupulous builders who construct illegal, unsafe multi-storey buildings. The demand for cheap accommodation, particularly for students and migrant workers, drives the proliferation of these structures.
Measures to address the affordable housing crisis:

1. Public Housing Projects: The government must invest in large-scale public housing projects to increase the supply of safe, affordable housing.

2. Rental Housing Schemes: Promote rental housing schemes, especially for migrant workers and students, to reduce the demand for unsafe PG accommodations.

3. Incentives for Private Developers: Provide incentives (e.g., tax breaks, subsidized land) to private developers to build affordable housing.

4. Reform of Building Bye-laws: Simplify and streamline building bye-laws to make it easier for law-abiding builders to construct safe, affordable housing.

5. Strengthen Municipal Capacity: Municipal bodies need adequate resources and trained personnel to enforce safety norms effectively.

6. Public-Private Partnerships: Encourage public-private partnerships to leverage private sector efficiency and innovation in affordable housing.

Q4. What are the key challenges in ensuring accountability for building collapses in India? How can a robust system of accountability be established?
Answer: Key challenges in ensuring accountability include:

1. Corruption: Corruption in the building approval and inspection process allows unscrupulous builders to flout safety norms with impunity.

2. Weak Enforcement: Municipal bodies often lack the resources, training, and political will to enforce safety norms effectively.

3. Political Apathy: The fact that hundreds of deaths go unnoticed every year points to a deep-rooted apathy and a lack of political will.

4. Data Deficits: The lack of timely and accurate data on building collapses hampers effective policymaking and accountability.

5. Legal Delays: Even when cases are filed, legal delays mean that justice is often delayed and denied.
   To establish a robust system of accountability:

6. Independent Inspections: Create an independent body for structural audits and inspections, free from political interference.

7. Severe Penalties: Impose severe penalties, including criminal prosecution, on negligent builders and corrupt officials.

8. Transparency: Make the building approval and inspection process transparent through e-governance and public disclosure.

9. Whistleblower Protection: Protect whistleblowers who report violations of building norms.

10. Fast-Track Courts: Establish fast-track courts to expedite cases related to building collapses.

11. Real-Time Data: Implement a real-time data collection mechanism to track building collapses and identify vulnerable structures.

Q5. “The time for reactive sealing is over; the time for proactive, accountable governance is now.” In light of this statement, outline a comprehensive strategy to prevent building collapses in India.
Answer: A comprehensive strategy to prevent building collapses must include:

1. Proactive Enforcement: Shift from reactive sealing to proactive regular structural audits of buildings, strict enforcement of building bye-laws, and penalizing violators.

2. Affordable Housing: Prioritize the creation of affordable housing to reduce the demand for illegal and unsafe structures.

3. Strengthen Municipal Capacity: Strengthen municipal bodies with adequate resources, trained personnel, and technology (e.g., GIS mapping of vulnerable buildings).

4. Fix Accountability: Establish clear accountability for negligent officials and builders through independent inspections and severe penalties.

5. Improve Data Collection: Establish a robust, real-time data collection mechanism for building collapses to inform policy and track progress.

6. Public Awareness: Launch public awareness campaigns to educate citizens about building safety and their rights.

7. Long-Term Urban Planning: Develop a long-term urban planning strategy that anticipates the needs of a growing population and ensures safe, sustainable, and inclusive cities.

8. Political Will: The most crucial element is sustained political will to prioritize building safety as a fundamental governance issue, not just a reactive measure after a tragedy.

The Regulatory Grey Zone: Are Nicotine Pouches Beyond the Law in India?

Why in News?

A new study led by the ICMR-National Institute of Cancer Prevention and Research (NICPR) has found that nicotine pouches are rapidly reaching Indian cities through online platforms, hookah shops, and gig delivery services. The study comes after a warning from the World Health Organization (WHO) in May 2026 about the dangers these products pose, particularly to youth. Despite their growing availability and popularity, nicotine pouches occupy a peculiar legal vacuum in India. No Indian statute clearly governs them—the two laws written for tobacco and for vaping each exclude the product for different reasons, and its status under the drugs law and the food law is contested. This regulatory grey zone has significant implications for public health, trade, and governance.

Introduction

The emergence of nicotine pouches as a popular new nicotine product presents a complex regulatory challenge for India. These small, tobacco-free sachets, placed between the lip and gum, deliver nicotine directly into the bloodstream without smoke, vapour, or spitting. Their unique characteristics—no tobacco leaf, no electronic device, and no therapeutic claim—allow them to slip through the cracks of India’s existing legal framework. The Cigarettes and Other Tobacco Products Act, 2003 (COTPA) does not cover them because they are not “tobacco products” as defined. The Prohibition of Electronic Cigarettes Act, 2019 (PECA) does not apply because they are not electronic. The Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1940 presents a contested case, as nicotine is not scheduled as a drug, yet some nicotine products are approved as drugs. Even the food safety regime could potentially apply, given the broad judicial interpretation of “food.” This article examines the legal, constitutional, and public health dimensions of this regulatory gap and explores the way forward.

Background

What is a Nicotine Pouch?

A nicotine pouch is a small, tobacco-free, tea-bag-like sack containing nicotine, flavourings, and plant-based fibres. The user places the pouch between the lip and gum for up to an hour, allowing nicotine to be absorbed directly into the bloodstream without smoke, vapour, or spitting. The nicotine used can be extracted from tobacco plants or created synthetically in a lab. The product is distinct from traditional smokeless tobacco like snuff or chewing tobacco, as it does not contain tobacco leaf, dust, or stem.

The Legal Landscape: A Patchwork of Exclusions

1. COTPA, 2003: The Definitional Limit
The Cigarettes and Other Tobacco Products Act, 2003 (COTPA) regulates the marketing, advertising, and sale of cigarettes and other tobacco products. However, the Act’s definition of tobacco products is very specific and does not extend to all products containing nicotine. The article argues that if the legislature intended to cover all substances containing nicotine or “extracts of the tobacco plant,” it would have specifically said so. Since restrictions on the freedom of trade and commerce must be strictly construed, and nicotine pouches are not among the products listed in the Cigarettes Act, they fall outside its purview.

2. The Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1940: A Contested Status
Nicotine is not mentioned as a drug in any of the schedules of the Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1940. However, nicotine patches and gums have been approved as drugs by the Drug Controller General of India (DCGI) for therapeutic use in treating nicotine addiction. Schedule K under the Drugs and Cosmetics Rules, 1945 lists gums and lozenges and exempts them from licensing and prescription requirements if they contain less than 2 mg of nicotine.
The article notes that if nicotine were not considered a drug at all, there would be no reason to exempt certain nicotine products in Schedule K. The very fact that only some nicotine products are exempted suggests that all others are meant to be regulated by the Drugs Act. A consequence of this is that a license would be required to manufacture, import, distribute, or sell these products in India.
On the other hand, it seems reasonable that nicotine pouches are not like nicotine patches or gums that purport to treat nicotine addiction; they are a substitute for cigarettes and other tobacco products. They make no therapeutic claim and do not purport to treat addiction. They are therefore not drugs as defined in the Drugs Act.

3. PECA, 2019: The Vaping Ban That Doesn’t Reach
The import and sale of vapes have been specifically banned by the Prohibition of Electronic Cigarettes Act, 2019 (PECA). The article argues that if vapes were drugs, there was no need for specific legislation to ban them; vape manufacturers and importers would require a license for both the liquid and the device from the DCGI, and the government could ban or regulate them under the Drugs Act or refuse to issue licenses even if they weren’t specifically banned. One could therefore infer from this that the government found it necessary to have a specific law to ban vapes because the Drugs Act did not grant it adequate power to ban them.
If the government did indeed intend to ban or regulate them in any manner, nicotine pouches would have been specifically mentioned, or as “other products containing nicotine” in the PECA, or other legislation. Since there is no specific legislation that bans nicotine pouches, is their import, manufacture, or sale freely permitted?

4. Could Nicotine Pouches Be Treated as Food?
The Supreme Court relies on statutory definitions such as under the Prevention of Food Adulteration Act and the Food Safety and Standards Act defining food broadly to mean any processed, partially processed, or unprocessed substance intended for human consumption, including drink, chewing gum, and components used in preparation.
The court interprets food to cover any article used as food or drink for humans, including items that enter into the composition or preparation of human food. Landmark rulings, such as on supari or chewing tobacco products, establish that the definition has a very wide amplitude, encompassing items chewed or consumed. It would be possible to argue that nicotine pouches are actually food products, and not drugs, for the purposes of Indian law.

5. Import Regulations: The DGFT and Customs Act
In India, import bans are controlled by two main laws: the Foreign Trade (Development and Regulation) Act, 1992 and the Customs Act, 1962. Together, these allow the government to restrict or completely block certain goods from entering the country.

• The Foreign Trade Act, 1992 gives the Central government the power to prohibit, restrict, or regulate the import of goods. The Directorate General of Foreign Trade (DGFT) manages this and publishes the official rules (ITC-HS classification) that specifically list which items are free, restricted, or completely banned.

• Section 11 of the Customs Act, 1962 gives the government the power to issue notifications in the Official Gazette to completely or partially ban goods. The government can ban goods for many reasons, including national security and health and safety.
  Unlike “free” items, they cannot be cleared merely on payment of duty, and unlike “prohibited” e-cigarettes, they are not banned outright – but they require a specific licence or permission. In deciding, the DGFT cross-references the health and other ministries.

The Duty-Free Shop Controversy

Nicotine pouches are currently available at a few duty-free stores at Indian airports. Such stores are licensed under Section 58 of the Customs Act and cannot claim to be entirely outside Indian law. It is sometimes said that a duty-free shop lies outside the territory of India, and that it is the passenger who imports the goods on crossing customs control. In Flemingo Duty Free Shop Pvt. Ltd. v. Shri Kaushik Bhattacharya (2024), the Calcutta High Court held that a duty-free store did not “import” goods into India, being deemed to be located outside it for the purposes of the Customs Act, and that legal metrology labelling requirements therefore did not apply. This should not be read to mean no Indian law applies to duty-free shops. If no Indian law applied to stores, they could stock arms and ammunition? If a crime was committed in a duty-free store, which court would have jurisdiction to try the case? Which police station would have jurisdiction to register a case? That would be just too absurd.
Cigarettes, alcohol, jewellery, watches, food and small electronic items are some of the goods permitted at duty-free shops. Nicotine pouches are not – unless one can argue they are food. Given their customs classification as restricted, it is unlikely that any import licence has been granted.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Regulatory Vacuum

The core issue is that nicotine pouches fall through the cracks of India’s legal framework. They are not covered by COTPA (not a tobacco product), PECA (not electronic), or the Drugs Act (not scheduled as a drug, no therapeutic claim). The possibility of treating them as food under the FSS Act is a contested legal argument. This vacuum allows them to be imported, sold, and marketed without any regulatory oversight.

2. The Public Health Threat

The WHO has warned that nicotine pouches are being “aggressively marketed” in ways that particularly appeal to younger people. The ICMR-NICPR study found that nicotine pouches are available in 445 flavours, at strengths up to 120 mg, and are reaching Indian cities through online platforms, hookah shops, and gig delivery services. The study identified 68 unique brands available through online platforms, with 63.2% from international manufacturers. The consumer profile is working men aged 18–40 years, drawn to these products as a perceived alternative to smoking. Health harms include cardiovascular risks, oral health effects, and mental health impacts.

3. The Duty-Free Loophole

The availability of nicotine pouches at duty-free shops at Indian airports has become a contentious legal issue. The Adani Group has imported popular brands like Zyn and White Fox and is challenging a health ministry ban in the Mumbai High Court. The Customs authorities have joined the health ministry in arguing that duty-free shops only have tax advantages and are not immune from other regulations. The case will set a precedent for how India regulates nicotine pouches at duty-free shops.

4. The Executive’s Power to Act

The article notes that the gap is not a drafting accident, since the executive already holds the power to restrict a product’s import and sale on health grounds. A notification under the Customs Act and the Foreign Trade Act banning the import and sale of nicotine pouches on health grounds would take minutes to issue. If the government moves as slowly as it did with vapes, pouches will become fashionable, and demand will settle in. A ban notified after that point will only produce smuggling on the scale we now see with vapes and cause damage to health that will be hard to mitigate.

Timeline of Events

• 2003: COTPA enacted to regulate cigarettes and other tobacco products.

• 1940: Drugs and Cosmetics Act enacted; nicotine not scheduled as a drug.

• 1945: Schedule K under Drugs and Cosmetics Rules exempts gums and lozenges with less than 2 mg nicotine.

• 2019: PECA enacted to ban e-cigarettes; nicotine pouches not included.

• May 2026: WHO warns of risks of youth addiction to nicotine pouches.

• June 2026: ICMR-NICPR study finds nicotine pouches reaching Indian cities through online platforms, hookah shops, and gig delivery services.

• 2026: Adani Group challenges health ministry ban in Mumbai High Court; Customs authorities join the fight.

• March 2026: Health officials inspect Adani’s Mumbai airport, find sale of nicotine pouches against the law.

• June 22, 2026: Customs department files submission in Mumbai court arguing duty-free shops are not immune from regulations.

• July 13, 2026: Adani files response, arguing shops in international departure area are outside domestic regulations.

• July 28, 2026: Case to be heard in Mumbai High Court.

Government Response

The government’s response has been multi-pronged but incomplete:

• Health Ministry: Found the sale of nicotine pouches at Adani’s Mumbai airport to be against the law in March 2026.

• Customs Department: Joined the health ministry in opposing Adani’s sale of nicotine pouches at duty-free shops, arguing that tax advantages do not exempt shops from regulatory controls.

• Drug Controller General of India (DCGI): The designated authority empowered to direct all State Drug Controllers to initiate enforcement action, as nicotine pouches are considered unapproved drugs under Section 18 of the Drugs and Cosmetics Act.

• ICMR-NICPR Study: Conducted a study to map the market presence, consumer demographics, and promotional strategies of nicotine pouches in India.

• Enforcement Gap: Despite these actions, there is no specific legislation banning nicotine pouches, and they continue to be available through various channels.

Judicial Developments

The article does not explicitly discuss judicial developments related to nicotine pouches, but references Flemingo Duty Free Shop Pvt. Ltd. v. Shri Kaushik Bhattacharya (2024), where the Calcutta High Court held that a duty-free store did not “import” goods into India, being deemed to be located outside it for the purposes of the Customs Act. This ruling is relevant to the ongoing debate about whether duty-free shops are subject to Indian law.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

• Right to Health (Article 21): The failure to regulate nicotine pouches is a violation of the Right to Life and Personal Liberty, which includes the right to health. The state has a constitutional obligation to protect citizens, especially youth, from harmful products.

• Freedom of Trade and Commerce (Article 19(1)(g)): Restrictions on the freedom of trade and commerce must be strictly construed. This is why COTPA’s definition of tobacco products cannot be stretched to include nicotine pouches without explicit legislative intent.

• Executive Power: The executive holds the power to restrict imports and sales on health grounds under the Customs Act, 1962 and the Foreign Trade (Development and Regulation) Act, 1992. The failure to exercise this power is a governance failure.

• Regulatory Overlap: The involvement of multiple ministries (Health, Commerce, Finance) and agencies (DCGI, DGFT, Customs) creates a complex regulatory landscape that can lead to inaction and confusion.

Social and Political Significance

• Youth Addiction: Nicotine pouches are designed to appeal to youth through flavours, packaging, and social media marketing. Their availability threatens to create a new generation addicted to nicotine.

• Public Health Crisis: Tobacco kills 1.35 million people annually in India. The introduction of a new nicotine product could exacerbate this crisis.

• Illegal Trade: The study found that nicotine pouches are available through online platforms, hookah shops, and gig delivery services, indicating a thriving illegal market.

• Corporate Interests: The Adani Group’s challenge to the health ministry’s ban highlights the tension between corporate interests and public health.

• Regulatory Precedent: The ongoing case in the Mumbai High Court will set a precedent for how India regulates nicotine pouches at duty-free shops and potentially beyond.

Challenges

1. Legal Ambiguity: The lack of specific legislation creates legal ambiguity and allows nicotine pouches to be sold without regulatory oversight.

2. Enforcement Gaps: Even where laws exist (e.g., Drugs and Cosmetics Act), enforcement is weak, as evidenced by the widespread availability of nicotine pouches.

3. Corporate Resistance: Companies like Adani are challenging regulatory actions in court, delaying enforcement and creating uncertainty.

4. Duty-Free Loophole: The argument that duty-free shops are outside Indian territory is being used to circumvent regulations.

5. Data Deficits: The lack of timely and accurate data on nicotine pouch sales and usage hampers effective policymaking.

6. Political Will: The slow pace of government action, as seen with vapes, suggests a lack of political will to tackle the issue decisively.

Way Forward

1. Immediate Notification: The government should issue an immediate notification under the Customs Act and the Foreign Trade Act banning the import and sale of nicotine pouches on health grounds. This is the most effective short-term measure.

2. Clarify Legal Status: The government should clarify the legal status of nicotine pouches under the Drugs and Cosmetics Act. If they are to be treated as drugs, the DCGI should enforce licensing requirements. If they are to be treated as food, the FSSAI should regulate them.

3. Amend COTPA: The government should consider amending COTPA to include “nicotine products” within its definition of tobacco products, bringing nicotine pouches under its regulatory ambit.

4. Strengthen Enforcement: State Drug Controllers should be directed to initiate enforcement action against the sale of nicotine pouches, as per the DCGI’s direction.

5. Close the Duty-Free Loophole: The government should clarify that duty-free shops are not immune from Indian laws, especially those related to public health.

6. Public Awareness: Launch public awareness campaigns about the dangers of nicotine pouches, particularly targeting youth.

7. International Cooperation: Work with the WHO and other countries to share best practices and coordinate regulatory efforts.

8. Research and Monitoring: Continue research on the health harms of nicotine pouches and monitor their availability and usage in India.

Conclusion

The regulatory vacuum surrounding nicotine pouches in India is a public health emergency in the making. These products, designed to appeal to youth and engineered for addiction, are slipping through the cracks of a legal framework that was not built to handle them. The government’s slow response, coupled with corporate resistance, is allowing a new generation to become addicted to nicotine.

The legal position is intricate, but the remedy is not. A notification under the Customs Act and the Foreign Trade Act banning the import and sale of nicotine pouches on health grounds would take minutes to issue. If the government moves as slowly as it did with vapes, pouches will become fashionable, and demand will settle in. A ban notified after that point will only produce smuggling on the scale we now see with vapes and cause damage to health that will be hard to mitigate.

The time for action is now. The health of India’s youth depends on it.

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5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “Nicotine pouches occupy a peculiar legal vacuum in India.” Critically examine this statement in the context of existing tobacco control and drug laws.
Answer: The statement is accurate. Nicotine pouches—small, tobacco-free sachets containing nicotine—are not covered by any specific Indian statute.

1. COTPA, 2003: The Act regulates cigarettes and “other tobacco products,” but its definition does not extend to all products containing nicotine. Since nicotine pouches are not listed, they fall outside COTPA.

2. PECA, 2019: This Act bans e-cigarettes, but nicotine pouches are not electronic devices and produce no vapour, so PECA does not apply.

3. Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1940: Nicotine is not scheduled as a drug. While nicotine patches and gums are approved as drugs, nicotine pouches make no therapeutic claim and function as a cigarette substitute. Their status as “drugs” is contested.

4. Food Safety Laws: The broad judicial definition of “food” could potentially cover nicotine pouches, but this is a contested legal argument.

5. Import Regulations: The DGFT and Customs Act give the government power to restrict imports, but no notification has been issued for nicotine pouches.
   This vacuum allows nicotine pouches to be imported, sold, and marketed without regulatory oversight, posing a significant public health threat.

Q2. Discuss the public health implications of the growing popularity of nicotine pouches in India. What measures can be taken to address this emerging threat?
Answer: The public health implications are severe:

1. Youth Addiction: Nicotine pouches are aggressively marketed to youth through flavours (445 unique flavours identified), sleek packaging, and social media influencers. The WHO warns they are “engineered for addiction.”

2. Health Harms: Nicotine pouches deliver high doses of nicotine (up to 120 mg per pouch), causing cardiovascular risks (increased heart rate, stroke risk), oral health effects (gum recession, tooth decay), and mental health impacts (depression, anxiety, insomnia).

3. Gateway to Other Products: Initiation during youth increases the likelihood of sustained addiction and future transition to other tobacco products.

4. Widespread Availability: The ICMR-NICPR study found nicotine pouches available in 7 out of 10 cities, through online platforms, hookah shops, and gig delivery services.
   Measures to address this threat:

5. Immediate Ban: Issue a notification under the Customs Act and Foreign Trade Act banning import and sale on health grounds.

6. Clarify Legal Status: Bring nicotine pouches under the Drugs and Cosmetics Act or COTPA.

7. Enforcement: Direct State Drug Controllers to take action against illegal sales.

8. Public Awareness: Launch campaigns targeting youth about the dangers of nicotine pouches.

9. Regulate Flavours: Ban candy-like flavours that appeal to youth.

10. Close Duty-Free Loophole: Clarify that duty-free shops are not immune from public health laws.

Q3. What is the legal position regarding the sale of nicotine pouches at duty-free shops in India? Discuss the ongoing controversy.
Answer: The legal position is contested. Duty-free shops at Indian airports are licensed under Section 58 of the Customs Act and cannot claim to be entirely outside Indian law. The controversy stems from the Adani Group’s sale of nicotine pouches at Mumbai airport’s duty-free shops:

1. Health Ministry’s Position: A March 2026 inspection found the sale to be against the law, as nicotine pouches are unapproved drugs under the Drugs and Cosmetics Act.

2. Adani’s Argument: The company argues that duty-free shops in the international departure area are “outside the customs frontiers of India” and outside domestic regulatory reach. Goods are placed in sealed bags and not supposed to be used until passengers are outside India.

3. Customs Department’s Position: The Customs authorities argue that the concept of goods being “outside customs frontiers” for taxation purposes does not grant immunity from regulatory controls. Passengers who take possession of duty-free goods can freely consume them.

4. Calcutta High Court Ruling: In Flemingo Duty Free Shop v. Shri Kaushik Bhattacharya (2024), the court held that a duty-free store did not “import” goods into India, being deemed outside it for Customs Act purposes. However, this should not be read to mean no Indian law applies to duty-free shops.
   The case is pending in the Mumbai High Court and will set a precedent for how India regulates nicotine pouches at duty-free shops.

Q4. “The gap is not a drafting accident, since the executive already holds the power to restrict a product’s import and sale on health grounds.” Elaborate on the powers available to the executive to regulate nicotine pouches.
Answer: The executive holds significant powers to regulate nicotine pouches:

1. Foreign Trade (Development and Regulation) Act, 1992: Empowers the Central government to prohibit, restrict, or regulate the import of goods. The DGFT administers this and publishes the ITC-HS classification listing which items are free, restricted, or banned.

2. Customs Act, 1962 (Section 11): Allows the government to issue notifications in the Official Gazette to completely or partially ban goods on grounds including national security and health and safety.

3. Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1940: The DCGI can direct State Drug Controllers to initiate enforcement action, as nicotine pouches are considered unapproved drugs under Section 18.

4. Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006: If nicotine pouches are deemed “food” under the broad definition, the FSSAI can regulate them.
   The executive can issue a notification under the Customs Act and Foreign Trade Act banning the import and sale of nicotine pouches on health grounds “in minutes.” The failure to do so is a governance choice, not a legal impossibility.

Q5. “If the government moves as slowly as it did with vapes, pouches will become fashionable, and demand will settle in.” In light of this statement, outline a comprehensive strategy to prevent a nicotine pouch epidemic in India.
Answer: A comprehensive strategy must include:

1. Immediate Regulatory Action: Issue an immediate notification under the Customs Act and Foreign Trade Act banning the import and sale of nicotine pouches on health grounds.

2. Legislative Clarity: Amend COTPA to include “nicotine products” or bring nicotine pouches under the Drugs and Cosmetics Act to ensure clear legal coverage.

3. Strengthen Enforcement: Direct State Drug Controllers and Customs officials to take strict action against illegal sales, including at duty-free shops.

4. Close Duty-Free Loophole: Issue clear guidelines that duty-free shops are not immune from Indian public health laws.

5. Regulate Flavours and Marketing: Ban candy-like flavours and restrict advertising, promotion, and sponsorship, as recommended by the WHO.

6. Public Awareness: Launch targeted campaigns to educate youth about the dangers of nicotine pouches.

7. Surveillance and Research: Continue monitoring availability and usage patterns through studies like the ICMR-NICPR one.

8. International Cooperation: Align with WHO recommendations and learn from countries like Canada, which regulates nicotine pouches as smoking cessation aids sold only in pharmacies.

9. Political Will: The most crucial element is sustained political will to prioritize public health over corporate interests and act decisively before the epidemic takes hold.

The LPG Price Puzzle: Under-Recoveries, Subsidies, and the Burden on the Common Man

Why in News?

After two successive months of decline in LPG prices, oil-marketing companies (OMCs) hiked the prices of the commercial variant of bottled hydrocarbon gas by approximately ₹10 per cylinder across the country on September 1, 2026. The 19-kg cylinder in Delhi now costs ₹2,747.5 per cylinder, while the price of the 14.2-kg domestic cylinder remains unchanged. This selective price hike has brought the issue of “under-recoveries” in the LPG sector back into the spotlight. The article explains that the hike in commercial LPG prices is primarily an attempt by OMCs to offset the losses they incur on the domestic LPG segment, where prices are heavily subsidized. It also explores the wider implications of this pricing strategy on inflation, the industrial sector, and the government’s fiscal health.

Introduction

The pricing of Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) in India is a complex web of subsidies, under-recoveries, and market dynamics. While the domestic LPG cylinder (14.2 kg) is a politically sensitive commodity, its price has remained unchanged for months, largely due to government subsidies and the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY). However, the commercial LPG cylinder (19-kg), used by restaurants, hotels, and small businesses, is not subsidized. This creates a situation where OMCs, facing massive under-recoveries on domestic LPG, attempt to recoup losses by hiking commercial LPG prices. The recent ₹10 per cylinder hike on commercial LPG is a classic example of this cross-subsidization model. This article examines the reasons behind the hike, the concept of under-recoveries, the government’s response, and the broader economic and social implications.

Background

The Story So Far

After two successive months of decline in LPG prices, oil-marketing companies hiked the prices of the commercial variant of the bottled hydrocarbon gas by approximately ₹10 per cylinder across the country on September 1. The 19-kg cylinder in Delhi now costs ₹2,747.5 per cylinder, while the price of the 14.2-kg cylinder remains unchanged.

What is the Latest Price Hike About?

Industry observers state the latest hike in the commercial segment primarily caters to offset the under-recoveries (that is, the losses OMCs incur because of the difference in prices at which they sell to consumers against the price they should receive for meeting the cost of production and distribution) for the domestic segment.

The latest government data reported that India’s State-owned oil-marketing companies were incurring under-recoveries of ₹188 per domestic cylinder in early August, down from ₹500 per cylinder in July and more than ₹700 per cylinder in June. According to data, the packaged domestic segment accounted for 90.4% of all LPG consumption in the country during April and June this year. Further, about 10.6 crore Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala scheme beneficiaries – approximately 33% of the domestic segment – receive an additional subsidy of ₹300 per cylinder.

Speaking to The Hindu, Prashant Vashisht, senior vice president and co-group head, corporate sector ratings, at ratings agency ICRA, said, “At present, the under-recovery on domestic LPG cylinders is hovering at about ₹200 per cylinder. Thus, the latest hike potentially tries to somewhat compensate for that amount, although the proportionate sales of commercial LPG are much smaller [compared to the domestic variant]. I would not read much into it”.

What Does the Supply Situation Look Like?

On the supply side, imports of petroleum, oil and lubricants (POL) products registered a decline of 45.1% between April and July this year, according to data from the government’s Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell (PPAC). It attributed this to “reduction in imports of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), pet coke and fuel oil (FO) etc.”
However, essential to note that India’s oil-marketing companies ramped up their daily production of bottled hydrocarbon gas from 34,000 metric tonnes to 55,000 metric tonnes to offset the impact of lower imports. Further, following an August 13 directive, India’s upstream companies, along with private and public oil-marketing companies have been set a daily production target of 63,810 metric tonnes.

Are We Looking at a Potential Impact?

Speaking to The Hindu earlier, Manpreet Singh, treasurer at the National Restaurants Association of India, said the impact of the latest hike, standalone, would be “negligible” although it may prompt concerns about price increases in the future.
Although it is essential to note the impact from the industrial segment, which requires bottled hydrocarbon gas to run their furnaces, such as in the glass-making industry and elevated demand is expected to seep in because of the festive season. However, the segment too is increasingly transitioning to piped natural gas, seeking secure and consistent supplies. According to data from the Petroleum and Natural Gas Regulatory Board (PNGRB), industrial sales of piped gas increased by 30% between April and June this year compared to the same period last year.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Concept of Under-Recoveries

Under-recoveries are the losses incurred by OMCs because the price at which they sell LPG to consumers is lower than the cost of production and distribution. The article notes that under-recoveries on domestic LPG cylinders were ₹188 per cylinder in early August, down from ₹500 in July and more than ₹700 in June. The latest hike in commercial LPG prices is an attempt to offset these losses.

2. The Subsidy Burden and PMUY

The domestic LPG segment is heavily subsidized. About 10.6 crore PMUY beneficiaries—approximately 33% of the domestic segment—receive an additional subsidy of ₹300 per cylinder. This subsidy burden falls on the government and OMCs, creating a fiscal strain and leading to under-recoveries.

3. Cross-Subsidization: Commercial vs. Domestic

The hike in commercial LPG prices is a form of cross-subsidization, where higher prices in the commercial segment help offset losses in the domestic segment. However, industry experts note that the proportionate sales of commercial LPG are much smaller compared to the domestic variant, so the hike’s impact on overall under-recoveries is limited.

4. Supply-Side Dynamics

Imports of POL products declined by 45.1% between April and July 2026, attributed to a reduction in imports of LPG, pet coke, and fuel oil. To offset this, OMCs ramped up daily production of bottled hydrocarbon gas from 34,000 metric tonnes to 55,000 metric tonnes. The government has also set a daily production target of 63,810 metric tonnes for upstream and downstream companies.

5. Impact on the Industrial and Commercial Sectors

The commercial segment (restaurants, hotels) may see a “negligible” standalone impact, but there are concerns about future price increases. The industrial segment, which uses LPG for furnaces (e.g., glass-making), is increasingly transitioning to piped natural gas, which offers secure and consistent supplies. Industrial sales of piped gas increased by 30% between April and June 2026.

Timeline of Events

• June 2026: Under-recoveries on domestic LPG cylinders exceed ₹700 per cylinder.

• July 2026: Under-recoveries decline to ₹500 per cylinder.

• Early August 2026: Under-recoveries further decline to ₹188 per cylinder.

• August 13, 2026: Government directive sets a daily production target of 63,810 metric tonnes for upstream and downstream companies.

• September 1, 2026: OMCs hike commercial LPG prices by approximately ₹10 per cylinder. 19-kg cylinder in Delhi costs ₹2,747.5; 14.2-kg domestic cylinder price remains unchanged.

• April-July 2026: Imports of POL products decline by 45.1%.

• April-June 2026: Packaged domestic segment accounts for 90.4% of all LPG consumption. Industrial sales of piped gas increase by 30%.

Government Response

• Production Targets: Following an August 13 directive, the government set a daily production target of 63,810 metric tonnes for upstream companies, private and public oil-marketing companies.

• Subsidy Support: The government provides an additional subsidy of ₹300 per cylinder to about 10.6 crore PMUY beneficiaries.

• Price Control: The government has kept the price of the 14.2-kg domestic cylinder unchanged, insulating households from price hikes.

• Imports: The government is monitoring the decline in POL imports and encouraging domestic production to offset the shortfall.

Judicial Developments

The provided article does not mention any specific judicial developments or court rulings related to LPG pricing or under-recoveries.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

• Right to Life (Article 21): Access to clean cooking fuel is linked to the Right to Life, as it affects health and well-being. The government’s subsidy on domestic LPG is a step towards ensuring this right.

• Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP): Article 39(b) and (c) direct the state to ensure that the ownership and control of material resources are distributed to serve the common good and that the economic system does not result in the concentration of wealth. LPG pricing and subsidy policies are tools to achieve these objectives.

• Fiscal Policy: The subsidy burden on LPG affects the government’s fiscal deficit. Balancing subsidies with fiscal prudence is a key governance challenge.

• Regulatory Oversight: The PPAC and PNGRB play a crucial role in monitoring and regulating the LPG and natural gas sectors.

Social and Political Significance

• Household Budgets: The unchanged price of domestic LPG cylinders provides relief to households, especially during the festive season. However, the hike in commercial LPG prices could indirectly affect consumers through higher restaurant bills.

• Women’s Empowerment: The PMUY scheme has been instrumental in providing clean cooking fuel to women in rural and low-income households, reducing indoor air pollution and drudgery.

• Political Sensitivity: LPG prices are politically sensitive. The government’s decision to keep domestic prices unchanged while hiking commercial prices is a balancing act to avoid public backlash.

• Industrial Transition: The shift from LPG to piped natural gas in the industrial segment is a positive development for energy security and environmental sustainability.

Challenges

1. Persistent Under-Recoveries: Despite the hike in commercial LPG prices, under-recoveries on domestic LPG remain a significant burden.

2. Fiscal Strain: The subsidy on domestic LPG, especially for PMUY beneficiaries, puts pressure on the government’s fiscal health.

3. Supply Chain Vulnerabilities: The decline in POL imports highlights India’s dependence on imports for its energy needs. Domestic production ramp-up is necessary but may not be sufficient.

4. Inflationary Pressures: Any future hike in commercial LPG prices could contribute to inflation, affecting the cost of goods and services.

5. Transition Challenges: The shift to piped natural gas requires infrastructure development, which takes time and investment.

6. Global Volatility: International crude oil and LPG prices are volatile, making it difficult to predict under-recoveries and plan subsidies.

Way Forward

1. Targeted Subsidies: Move towards a more targeted subsidy mechanism using Aadhaar and digital payment systems to ensure benefits reach the intended beneficiaries and reduce fiscal leakage.

2. Increase Domestic Production: Invest in domestic exploration and production of LPG and natural gas to reduce import dependence.

3. Promote Piped Natural Gas: Accelerate the expansion of piped natural gas infrastructure to reduce reliance on LPG cylinders, especially in the industrial and commercial sectors.

4. Price Rationalization: Gradually rationalize LPG prices to reflect market dynamics while protecting the vulnerable sections through direct benefit transfers.

5. Energy Transition: Promote renewable energy sources for cooking, such as solar and biogas, to reduce dependence on fossil fuels.

6. Transparency: Improve transparency in pricing mechanisms and under-recovery calculations to build public trust.

Conclusion

The recent hike in commercial LPG prices is a symptom of a deeper structural issue: the persistent under-recoveries in the domestic LPG segment. While the government has successfully insulated households from price hikes by keeping domestic LPG prices unchanged, the burden of subsidies and under-recoveries continues to strain the finances of OMCs and the government. The hike in commercial LPG prices is a cross-subsidization measure, but its impact is limited due to the smaller size of the commercial segment.

The way forward lies in a multi-pronged strategy: targeted subsidies, increased domestic production, promotion of piped natural gas, and a gradual transition to renewable energy. The government must balance the twin objectives of ensuring energy access for the poor and maintaining fiscal prudence. The LPG price puzzle is not just about numbers; it is about the lives of millions of households and the health of the economy. A transparent, equitable, and sustainable energy pricing policy is the need of the hour.

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5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. What are “under-recoveries” in the context of LPG pricing in India? How do they impact the finances of Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs) and the government?
Answer: Under-recoveries are the losses incurred by OMCs because the price at which they sell LPG to consumers is lower than the cost of production and distribution. In the domestic LPG segment, prices are heavily subsidized, leading to under-recoveries (e.g., ₹188 per cylinder in early August 2026, down from ₹700 in June). These under-recoveries impact OMCs’ profitability and strain their financial health. The government also bears a subsidy burden, especially for PMUY beneficiaries (₹300 per cylinder for 10.6 crore beneficiaries). To offset these losses, OMCs often hike prices in the non-subsidized commercial LPG segment, a form of cross-subsidization. However, this is insufficient due to the smaller size of the commercial segment. Persistent under-recoveries can lead to reduced investment in the sector and fiscal strain on the government.

Q2. Discuss the role of the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY) in shaping India’s LPG consumption and subsidy burden.
Answer: PMUY, launched in 2016, aims to provide clean cooking fuel to women from below-poverty-line households. It has significantly increased LPG coverage, with about 10.6 crore beneficiaries—approximately 33% of the domestic segment. These beneficiaries receive an additional subsidy of ₹300 per cylinder, which increases the government’s subsidy burden and contributes to under-recoveries for OMCs. While PMUY has been successful in improving energy access, reducing indoor air pollution, and empowering women, it has also created a fiscal challenge. The government must balance the social benefits of PMUY with the need for fiscal prudence, possibly through targeted subsidies and increased domestic production.

Q3. Analyze the supply-side dynamics of LPG in India. What are the implications of the decline in POL imports?
Answer: The supply-side dynamics of LPG in India are characterized by a decline in imports and a ramping up of domestic production. Imports of POL products declined by 45.1% between April and July 2026, attributed to reduced imports of LPG, pet coke, and fuel oil. To offset this, OMCs increased daily production of bottled hydrocarbon gas from 34,000 to 55,000 metric tonnes, with a government target of 63,810 metric tonnes. The implications are:

1. Import Dependence: The decline in imports highlights India’s vulnerability to global supply chain disruptions.

2. Domestic Production: Ramping up domestic production is a positive step, but it may not fully compensate for lower imports.

3. Price Volatility: Lower imports can lead to supply shortages and price volatility in the domestic market.

4. Industrial Impact: The industrial sector, which uses LPG for furnaces, may face supply constraints, prompting a shift to piped natural gas (industrial sales increased by 30%).

5. Energy Security: The government must focus on long-term energy security by diversifying sources and increasing domestic production.

Q4. “The impact of the latest commercial LPG price hike is negligible, but it may prompt concerns about future price increases.” Discuss this statement in the context of the restaurant and hospitality industry.
Answer: The statement is accurate. Manpreet Singh, treasurer at the National Restaurants Association of India, said the standalone impact of the ₹10 per cylinder hike would be “negligible” because commercial LPG is a small part of operational costs for most restaurants. However, the concern is about future price increases. If OMCs continue to hike commercial LPG prices to offset domestic under-recoveries, restaurants may face rising costs. This could lead to higher menu prices, affecting consumers. The restaurant industry is also increasingly transitioning to piped natural gas, which offers secure and consistent supplies. The government must ensure that any price hike is gradual and predictable to avoid inflationary pressures.

Q5. “The industrial segment is increasingly transitioning to piped natural gas.” What are the drivers of this transition, and what are its implications for the LPG sector?
Answer: The drivers of the transition from LPG to piped natural gas in the industrial segment include:

1. Cost Efficiency: Piped natural gas is often cheaper than LPG for industrial use.

2. Secure and Consistent Supply: Piped gas offers a continuous supply, unlike LPG cylinders that need to be ordered and stored.

3. Environmental Benefits: Natural gas is cleaner burning than LPG, reducing emissions.

4. Infrastructure Development: The expansion of PNGRB-regulated pipelines has made piped gas more accessible.
   Implications for the LPG sector:

5. Reduced Demand: As industries shift to piped gas, demand for commercial LPG may decline, reducing the scope for cross-subsidization.

6. Focus on Domestic Segment: OMCs may need to focus more on the domestic segment, increasing the subsidy burden.

7. Price Rationalization: The decline in commercial LPG sales may force the government to rationalize domestic LPG prices or increase subsidies.

8. Energy Transition: The shift is a positive step towards a cleaner energy mix, aligning with India’s climate goals.

The Cooling Conundrum: Can Air-Cooling Sustain a 1-GW Data Centre?

Why in News?

Following sustained local protests and pressure from civil society groups, Google has reportedly revised its plans for a 1-GW data centre in Visakhapatnam district. The tech giant will now utilise air-cooling technology to cool its servers instead of water-based systems. While air-cooling requires significantly less water—a critical factor in water-stressed regions—it comes with its own set of trade-offs, primarily regarding energy efficiency and long-term scalability for high-density computing. This development brings the debate over sustainable data centre infrastructure into sharp focus, especially as India positions itself as a global hub for AI and cloud computing.

Introduction

The rapid expansion of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and cloud computing has led to an unprecedented demand for data centres. These facilities are the physical backbone of the digital economy, housing thousands of servers that process and store massive amounts of data. However, this digital infrastructure comes with a significant physical cost: heat. A 1-GW data centre, like the one planned by Google in Visakhapatnam, generates an enormous amount of heat that must be continuously removed to prevent equipment failure.

Traditionally, data centres have relied on water-based cooling systems, which are efficient but consume vast quantities of water—a resource that is increasingly scarce in many parts of India. The shift to air-cooling is a response to local environmental concerns, but it raises a critical question: Can air-cooling handle the heat from a 1-GW data centre on its own? The article argues that while air-cooling uses less water and is cheaper and well-established, it simply cannot handle the load of a 1-GW data centre on its own. While liquid-cooling imposes higher costs upfront, air-cooling imposes a performance and efficiency tax. This article explores the science of data centre cooling, the various technologies available, the trade-offs involved, and the implications for India’s digital infrastructure and environmental sustainability.

Background

Why Does a Large Data Centre Generate Heat?

A large data centre will have several million processors, each with billions of transistors. Each transistor manipulates the electrical current flowing through it to perform operations on data. As it does, the resistance the transistor’s material poses to the flow of current will release some heat, as will the charging and discharging of transistors. Across trillions of transistors, the amount of heat thus generated can be considerable.
A 1-GW data centre will in principle produce 1 GW of heat. The planned Google ‘hyperscaler’ near Visakhapatnam and the newly announced Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) ‘HyperVault’ will each be 1-GW facilities. How much of that power is for the data centre alone is unclear. Assuming it is 1 GW: each facility will effectively have to remove 1 GW of heat out of and into the environment. In the very first step, the heat from each chip is moved from the silicon holding it to a designated heat sink, such as a cooling plate. But what happens from the heat sink depends on which cooling technology the facility uses.

How Does a Data Centre Move Heat?

Since the heat comes from transistors, it helps to understand the architecture first. Billions of transistors make a processor. One or more processors make up a server. Multiple servers fill a rack. Multiple racks are combined into clusters. Multiple clusters make up one data centre.
There are several cooling options depending on economic feasibility, scale of operations, and local conditions.

1. Air-cooling: Fans push cool air through or around the server racks, and the hot air at the end is collected and cooled. Some common configurations include computer-room ACs (CRACs), which use ACs with refrigerants; computer-room air-handlers (CRAHs), which use chilled water to cool the air; and rear-door heat exchangers. In a rear-door heat exchanger, air leaving the servers passes through a heat-exchanger attached to the back of each rack, where chilled water absorbs the heat, and the cooler air is reflowed to the servers.

2. Direct Liquid Cooling: Another popular option is direct liquid cooling, where a specific liquid is brought in contact with the components generating heat. In one version called cold plate cooling, a metal plate with a channel for a liquid is placed directly against a processor. The liquid draws the heat via the plate and flows from there via tubes to a heat-exchanger, where it loses the heat, before returning. Liquid-cooling is usually more effective than air-cooling because water-based liquids typically have higher heat capacity than air, for the same volume. The heat capacity of a substance is the amount of heat it has to be given to raise its temperature by, say, 1°C. So the higher its heat capacity, the more heat it can absorb before itself warming up.

3. Immersion Cooling: That said, the server can still air-cool those components that do not merit liquid-cooling. Third is an option called immersion cooling, where the electronics themselves are immersed in a non-conductive liquid. In single-phase immersion, the liquid draws heat, which is pumped away through a heat-exchanger. In two-phase immersion, the liquid boils as it draws heat; the heat is drawn away, e.g., by a fan, and the vapour condenses back. The latter is useful because heat transfer is more efficient at higher temperatures.

4. Evaporative Cooling: Because the heat-sink of a liquid is in contact with the electronics, the heat is moved more efficiently, and so immersion cooling can handle very high power densities. However, it requires specialised hardware and maintaining the coolant through complex processes. Fourth is evaporative cooling: the heat from the servers, e.g., using air-cooling, then transferred to water, which is then allowed to evaporate in cooling towers or evaporative condensers. If the local air isn’t very humid, evaporative cooling can be highly energy-efficient. However, it requires large quantities of water.

5. Dry-cooling: Another similar option is dry-cooling, where a heat-exchanger is simply exposed to the ambient air and fitted with large fins to encourage the heat to leave. While this avoids the water demand of evaporative cooling, it also incurs larger heat-exchange surfaces, especially in places with warmer weather.

6. Geothermal Heat Rejection: Then there are water systems that use a central chilled water plant; geothermal heat rejection, an experimental technology where the heat is pumped into heat-exchangers underground; natural water cooling, where a large, natural water body like a nearby lake is used as the heat sink; and heat reuse, where the heat is moved to serve applications like industrial processes or desalination.
All of them come with trade-offs. E.g., the geothermal option is hard to scale up while reusing heat is hard without heat pumps because the heat usually needs to be at a higher temperature to be useful.

Is Air-Cooling Good?

Generally, air-cooling imposes lower infrastructure costs up from than a liquid-cooling setup. Current construction benchmarks suggest liquid-cooled facilities will incur a 7-10% premium on the total project cost due to the demand for complex piping and leak detection systems and special coolant distribution units.
Air-cooling is also a proven technology by now and comes with a deep and mature pool of technicians and maintenance protocols. In fact, irrespective of the cooling technology used in a cluster’s heat hotspots, engineers often prefer to air-cool racks producing 20 kW or less of heat. It is an added bonus if the ambient conditions are naturally cool or arid, in which case air-side economisers that pull in outside air for cooling purposes can reduce the energy diverted to mechanical cooling by 70%. But all this said, as of 2026, using air-cooling alone to cool a 1-GW data centre is considered impractical, both physically and economically. While liquid-cooling imposes higher costs upfront, air-cooling levies a performance and efficiency tax, so to speak, that can increase the total cost of ownership for an air-cooled 1-GW facility within a few years of operation.
The most important reason is the thermal wall: air-cooling can remove at most around 40 kW per rack. However, modern artificial intelligence (AI) chips like the Nvidia Blackwell generate 700-1,000 W per GPU; so a rack could emit around 120-150 kW. At this scale, air-cooling the racks will require them to be installed inside a wind tunnel, with the power consumption skyrocketing.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Water-Energy Trade-off

The primary issue is the trade-off between water consumption and energy efficiency. Water-based cooling (evaporative, liquid) is more efficient at removing heat but consumes vast quantities of water—a critical resource in water-stressed regions like Visakhapatnam. Air-cooling significantly reduces water consumption but is less efficient, leading to higher energy consumption and operational costs. This creates a dilemma for data centre operators: choose between environmental sustainability (water) and economic sustainability (energy).

2. The Thermal Wall of Air-Cooling

Air-cooling has a fundamental physical limitation: it can remove at most around 40 kW of heat per rack. However, modern AI chips (e.g., Nvidia Blackwell) generate 700-1,000 W per GPU, meaning a single rack can emit 120-150 kW. This makes air-cooling alone physically impractical for high-density AI workloads. To cool such racks with air, they would need to be installed inside a “wind tunnel,” leading to skyrocketing power consumption.

3. The Economic Cost of Air-Cooling

While air-cooling has lower upfront infrastructure costs, it imposes a “performance and efficiency tax.” The total cost of ownership (TCO) for an air-cooled 1-GW facility can exceed that of a liquid-cooled facility within a few years of operation due to higher energy bills. Liquid-cooling, despite a 7-10% premium on total project cost, offers better long-term economics for high-density facilities.

4. The Scale of AI’s Energy Demand

The article highlights the massive energy demand of AI. A 1-GW data centre consumes 1 GW of power, equivalent to the output of a large nuclear reactor. As AI models grow in complexity, their energy demand will only increase. This raises questions about the sustainability of AI infrastructure and the need for more efficient cooling technologies.

5. The Role of Location and Climate

The effectiveness of air-cooling depends heavily on local climatic conditions. In naturally cool or arid climates, air-side economisers can reduce mechanical cooling energy by 70%. However, in warm and humid climates like Visakhapatnam, air-cooling is less effective, requiring more energy to achieve the same cooling effect.

Timeline of Events

• Recent Past: Sustained local protests and pressure from civil society groups against Google’s planned 1-GW data centre in Visakhapatnam due to water consumption concerns.

• Recent: Google reportedly revises its plans to use air-cooling technology instead of water-based cooling.

• Recent: Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) announces its own 1-GW ‘HyperVault’ data centre.

• 2026: As of this year, using air-cooling alone to cool a 1-GW data centre is considered impractical, both physically and economically.

• Future: Google and TCS are committed to using air-cooling technology, with Google planning to replenish 120% of water consumed for non-cooling needs by 2030.

Government Response

The article does not explicitly detail specific government policies or responses. However, it implies that the government is monitoring the environmental impact of data centres, and companies are responding to local pressures and regulatory scrutiny. Google’s commitment to water replenishment (120% by 2030) is a response to these concerns. The government’s role in facilitating sustainable data centre growth, possibly through incentives for water-efficient technologies or regulations on water usage, is implicit.

Judicial Developments

The provided article does not mention any specific judicial developments or court rulings related to data centre cooling or water usage.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

• Right to Life (Article 21): Access to clean water is a fundamental right. The large-scale water consumption by data centres can impact local communities’ access to water, raising constitutional concerns.

• Environmental Governance: The regulation of water usage and energy consumption by data centres falls under environmental governance. The government must balance economic development (digital infrastructure) with environmental protection.

• Energy Security: The massive energy demand of data centres (1 GW each) raises questions about India’s energy security and the need for renewable energy sources.

• Urban Planning: The location of data centres in water-stressed regions requires careful urban planning and environmental impact assessments.

Social and Political Significance

• Local Protests: The article mentions sustained local protests and pressure from civil society groups. This highlights the social tensions between large-scale infrastructure projects and local communities’ concerns over resource depletion.

• Water Scarcity: In water-stressed regions like Visakhapatnam, the choice of cooling technology has direct implications for local water availability, affecting agriculture, drinking water, and livelihoods.

• Digital Economy: Data centres are critical for India’s digital economy and AI ambitions. The choice of cooling technology affects the cost and sustainability of digital services.

• Climate Goals: The energy consumption of data centres contributes to carbon emissions. The choice of cooling technology affects India’s ability to meet its climate goals.

Challenges

1. Physical Limits of Air-Cooling: Air-cooling cannot handle the heat density of modern AI chips (120-150 kW per rack vs. 40 kW limit).

2. High Energy Consumption: Air-cooling is less energy-efficient, leading to higher operational costs and carbon emissions.

3. Water Scarcity: Liquid-cooling, while more efficient, consumes large quantities of water, which is unacceptable in water-stressed regions.

4. Economic Trade-offs: Higher upfront costs for liquid-cooling vs. higher long-term costs for air-cooling.

5. Technological Complexity: Liquid-cooling and immersion cooling require specialised hardware, complex piping, and trained personnel.

6. Lack of Standards: There is a lack of standardised benchmarks and protocols for data centre cooling efficiency.

7. Scalability: Solutions that work for small data centres may not scale to 1-GW facilities.

Way Forward

1. Hybrid Cooling Systems: Combine air-cooling for low-density components with liquid-cooling for high-density AI chips (direct-to-chip or immersion cooling).

2. Invest in R&D: Invest in research and development of more efficient and water-saving cooling technologies, such as two-phase immersion cooling and geothermal heat rejection.

3. Location Planning: Locate data centres in regions with favourable climatic conditions (cool, arid) to maximise the effectiveness of air-cooling and economisers.

4. Water Replenishment: Implement water replenishment programs (like Google’s 120% commitment) to offset water consumption.

5. Renewable Energy: Power data centres with renewable energy sources to reduce carbon emissions.

6. Regulatory Framework: Develop a regulatory framework for data centre water and energy usage, including efficiency standards and environmental impact assessments.

7. Industry Collaboration: Foster collaboration between tech companies, government, and research institutions to develop best practices and standards for sustainable data centre cooling.

8. Heat Reuse: Explore opportunities for heat reuse, such as for industrial processes or district heating, to improve overall energy efficiency.

Conclusion

The case of Google’s 1-GW data centre in Visakhapatnam encapsulates the broader challenge of sustainable digital infrastructure. The shift to air-cooling is a commendable response to local water concerns, but it is not a silver bullet. The physics of heat transfer and the staggering energy density of modern AI chips mean that air-cooling alone cannot handle the load of a 1-GW facility. While liquid-cooling imposes higher upfront costs, air-cooling imposes a performance and efficiency tax that can increase the total cost of ownership in the long run.

The way forward lies in hybrid cooling systems, strategic location planning, investment in R&D, and a robust regulatory framework. India’s ambition to be a global AI and cloud hub must be balanced with environmental sustainability and local community concerns. The cooling conundrum is not just a technical challenge; it is a test of India’s ability to build a digital future that is both innovative and inclusive. The choices made today will determine whether India’s data centres become symbols of progress or cautionary tales of resource depletion.

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5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “Air-cooling alone cannot handle the heat from a 1-GW data centre.” Critically examine this statement in the context of modern AI workloads and cooling technologies.
Answer: The statement is accurate. Air-cooling has a fundamental physical limitation: it can remove at most around 40 kW of heat per rack. However, modern AI chips like the Nvidia Blackwell generate 700-1,000 W per GPU, meaning a single rack can emit 120-150 kW. To cool such racks with air, they would need to be installed inside a “wind tunnel,” leading to skyrocketing power consumption. While air-cooling has lower upfront infrastructure costs, it imposes a “performance and efficiency tax.” The total cost of ownership (TCO) for an air-cooled 1-GW facility can exceed that of a liquid-cooled facility within a few years due to higher energy bills. Therefore, for high-density AI workloads, air-cooling is physically and economically impractical. Hybrid systems combining air and liquid cooling are the way forward.

Q2. Discuss the trade-offs between water-based and air-based cooling technologies for data centres. How can India balance its digital ambitions with water security?
Answer: The trade-offs are:

1. Water-based Cooling: More efficient at removing heat (higher heat capacity), but consumes vast quantities of water (evaporative cooling), impacting local water security.

2. Air-based Cooling: Significantly reduces water consumption, but is less energy-efficient, leading to higher operational costs and carbon emissions. It also has a lower heat removal capacity (40 kW/rack).
   Balancing Digital Ambitions with Water Security:

3. Hybrid Cooling: Use liquid-cooling for high-density AI chips and air-cooling for low-density components.

4. Location Planning: Locate data centres in cool, arid regions where air-cooling is more effective.

5. Water Replenishment: Mandate water replenishment programs (e.g., Google’s 120% commitment).

6. Invest in R&D: Develop water-saving cooling technologies like dry-cooling, geothermal, and two-phase immersion.

7. Regulatory Framework: Set water usage efficiency standards and conduct environmental impact assessments.

8. Renewable Energy: Power data centres with renewable energy to reduce carbon emissions.

9. Heat Reuse: Explore heat reuse for industrial processes or district heating.

Q3. Explain the various cooling technologies available for data centres. What are the advantages and disadvantages of each?
Answer:

1. Air-cooling (CRACs, CRAHs, Rear-door heat exchangers): Advantages: Lower upfront cost, proven technology, mature maintenance pool. Disadvantages: Low heat capacity (40 kW/rack), higher energy consumption, less effective in warm/humid climates.

2. Direct Liquid Cooling (Cold plate): Advantages: Higher heat capacity, more efficient, handles high power densities. Disadvantages: Higher upfront cost (7-10% premium), complex piping, leak detection systems.

3. Immersion Cooling (Single-phase, Two-phase): Advantages: Handles very high power densities, efficient heat transfer. Disadvantages: Requires specialised hardware, complex maintenance, high cost.

4. Evaporative Cooling: Advantages: Highly energy-efficient in dry climates. Disadvantages: Requires large quantities of water.

5. Dry-cooling: Advantages: No water consumption. Disadvantages: Larger heat-exchange surfaces, less effective in warm climates.

6. Geothermal Heat Rejection: Advantages: Sustainable, no water consumption. Disadvantages: Experimental, hard to scale.

7. Natural Water Cooling: Advantages: Efficient, low cost. Disadvantages: Environmental impact on water bodies.

8. Heat Reuse: Advantages: Improves overall energy efficiency. Disadvantages: Requires heat pumps, hard to scale.

Q4. “The most important reason is the thermal wall: air-cooling can remove at most around 40 kW per rack.” Elaborate on this statement and its implications for the future of AI infrastructure.
Answer: The “thermal wall” refers to the physical limit of air’s heat capacity. Air can absorb only a limited amount of heat per unit volume. At 40 kW per rack, air-cooling reaches its practical limit. Modern AI chips (Nvidia Blackwell) generate 700-1,000 W per GPU, leading to rack densities of 120-150 kW. This means air-cooling is physically incapable of cooling high-density AI racks.
Implications for AI Infrastructure:

1. Shift to Liquid Cooling: The future of AI infrastructure will rely on liquid-cooling (direct-to-chip or immersion).

2. Higher Costs: Liquid-cooling has higher upfront costs, increasing the total cost of ownership for AI data centres.

3. Redesign of Facilities: Data centres will need to be redesigned with complex piping, leak detection, and coolant distribution units.

4. Energy Efficiency: Liquid-cooling is more energy-efficient, reducing the carbon footprint of AI.

5. Location Constraints: Liquid-cooling is less dependent on climate, allowing data centres to be located in more diverse regions.

Q5. “Google has committed to replenish 120% of water consumed for non-cooling needs by 2030.” Discuss the significance of this commitment in the context of corporate environmental responsibility and water security in India.
Answer: Google’s commitment to replenish 120% of water consumed for non-cooling needs by 2030 is significant for several reasons:

1. Corporate Environmental Responsibility: It sets a benchmark for other tech companies, demonstrating a commitment to water stewardship beyond regulatory requirements.

2. Water Security: In water-stressed regions like Visakhapatnam, such commitments can help mitigate the local water impact of data centres.

3. Community Relations: It addresses local community concerns and protests, building trust and social license to operate.

4. Sustainability Goals: It aligns with global sustainability goals (SDG 6: Clean Water and Sanitation).

5. Limitations: However, the commitment is for “non-cooling needs.” The water consumed for cooling (evaporative) is not fully addressed. If Google uses air-cooling, water consumption for cooling is minimal, so the 120% commitment is more achievable. But for liquid-cooled facilities, water consumption for cooling is significant, and the commitment may not cover it.

6. Need for Regulation: Voluntary commitments are welcome, but India needs a robust regulatory framework to ensure all data centres are water-efficient and environmentally sustainable.

The Green Steel Dilemma: Decarbonising India’s Iron and Steel Sector

Why in News?

A slew of announcements over the last few months from the Indian government have placed high hopes on the Indian steel sector decarbonisation pathway. These include a ₹15,000-crore scheme announced late last year to accelerate steel sector decarbonisation in the country that is set to be launched in the coming months. However, a recent analysis published in Nature Climate Change warns that India’s green steel journey is nascent and faces formidable challenges. The article argues that India can cut steel emissions before coal plants lock them in, but the transition requires careful sequencing of technologies, strategic policy interventions, and a viable market for green steel. The availability of green hydrogen is a critical factor that will determine the pace of this transition.

Introduction

India is the world’s second-largest producer of crude steel, producing approximately 160 million tonnes in FY 2025-26. The iron and steel sector is a cornerstone of India’s industrial development, contributing significantly to GDP, employment, and infrastructure growth. However, it is also one of the most carbon-intensive industries, accounting for nearly 12% of the country’s total greenhouse gas emissions. Steelmaking emissions are among the highest in the world, roughly 32% higher than the global average.

As India aims to meet its climate goals under the Paris Agreement, decarbonising the steel sector is a critical challenge. The government has launched the National Mission on Green Steel and a ₹15,000-crore scheme to accelerate decarbonisation. However, the transition is fraught with technological, economic, and policy dilemmas. The article by Neelima Vallangi, based on analysis by Dr. Barbara Schnabel and others, explores the pathways for decarbonising India’s steel sector, the trade-offs involved, and the role of green hydrogen.

Background

The Carbon-Intensive Nature of Steelmaking

The traditional way to make steel involves burning coal to provide intense heat in a blast furnace, where iron ore is smelted into liquid iron using coking coal to strip oxygen. This process, known as the blast furnace-basic oxygen furnace (BF-BOF) route, is highly carbon-intensive. The average emissions from steelmaking hover around 1.85 tCO2e (tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent) globally. India’s emissions are higher, at around 2.55-2.65 tonnes of CO2 per tonne of crude steel produced, due to the use of coal and inefficient processes.

India’s Steel Production and Emissions

India’s steel production in FY 2025-26 was the second-highest in the world, at around 160 million tonnes, behind only China. India’s per capita steel consumption is still low compared to global averages, meaning demand will continue to grow. The government’s National Mission on Green Steel aims to lower steelmaking emissions intensity from the current 2.55-2.65 tonnes of CO2 per tonne of crude steel to 2.2 tonnes by 2030. A certification scheme launched in March 2024 awarded any steel manufactured with an emissions intensity of less than 2.2 tCO2e per tonne of crude steel.

The Role of the Secondary Sector

The article highlights a crucial nuance: not all steel production in India is equally carbon-intensive. The secondary sector, which uses electric induction furnaces (EIFs) and electric arc furnaces (EAFs) to produce steel from scrap, is relatively more heterogeneous but has a lower emissions intensity. According to an India Steel Association report, 43% of total crude steel production in India comes from EAFs and 35% from EIFs. These routes use electricity and are known to be energy-efficient. Given the growing importance of the secondary sector, its share in steel production is projected to increase to 56% by 2030.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Risk of “Locking In” Coal Plants

The article warns that India must cut steel emissions before coal plants lock them in. This refers to the risk of investing in new coal-based blast furnaces (BF-BOF) that have a lifespan of 40-50 years. If these plants are built now, they will lock in high emissions for decades, making it impossible to meet climate goals. The analysis suggests that the majority of these BF-BOF plants in India have not broken ground, so we could redirect investments towards green technologies. However, if investments continue in BF-BOF now, it will become a “stranded property later.”

2. The Green Hydrogen Dilemma

Green hydrogen is seen as a key enabler for decarbonising steelmaking, particularly for the direct reduced iron (DRI) route. However, the article highlights a “chicken and egg” problem:

• Cost: Green hydrogen is currently expensive. A project with green hydrogen today is “far more expensive” than a coal-based blast furnace.

• Infrastructure: There is a lack of infrastructure for green hydrogen production, storage, and transportation.

• Availability: The article notes that “the availability of green hydrogen” is a critical factor. The government has launched pilot projects for green hydrogen in steelmaking, but scaling up will take time.

• Competitiveness: The article argues that if India’s steel industry is to remain competitive, it needs to adopt green hydrogen. However, the transition requires significant investment and policy support.

3. The Technology Pathway: BF-BOF vs. DRI-EAF

The article presents two main pathways for decarbonising steel:

• BF-BOF with CCUS: This involves continuing with blast furnaces but capturing and storing carbon emissions (CCUS). However, CCUS is expensive and not yet commercially viable at scale.

• DRI-EAF with Green Hydrogen: This involves using direct reduced iron (DRI) produced with green hydrogen, then melted in an electric arc furnace (EAF). This is the most promising long-term pathway but requires significant investment in green hydrogen infrastructure.

The article notes that India’s steel plants are “already headed for retiring blast furnaces,” and the “future trend is clear.” The government’s National Mission on Green Steel and the ₹15,000-crore scheme are aimed at accelerating this transition.

4. The Role of the Secondary Sector

The secondary sector, which uses EAFs and EIFs, is already less carbon-intensive. The article suggests that this sector should be supported and expanded. However, the secondary sector faces challenges such as the availability of scrap, quality control, and access to finance. The government’s schemes should also focus on strengthening the secondary sector.

5. The Need for a Green Steel Market

The article argues that there is “no demand for green steel” currently. The market for green steel is nascent, and consumers are not willing to pay a premium. The government needs to create demand through public procurement policies, standards, and certification schemes. The “defining green steel” section highlights the need for a clear definition and certification scheme to build trust and create a market.

Timeline of Events

• March 2024: Government launches a certification scheme for green steel.

• Late 2024: Government announces a ₹15,000-crore scheme to accelerate steel sector decarbonisation.

• FY 2025-26: India’s steel production reaches approximately 160 million tonnes.

• Recent: Analysis published in Nature Climate Change highlights the challenges of decarbonising India’s steel sector.

• March 2026: Government data shows 89 steel units have been awarded the certification as of March 31, covering a production volume of 24.7 million tonnes.

• 2030: Target to reduce steelmaking emissions intensity to 2.2 tonnes of CO2 per tonne of crude steel. Secondary sector’s share in steel production projected to increase to 56%.

• Coming Months: The ₹15,000-crore scheme is set to be launched.

Government Response

1. National Mission on Green Steel

The government has launched the National Mission on Green Steel to lower steelmaking emissions intensity from 2.55-2.65 tonnes of CO2 per tonne of crude steel to 2.2 tonnes by 2030. This is a significant step towards decarbonising the sector.

2. Certification Scheme

A certification scheme launched in March 2024 awards any steel manufactured with an emissions intensity of less than 2.2 tCO2e per tonne of crude steel. As of March 31, 2026, 89 steel units have been awarded the certification, covering a production volume of 24.7 million tonnes.

3. ₹15,000-Crore Scheme

The government has announced a ₹15,000-crore scheme to accelerate steel sector decarbonisation. This scheme is set to be launched in the coming months. It is expected to support pilot projects, R&D, and the deployment of green technologies.

4. Green Hydrogen Pilot Projects

In March, the Union Ministry of New and Renewable Energy funded three pilot green hydrogen projects totalling more than ₹400 crore to pursue innovation in using green hydrogen in steelmaking. Last year, JSW Energy commissioned its first commercial-scale green hydrogen plant in Karnataka, which will supply green hydrogen to a steel plant.

5. Support for the Secondary Sector

The government’s schemes are also aimed at supporting the secondary sector, which is already less carbon-intensive. The certification scheme and the ₹15,000-crore scheme are expected to benefit the secondary sector.

Judicial Developments

The provided article does not mention any specific judicial developments or court rulings related to steel sector decarbonisation.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

• Right to Life (Article 21): The right to a clean environment is part of the Right to Life. The government’s efforts to decarbonise the steel sector are aimed at protecting this right.

• Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP): Article 48A directs the state to protect and improve the environment and safeguard the forests and wildlife. Article 51A(g) makes it a fundamental duty of every citizen to protect and improve the natural environment.

• Environmental Governance: The regulation of emissions from the steel sector falls under environmental governance. The government must balance economic development with environmental protection.

• Industrial Policy: The steel sector is a key part of India’s industrial policy. The government’s schemes and missions are aimed at making the sector more sustainable and competitive.

Social and Political Significance

• Employment: The steel sector employs millions of people directly and indirectly. The transition to green steel must be managed in a way that protects livelihoods and creates new green jobs.

• Air Pollution: The steel sector is a major contributor to air pollution, which has severe health impacts. Decarbonising the sector will improve air quality and public health.

• Climate Change: The steel sector is a major contributor to India’s greenhouse gas emissions. Decarbonising the sector is critical for meeting India’s climate goals.

• Global Competitiveness: As the world moves towards carbon border adjustments (like the EU’s CBAM), Indian steel exporters will face tariffs if they do not reduce emissions. Decarbonising the sector is essential for maintaining global competitiveness.

Challenges

1. High Costs: Green steel is currently more expensive than conventional steel. The transition requires significant investment in new technologies and infrastructure.

2. Technology Readiness: Some technologies, like green hydrogen-based DRI and CCUS, are not yet commercially viable at scale.

3. Infrastructure Gap: There is a lack of infrastructure for green hydrogen production, storage, and transportation.

4. Lock-In Risk: Investing in new coal-based blast furnaces now will lock in high emissions for decades.

5. Lack of Demand: There is currently no market for green steel. Consumers are not willing to pay a premium.

6. Policy Uncertainty: The lack of a clear, long-term policy framework creates uncertainty for investors.

7. Scrap Availability: The secondary sector, which is less carbon-intensive, faces challenges in accessing adequate quantities of scrap.

Way Forward

1. Redirect Investments: Redirect investments from new coal-based blast furnaces to green technologies like DRI-EAF with green hydrogen.

2. Support Green Hydrogen: Invest in green hydrogen production, storage, and transportation infrastructure. Scale up pilot projects and provide subsidies to reduce costs.

3. Create Demand: Use public procurement policies to create demand for green steel. Mandate the use of green steel in government infrastructure projects.

4. Strengthen the Secondary Sector: Support the secondary sector by improving scrap collection, providing access to finance, and promoting quality control.

5. Policy Framework: Develop a clear, long-term policy framework for steel sector decarbonisation. This should include carbon pricing, standards, and incentives for green technologies.

6. International Cooperation: Collaborate with other countries on technology development, standards, and carbon border adjustments.

7. Just Transition: Ensure a just transition for workers and communities dependent on the coal-based steel industry. Provide retraining and social safety nets.

8. R&D: Invest in research and development of new technologies for steel decarbonisation, such as hydrogen-based DRI, CCUS, and electrolysis.

Conclusion

India’s steel sector stands at a crossroads. The decisions made today will determine whether the sector becomes a driver of sustainable growth or a stranded asset in a carbon-constrained world. The government’s National Mission on Green Steel and the ₹15,000-crore scheme are positive steps, but they are not sufficient. The transition requires a comprehensive strategy that includes redirecting investments, supporting green hydrogen, creating demand for green steel, strengthening the secondary sector, and ensuring a just transition for workers.

The article’s warning is clear: India must cut steel emissions before coal plants lock them in. The window of opportunity is narrow. If India continues to invest in coal-based blast furnaces, it will lock in high emissions for decades, making it impossible to meet its climate goals. The time for decisive action is now. The future of India’s steel sector—and its climate—depends on it.

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5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “India can cut steel emissions before coal plants lock them in.” Discuss the significance of this statement in the context of India’s climate goals and industrial policy.
Answer: The statement highlights the urgent need to decarbonise India’s steel sector before investing in new coal-based blast furnaces (BF-BOF) that have a lifespan of 40-50 years. If these plants are built now, they will lock in high emissions for decades, making it impossible to meet India’s climate goals under the Paris Agreement. The steel sector accounts for nearly 12% of India’s total greenhouse gas emissions, and India’s emissions intensity (2.55-2.65 tCO2e per tonne of crude steel) is 32% higher than the global average. The majority of BF-BOF plants in India have not broken ground, so there is a window of opportunity to redirect investments towards green technologies like DRI-EAF with green hydrogen. This requires a strategic shift in industrial policy, supported by the National Mission on Green Steel and the ₹15,000-crore scheme. The decision made today will determine whether India’s steel sector becomes a driver of sustainable growth or a stranded asset.

Q2. What are the technological pathways for decarbonising India’s steel sector? Discuss the advantages and challenges of each.
Answer: The two main technological pathways are:

1. BF-BOF with CCUS: Continuing with blast furnaces but capturing and storing carbon emissions. Advantages: Uses existing infrastructure. Challenges: CCUS is expensive, not commercially viable at scale, and requires geological storage sites.

2. DRI-EAF with Green Hydrogen: Using direct reduced iron (DRI) produced with green hydrogen, then melted in an electric arc furnace (EAF). Advantages: Near-zero emissions, aligns with long-term climate goals. Challenges: Green hydrogen is currently expensive, lacks infrastructure, and is not available at scale. Requires significant investment.
   The article notes that India’s steel plants are “already headed for retiring blast furnaces,” and the “future trend is clear.” The government’s pilot projects for green hydrogen in steelmaking are a step in the right direction, but scaling up will take time. The secondary sector (EAFs and EIFs) is already less carbon-intensive and should be supported.

Q3. “The availability of green hydrogen is a critical factor in the decarbonisation of India’s steel sector.” Critically examine this statement.
Answer: The statement is accurate. Green hydrogen is a key enabler for the DRI-EAF pathway, which is the most promising long-term route for near-zero emissions steelmaking. However, its availability is constrained by:

1. Cost: Green hydrogen is currently 2-3 times more expensive than grey hydrogen (produced from fossil fuels).

2. Infrastructure: There is a lack of infrastructure for green hydrogen production, storage, and transportation.

3. Scale: Current production is negligible compared to the demand from the steel sector.

4. Energy Input: Producing green hydrogen requires large amounts of renewable energy, which is also needed for other sectors.
   The government has launched pilot projects (e.g., JSW Energy’s plant in Karnataka) and funded three pilot green hydrogen projects. However, scaling up will require significant investment, policy support, and international cooperation. The availability of green hydrogen at competitive prices is the single most important factor that will determine the pace of decarbonisation in India’s steel sector.

Q4. Discuss the role of the secondary sector in reducing emissions from India’s steel industry. What are the challenges it faces?
Answer: The secondary sector, which uses electric induction furnaces (EIFs) and electric arc furnaces (EAFs) to produce steel from scrap, is less carbon-intensive than the primary BF-BOF route. According to an India Steel Association report, 43% of total crude steel production in India comes from EAFs and 35% from EIFs. Its share in steel production is projected to increase to 56% by 2030. The secondary sector is more energy-efficient and can use renewable energy.
Challenges:

1. Scrap Availability: The availability of high-quality scrap is limited and inconsistent.

2. Quality Control: The quality of steel produced from scrap can vary, affecting its use in critical applications.

3. Access to Finance: Small and medium-sized secondary producers often lack access to affordable finance for technology upgrades.

4. Energy Costs: EAFs and EIFs require large amounts of electricity, which can be expensive.

5. Regulatory Support: The secondary sector needs policy support, such as incentives for scrap collection and processing, and standards for green steel certification.

Q5. “There is no demand for green steel.” In light of this statement, suggest measures to create a market for green steel in India.
Answer: The statement reflects the current reality: consumers are not willing to pay a premium for green steel. To create a market, the following measures are needed:

1. Public Procurement: Mandate the use of green steel in government infrastructure projects (e.g., railways, highways, bridges). This will create a guaranteed demand.

2. Standards and Certification: Develop clear standards and a robust certification scheme for green steel. The government’s certification scheme (launched in March 2024) is a good start, but it needs to be strengthened and widely adopted.

3. Carbon Pricing: Implement a carbon price or a carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) to make high-emission steel more expensive. This will make green steel more competitive.

4. Consumer Awareness: Launch campaigns to educate consumers (e.g., automakers, construction companies) about the benefits of green steel.

5. Incentives: Provide subsidies or tax incentives to manufacturers and consumers of green steel.

6. International Cooperation: Collaborate with other countries to create a global market for green steel.

7. Financial Support: Provide low-cost finance to steel producers to invest in green technologies.

8. Defining Green Steel: The definition of green steel must be clear and transparent to build trust and create a market. The “defining green steel” section highlights the need for a clear definition and certification scheme.

The Shame of Student Deaths: Governance Failure, Structural Violence, and the Mental Health Crisis

Why in News?

The tragic death of students in a building collapse in Delhi’s Satya Niketan area on September 6, 2026, has reignited a critical debate on the safety, dignity, and mental well-being of students in India. The incident, which claimed the lives of seven students and injured many more, occurred in a coaching hub where hundreds of students from outside Delhi live in cramped, unsafe paying-guest (PG) accommodations. This tragedy, coupled with the broader context of student suicides in premier institutions like IITs and NITs, the devastating floods in Delhi’s coaching hubs, and the systemic neglect of women’s mental health in maternity care, paints a grim picture of the state of student welfare and institutional accountability in India. The articles by Sajjad Majumdar, Pooja Pillai, and Pranaya Grover collectively argue that these deaths are not merely “accidents” but are symptomatic of a deep-rooted governance failure, structural violence, and a societal apathy towards the most vulnerable.

Introduction

India’s student population is vast and diverse, aspirational and vulnerable. Every year, millions of young people migrate from small towns and villages to urban centres in pursuit of education and a better future. However, this journey is fraught with peril. The recent building collapse in Satya Niketan, Delhi, which killed seven students, is a stark reminder of the physical dangers that students face in their quest for education. But the tragedy goes beyond the physical. It exposes a systemic failure of governance, a culture of institutional neglect, and a societal indifference to the mental and emotional well-being of students.

The articles under review weave together three interconnected narratives:

1. The Physical Safety Crisis: The collapse of a coaching institute building in Delhi’s Rajinder Nagar and the PG accommodation in Satya Niketan highlights the rampant violation of building safety norms, the negligence of civic authorities, and the exploitation of students by unscrupulous landlords.

2. The Mental Health Crisis: The suicide of a student at IIT Guwahati, the institutional neglect of mental health in premier institutions, and the broader crisis of student suicides across the country point to a system that prioritises academic achievement over human well-being.

3. The Gendered Dimension of Mental Health: The obituary of Gloria Steinem and the article on maternity mental health highlight the systemic neglect of women’s mental health, particularly during pregnancy and childbirth, and the need for a feminist perspective on mental health care.

Together, these narratives paint a picture of a society that fails its most vulnerable members—the young, the aspirational, and the marginalised—at multiple levels. This article analyses the key issues, the governance and constitutional dimensions, the social and political significance, and the way forward.

Background

Part 1: The Physical Safety Crisis in Coaching Hubs

The student in India today lives between the violence of the cracking earth and flooding homes. The Cockroach Janta Party, led by Gen Z, may have stumped the political establishment, but clearly we have light-years to go before the sanctity of either life or learning can be assured for our students—particularly for those from vulnerable sections of society.

This is not about the lathi and water cannons whose threat to these students in Delhi’s Jantar Mantar is still raw. The disaster that ended lives is the building collapse in Delhi’s Satya Niketan on Sunday, killing seven and injuring many more. Closer to Delhi University’s South Campus, the building mostly housed students, most of whom were home on a Sunday afternoon. Their SOS echoed through the alleys and through the mobile phones of the dying—”Save us, save us.” But the disaster was unforgiving.

These were some of our most vulnerable migrant students who sought a home near the university. Migrants are always vulnerable, more so migrants from the margins of state and society. But the marginality of the student builds a dream of upward mobility that tinges the vulnerability with the darkest sadness. It seems the failure of a developing postcolonial nation where education and employment are still the only means of upward mobility, often the promise to break outside the miasma of poverty.

The building collapse bared the numbers of another tragedy from that July. Three, four, seven, 14 UPS aspirants drowned in the flooding basement of a coaching institute in Delhi’s Old Rajinder Nagar. One survivor told a newspaper that in spite of charging exorbitant fees of Rs 2 lakh, the coaching centres lacked safety standards in spaces where the youth studied and spent time. Poor drainage and even electrocution deaths were common in these streets, and Delhi’s monsoon caused the basement to flood. Student suicides remain in our memory. But what do we call these deaths? “Accidents” reeks of both shame and sham. How do we remember them at all?

Flooding water and quaking earth are dark omens. What they possess is not the talismanic significance of ritual and religion, but the forces of neglect and profit. These two nonsensically contradictory realities frame the fate of the Indian student. Particularly those who come to study in the capital from far away parts of our country or lucky enough to win in the roulette wheel of entrance into elite institutions of technical and professional education.

Higher education, in most countries of the world, is the domain of the state. A few countries, most notably the US, have excellent private institutions that nevertheless cater to only a small, albeit highly influential, percentage of the population. As someone who has been educated at amix of state and private institutions in India and the US and has taught for the last 21 years at a public university in Canada and private universities in the US and India, I have observed the state-private dynamic from many angles and I come up with the same answer every time: It is only public institutions that can truly educate a nation. Private institutions, if shaped by genuine philanthropy, can at best create tiny islands of excellence, combining the intellectually exclusive with the socially inclusive, and hoping that their identity does not end up the other way around.

But what we did to the K-12 system is what we’re now doing to the edifices of higher education. Not only the failure but the orchestrated onslaught on public institutions of higher education around the country led to the claustrophobic dead end that triggered the CIP process at Jantar Mantar. But while the economy struggles and jobs fall in materials, the greed of property development continues, and unchecked growth of violence in the form of thanas continues. The contractor, the greed of dominance has already learned bitterly this year, does not discriminate between intermediate stakeholders in either health or higher education—between those connected to hospitals or to universities.

Meanwhile, the migrant student, the provincial aspirant to educational and professional success, remains just as vulnerable to the greed of the private player, who has now gained destructive prominence due to the dysfunction of the public system. The glaring lacunae left by governmental failure have now been eaten up not only by profiteering private institutions of questionable quality, but by the toxic architecture of the coaching industry, the Kota factory to most Indians. One doesn’t know where the massive fees go, but the family members of the dead UPSC aspirants now know. It is not being funnelled into the creation of a safe learning and living environment for customers. I’m sure India’s many Kota factories have their shares of Jeetu Bhaiyas—the conscientious teacher-mentor from the Netflix show by that name—but I’m also sure their ritual and structural irrelevance make no impact on the landscape of the terrifying mental and physical health of the students stuck in their clutches.

We remember the suicides, as we must. We will never forget S. Aritha, the poor Dalit student from Tamil Nadu, whose tragedy bared that is all dark and destructive in India today: the relentless attempt of the judiciary to close the gates of the institution to the subaltern and to all, the sham of the media, the oppressive myth of “One Nation, One Exam”, the institutional violence and the exclusion of the vulnerable. It took one death to reveal them but the suicides didn’t stop.

The suicides stay with us and power protests. But a reality just is tragic greys on the sky today. The students who may not take their own lives may just have their lives taken away from them. Death may come either from the strategic neglect of governments or the greed of private players who prey upon the anxiety of millions at the Great Roulette Wheel of seats or jobs. From earth or water. Who knows what else is next?

Part 2: The Mental Health Crisis and the Gendered Dimension

Gloria Steinem framed the motherhood question for us
Every very obituary about Gloria Steinem, who died on September 2, has noted two facts. One: Her turn towards feminism at the age of 35 is linked with an abortion she had at 22, the memory of which was sparked at a 1969 “speak-out” where other women shared their own experiences. That day, Steinem wrote, a realisation “clicked” into place: What she had regarded as something deeply personal was, in fact, political because of the number of women who had also struggled with it. Two: From the age of 10 to 17, Steinem was the primary caregiver for her mother, who suffered from addiction and debilitating mental illness.

In the US, reproductive rights, the nuclear family and the issue of Steinem’s feminism continue to be debated, and have seen major reversals since 2022 when the US Supreme Court struck down the 1973 ruling Roe v. Wade, which had made abortion a constitutional right. Since then, 20 states have either implemented a total ban or imposed severe restrictions on abortions. The troubling way in which the issue is framed — “pro-choice” vs “pro-life” — obscures what it is really about: A decision about motherhood. When Steinem found in that basement meeting in 1969 was permission to accept not wanting to be a mother. To make such a choice possible, to bring motherhood from under the rubric of destiny and place it in the realm of choice, is a cornerstone of women’s rights.

Years later, Steinem wrote that her mother, who had been a journalist before getting married, had dreamed of working in New York City. Can Ruth Nuneviller Steinem’s mental breakdown be tied to the thwarting of ambition — of choice? And did it shape her daughter’s choices? Steinem herself said that while early caregiving responsibility may have influenced her choice, she had also never felt the urge to have children. So here’s feminist proposition number one: A woman may choose not to become a mother for many reasons, including that she simply doesn’t want to. And feminist proposition number two: Even after she has chosen motherhood, she remains an individual, with agency and her own vulnerabilities. Both these propositions matter — expected to otherwise one’s needs without question, ignoring the woman’s own needs, so that she is not mother. The neglect is global and structural. Although pregnancy a woman’s body is monitored with great care, while her mind gets almost no attention. According to WHO estimates, one in five women experiences a mental health condition during pregnancy or in the year after birth, which makes it almost as common as gestational diabetes, even as it is screened for far less.

Even where the law prioritises a woman’s mental health over social expectations of motherhood, the story is the same. Take India’s Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, as amended in 2021. It permits termination up to 24 weeks and explicitly counts grave injury to mental health as a ground. Yet, in 2022, a 25-year-old woman, already a mother of two, who had to approach the Supreme Court to allow the termination of her pregnancy, showed its limits. The woman was, at the time, being treated for postpartum depression and had not realised she was pregnant until 20 weeks had passed due to lactational amenorrhea. A two-judge bench allowed the procedure saying that continuing the pregnancy could impair her mental health. Then a doctor at the AIIMS medical board said that the foetus was around 26 weeks and had a strong chance of survival, so was the heartbeat to be stopped first? Withindays, the two-judge bench went to a three-judge bench led by the CJI, who held that there was no immediate threat to the woman’s life and no foetal abnormality, and that the statutory ceiling had lapsed.

The termination did not happen. A right that exists in the statute books only to evaporate under judicial consideration is a right that exists only in name. Mental health may have been written into the MTP Act, but the systems that shape the course of motherhood in India continue to fail women.

It is against this background that the extreme cases make do to work they cannot. Consider Lindsay Clancy, an American woman charged with killing her three children, whose defence was postpartum psychosis. Her case has generated more public arguments about maternal mental illness than the everyday struggles of women. But building our understanding of maternal mental illness on such cases only makes the subject seem disconnected from its more common manifestations. The solutions is not complicated: Perinatal mental-health screening as ordinary obstetric care and training health workers at every level to recognise what they are looking at. Finally, it is time to treat a woman’s statement about her own mind as evidence to be taken seriously, not dismissed as “mood”.

As a student, I felt invisible to the city’s powerful
As a student from Lucknow, I worked towards a dream—a seat at Delhi University. The university is a symbol of possibility for many who couldn’t otherwise afford it. Despite the city’s reputation, parents nurture their child’s dream because of its promise. They eagerly accompany their child to look for a “home away from home”. I remember my parents’ faces dropping as soon as they entered the clutter and squalor of the Satya Niketan area. For the 17-year-old me, the dirt and congestion didn’t matter as much. I had clinched a seat at Jesus and Mary College in the Psychology Department and was over the moon. I had also known that this was all my family could afford in the South Delhi neighbourhood. All I could imagine was how I could transform this matchbox-sized room into 100 square feet of cool. So I stacked books, put up fairy lights, and filled my walls with posters and keepsakes.

In hindsight, what I was really trying to do was replace the claustrophobia with things that would soften the harshness of returning to a suffocating room with no ventilation or sunlight. It would soften the reality that I was paying upwards of Rs 12,000 in rent (which was about the same as my annual college fees) and sharing a “queen” bed, one tiny toilet, and a small desk, of which the chair collided with the bed the moment you stood up.

My beloved roommate (whose hometown was Kota) and I made the best of the living situation, not because we enjoyed it but because that was our only option. We both took turns falling sick; typhoid was a frequent visitor in the lanes of Satya Niketan. We romanticised the rooms as “cosy”. This is the precise vulnerability of student life that builders take advantage of. Low-income families don’t just pay monetary debts sometimes, as happened this week in Satya Niketan, they pay with their lives.

It has always seemed to me — as a student and now as a citizen — that we are invisible to the city’s powerful. Their remarkable capacity and resilience to turn disaster into opportunity work for builders. This is why, when I heard of the building collapse in Satya Niketan, which has already claimed seven lives and injured others, I wasn’t surprised. Because the tragedy of a student trapped in rubble, crying for help, is not only a heartbreaking image but also one that speaks of something familiar — a dangerously flawed ecosystem of reckless negligence, collusion of private owners with civic officials at all levels, and the normalcy of damage control that overrides precautionary measures.

I wonder what this tragedy would mean for the students currently residing in that neighbourhood. How do you resume everyday life knowing that the very roof above your head — your supposed home away from home — can collapse any moment? That helps incredibly far, be it their guardians or families, at least have the privilege of distance today. For those who share their walls and their wardrobes, the distance they pay is their mental and physical health and future.

Satya Niketan literally translates to “Home of Truth” — that is a misnomer if there ever were one.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Normalisation of Student Deaths

The article by Sajjad Majumdar powerfully argues that calling these deaths “accidents” reeks of “both shame and sham.” The deaths of students in building collapses, floods, and suicides are not accidents; they are the predictable outcomes of systemic neglect, greed, and a complete failure of governance. The article questions: “How do we remember them at all?” This normalisation of tragedy is a profound indictment of our society’s value system.

2. The Failure of Public Institutions and the Rise of the Coaching Industry

The article highlights the “orchestrated onslaught on public institutions of higher education” which has led to a “claustrophobic dead end.” As public institutions deteriorate, the “toxic architecture of the coaching industry” has risen to fill the void. This industry, exemplified by the “Kota factory,” exploits the anxieties of millions of students and their families, charging exorbitant fees while providing unsafe and unhealthy living and learning environments.

3. The Physical Vulnerability of Migrant Students

The article by Pranaya Grover provides a poignant first-person account of the physical vulnerability of migrant students. She describes the “clutter and squalor” of Satya Niketan, the “matchbox-sized rooms,” the lack of ventilation and sunlight, and the constant fear of illness (typhoid was a “frequent visitor”). She notes that low-income families don’t just pay monetary debts; they “pay with their lives.” The article argues that students are “invisible to the city’s powerful,” whose “remarkable capacity and resilience to turn disaster into opportunity work for builders.”

4. The Mental Health Crisis in Premier Institutions

The article by Sajjad Majumdar also touches upon the mental health crisis in premier institutions like IIT Guwahati. The pressure to succeed, the fear of failure, and the lack of adequate mental health support create a toxic environment that drives students to take their own lives. The article notes that “the suicides stay with us and power protests,” but the systemic changes needed to prevent them are not made.

5. The Gendered Dimension of Mental Health

The article by Pooja Pillai, while an obituary for Gloria Steinem, raises critical issues about women’s mental health. It highlights the systemic neglect of maternal mental health, noting that “one in five women experiences a mental health condition during pregnancy or in the year after birth.” The article critiques the legal and medical systems that fail women, citing the case of a 25-year-old woman who was denied a termination despite her postpartum depression. The article argues that a woman’s statement about her own mind must be taken seriously, not dismissed as “mood.”

Timeline of Events

• July 2026: Three, four, seven, 14 UPS aspirants drowned in the flooding basement of a coaching institute in Delhi’s Old Rajinder Nagar.

• September 2, 2026: Gloria Steinem, feminist icon, dies.

• September 6, 2026: Building collapse in Satya Niketan, Delhi, kills seven students and injures many more.

• September 2026: Protests and outrage over the Satya Niketan tragedy.

• 2022: US Supreme Court strikes down Roe v. Wade.

• 2021: India’s Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act amended to permit termination up to 24 weeks.

• 2022: A 25-year-old woman approaches the Supreme Court for termination, highlighting the limits of the MTP Act.

Government Response

The article does not provide a detailed government response, but it implies a failure of governance at multiple levels:

• Municipal Authorities: The Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) has been criticised for its failure to enforce building safety norms, allowing illegal and unsafe structures to proliferate.

• State Government: The Delhi government’s response to the tragedy has been reactive, with promises of inquiry and compensation, but no systemic reforms.

• Central Government: The central government’s policies on education and urban development have been criticised for neglecting public institutions and promoting a culture of privatisation and profit.

• Judiciary: The judiciary’s role in cases like the MTP Act termination plea has been criticised for being insensitive to women’s mental health.

Judicial Developments

• MTP Act Case (2022): A 25-year-old woman with postpartum depression approached the Supreme Court for termination of her 26-week pregnancy. A two-judge bench initially allowed the procedure, but a three-judge bench led by the CJI later denied it, stating there was no immediate threat to her life and the statutory ceiling had lapsed.

• Building Collapse Cases: The article does not mention specific judicial developments related to the building collapse, but it implies a failure of the legal system to hold negligent builders and officials accountable.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

• Right to Life (Article 21): The deaths of students in building collapses, floods, and suicides are a direct violation of the Right to Life. The state’s failure to provide safe living and learning environments is a constitutional failure.

• Right to Education (Article 21A): The state’s failure to provide adequate and safe educational infrastructure undermines the Right to Education.

• Right to Health (Article 21): The neglect of mental health, particularly maternal mental health, is a violation of the Right to Health.

• Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP): Article 39(b) and (c) direct the state to ensure that the ownership and control of material resources are distributed to serve the common good. The privatisation of education and the rise of the coaching industry are contrary to these principles.

• Fundamental Duties (Article 51A): The article implicitly calls for a sense of collective responsibility and empathy towards students and women.

Social and Political Significance

• Student Migration and Aspiration: The articles highlight the vulnerability of migrant students who come to cities in pursuit of education and a better life. Their aspirations are met with unsafe living conditions, exploitation, and a lack of institutional support.

• The Coaching Industry: The coaching industry has become a powerful and unregulated force in Indian education, exploiting students’ anxieties and charging exorbitant fees. It is a symbol of the commodification of education.

• Mental Health Stigma: The articles highlight the stigma associated with mental health, particularly for women. The dismissal of a woman’s mental health concerns as “mood” is a reflection of a patriarchal society.

• The Failure of Governance: The articles paint a picture of a state that is unable or unwilling to protect its most vulnerable citizens. The collusion between private builders and civic officials, the neglect of public institutions, and the insensitivity of the judiciary are all symptoms of a deep-rooted governance failure.

• The Power of Student Protest: The articles mention the Cockroach Janta Party, led by Gen Z, and the protests that followed the tragedies. This highlights the potential for student activism to challenge the status quo and demand accountability.

Challenges

1. Regulatory Failure: The lack of enforcement of building safety norms, rent control, and fire safety regulations in coaching hubs.

2. Privatisation of Education: The neglect of public institutions and the rise of an unregulated, profit-driven coaching industry.

3. Mental Health Infrastructure: The lack of adequate mental health support in educational institutions and the broader society.

4. Gender Bias: The systemic neglect of women’s mental health, particularly during pregnancy and childbirth.

5. Corruption: The collusion between private builders and civic officials, which allows unsafe structures to be built and operated.

6. Political Apathy: The lack of sustained political will to address the systemic issues that lead to student deaths.

7. Data Deficits: The lack of accurate data on student suicides, building collapses, and maternal mental health hampers effective policymaking.

Way Forward

1. Strengthen Public Institutions: Invest in public universities and colleges to provide quality, affordable education. This will reduce the dependence on the exploitative coaching industry.

2. Enforce Safety Norms: Strictly enforce building safety norms, fire safety regulations, and rent control laws in student hubs. Hold negligent builders and officials accountable.

3. Regulate the Coaching Industry: Bring the coaching industry under a regulatory framework to ensure minimum standards of safety, quality, and fees.

4. Invest in Mental Health: Provide adequate mental health support in all educational institutions. Train teachers and staff to recognise signs of distress. Destigmatise mental health through public awareness campaigns.

5. Gender-Sensitive Healthcare: Integrate perinatal mental health screening into routine obstetric care. Train health workers to recognise and respond to maternal mental illness. Take women’s statements about their own mental health seriously.

6. Student Representation: Include students in decision-making processes related to their living and learning environments.

7. Political Will: The most crucial element is sustained political will to prioritize student welfare and public health over private profit and political expediency.

8. Data Collection: Establish robust data collection mechanisms for student suicides, building collapses, and maternal mental health to inform policy.

Conclusion

The deaths of students in Satya Niketan and the broader context of student suicides, floods, and mental health neglect are not isolated tragedies. They are the predictable outcomes of a system that values profit over people, private gain over public good, and academic achievement over human well-being. The articles by Sajjad Majumdar, Pooja Pillai, and Pranaya Grover collectively expose the “shame and sham” of a society that fails its most vulnerable members.

The time for mourning and empty promises is over. The need of the hour is a fundamental restructuring of our education system, our urban governance, and our healthcare system. It requires a commitment to public institutions, strict enforcement of safety norms, regulation of the coaching industry, investment in mental health, and a gender-sensitive approach to healthcare. Above all, it requires a recognition that students are not commodities to be exploited but the future of the nation, deserving of safety, dignity, and care. The question is not just “What do we call these student deaths?” but “What are we going to do to prevent them?”

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5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “Accident reeks of both shame and sham.” Critically examine this statement in the context of student deaths in India’s coaching hubs.
Answer: The statement is a powerful indictment of the systemic failures that lead to student deaths. Calling these deaths “accidents” is a “sham” because they are not random, unforeseeable events. They are the predictable outcomes of rampant violations of building safety norms, the negligence of civic authorities, and the exploitation of students by unscrupulous landlords and coaching institutes. The deaths in the Satya Niketan building collapse and the Old Rajinder Nagar flood were entirely preventable. The term “accident” also “reeks of shame” because it absolves the state and the private players of their responsibility. It masks the “forces of neglect and profit” that frame the fate of the Indian student. The article argues that these deaths are a form of structural violence, perpetuated by a system that prioritises profit over safety and academic achievement over human life. The shame lies in our collective failure to protect our most vulnerable and aspirational citizens.

Q2. Discuss the role of the coaching industry in the exploitation of students. What regulatory measures are needed to ensure their safety and well-being?
Answer: The coaching industry, exemplified by the “Kota factory,” has become a powerful and unregulated force in Indian education. It exploits the anxieties of millions of students and their families, charging exorbitant fees (e.g., Rs 2 lakh) while providing unsafe and unhealthy living and learning environments. The industry operates with little to no oversight, and the “toxic architecture” of these hubs contributes to the physical and mental health crisis among students.
Regulatory measures needed:

1. Safety Standards: Mandate strict adherence to building safety norms, fire safety regulations, and adequate ventilation and sanitation in coaching centres and hostels/PGs.

2. Fee Regulation: Cap the fees charged by coaching institutes to prevent exploitation.

3. Mental Health Support: Mandate the provision of qualified counsellors and mental health support in all coaching institutes.

4. Registration and Licensing: Require all coaching institutes to be registered and licensed, with regular inspections.

5. Grievance Redressal: Establish a robust grievance redressal mechanism for students.

6. Student Representation: Include students in decision-making processes related to their living and learning environments.

7. Data Collection: Mandate the reporting of student suicides and safety incidents to a central authority.

Q3. “The migrant student…remains just as vulnerable to the greed of the private player, who has now gained destructive prominence due to the dysfunction of the public system.” Analyse this statement.
Answer: The statement accurately captures the plight of the migrant student in India. The dysfunction of public institutions—the “orchestrated onslaught on public institutions of higher education”—has created a vacuum filled by private players. These private players, driven by greed, exploit the vulnerability of migrant students who have no choice but to accept unsafe and unhealthy living conditions. The “greed of the private player” is evident in the exorbitant rents charged for “matchbox-sized rooms” and the lack of basic amenities. The “destructive prominence” of the private player is a direct consequence of the state’s abdication of its responsibility to provide quality, affordable education and safe housing. The migrant student, who has come to the city with dreams of upward mobility, is trapped in a system that sees them as a source of profit, not as a future citizen deserving of care and protection.

Q4. “A right that exists in the statute books only to evaporate under judicial consideration is a right that exists only in name.” Discuss this statement in the context of the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act and maternal mental health in India.
Answer: The statement is a scathing critique of the gap between legal rights and their implementation. The MTP Act, as amended in 2021, permits termination up to 24 weeks and explicitly counts “grave injury to mental health” as a ground. However, in practice, women face immense hurdles. The case of a 25-year-old woman with postpartum depression who was denied a termination despite the law’s provision highlights this gap. A two-judge bench initially allowed the procedure, but a three-judge bench led by the CJI later denied it, prioritising the foetus’s survival over the woman’s mental health. This shows that even when the law recognises a right, judicial interpretation and systemic biases can render it meaningless. The article argues that maternal mental health is systematically neglected. One in five women experiences a mental health condition during pregnancy or after birth, yet it is screened for far less than gestational diabetes. The solution is not complicated: integrate perinatal mental health screening into routine obstetric care, train health workers, and take women’s statements about their own minds seriously. Until then, the right to mental health for women will remain only on paper.

Q5. “The tragedy of a student trapped in rubble…speaks of something familiar—a dangerously flawed ecosystem of reckless negligence, collusion of private owners with civic officials at all levels, and the normalcy of damage control that overrides precautionary measures.” Elaborate on this ecosystem and suggest a comprehensive strategy to dismantle it.
Answer: The ecosystem described is one of systemic corruption and negligence. It consists of:

1. Reckless Negligence: Builders and landlords construct and operate unsafe buildings, violating all safety norms, to maximise profits.

2. Collusion: There is a collusion between private owners and civic officials, who turn a blind eye to violations in exchange for bribes or political favours.

3. Normalcy of Damage Control: The state’s response is reactive—sealing buildings or announcing compensation after a tragedy—rather than proactive—enforcing safety norms and preventing tragedies. This “damage control” normalises the tragedy and allows the cycle of negligence to continue.
   Comprehensive strategy to dismantle this ecosystem:

4. Transparency and Accountability: Make the building approval and inspection process transparent through e-governance. Hold corrupt officials and negligent builders accountable through strict penalties and criminal prosecution.

5. Strengthen Municipal Capacity: Provide municipal bodies with adequate resources, trained personnel, and technology (e.g., GIS mapping of vulnerable buildings) to enforce safety norms.

6. Empower Citizens: Create awareness among students and citizens about their rights and the importance of building safety. Encourage them to report violations.

7. Independent Inspections: Create an independent body for structural audits and inspections, free from political interference.

8. Political Will: The most crucial element is sustained political will to prioritize student safety and public health over private profit. Without this, any strategy will remain ineffective.

The Great Electoral Purge: Anomalies in the SIR and the Demand for an Independent Audit

Why in News?

The completion of the Electoral Commission’s (EC) Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls across all major states has sparked a massive political and constitutional controversy. The final data released by the EC shows a staggering deletion of 13.3 crore names from the voters’ list, a figure that has far surpassed even the most dire warnings of civil society groups and opposition parties. With the publication of the final SIR list, anomalies and absurdities have come to light, leading to widespread demands for an independent audit of the entire process. The authors, Rahul Shastri and Yogendra Yadav, argue that the scale of disenfranchisement—amounting to nearly 20% of the electorate—is not merely a logistical error but a systemic assault on the democratic fabric of the nation.

Introduction

The right to vote is the cornerstone of any democracy. In India, the Representation of the People Act, 1950, and the Constitution provide the framework for the preparation and revision of electoral rolls. The Election Commission of India (ECI) is entrusted with the constitutional duty to conduct free and fair elections, which inherently includes maintaining an accurate and inclusive voters’ list.

However, the recent Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has raised serious questions about the ECI’s commitment to this duty. The final data reveals a catastrophic decline in the number of electors, far exceeding the growth in the adult population. The process has been marred by allegations of arbitrary deletions, lack of due process, and a disproportionate impact on marginalized communities, including Muslims and the poor. This article analyzes the data, the procedural anomalies, the constitutional implications, and the urgent need for an independent, transparent audit to restore faith in the electoral system.

Background

The Scale of Disenfranchisement

The SIR was conducted in three phases. The cumulative damage is staggering. The final SIR list shows a deletion of 13.3 crore names. The authors note that while they had estimated a nationwide SIR could lead to a deletion of up to 10 crore names, the final figures have surpassed their worst fears.

At the time of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, India’s electorate was about 98 crore, almost the same as the adult voting-age population of 99 crore at that point. By the time the SIR is formally concluded, the total count of the electorate will drop to around 88 crore against the projected adult population of 103 crore. This is a discrepancy of 15 crore, which cannot be explained by normal demographic changes. It points to either a massive overestimation of the population or a near-unprecedented scale of disenfranchisement.

Phase-Wise Analysis

The SIR was conducted in three phases:

• Phase I: Covered Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Goa, Gujarat, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal. The voter-to-population ratio fell from 50.7 to 44.2, with a total deletion of 6.5 crore.

• Phase II: Covered Andhra Pradesh, Haryana, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Maharashtra, NCT of Delhi, Odisha, Punjab, Telangana, and Uttarakhand. The ratio fell from 35.5 to 29.3, with a total deletion of 6.1 crore.

• Phase III: Covered the rest of the country, excluding Himachal Pradesh and Rajasthan. The ratio fell from 8.8 to 6.3, with a total deletion of 0.7 crore.

The data shows a consistent and alarming trend: in every phase, the voter-to-population ratio has declined significantly, indicating a systematic purge of the electoral rolls.

The Anomaly of “Absent” and “Shifted” Voters

The ECI has claimed that most of the deletions are on account of voters being “absent” or “shifted.” However, the authors argue that these categories remain undefined and have been used arbitrarily by local electoral officials. Besides those deleted from the draft rolls, another one-fifth are likely to face further scrutiny on account of being “unmapped” or due to “logical discrepancy” (LD). The unusually high proportion of LD in Odisha, Jharkhand, and Telangana suggests that there is more to it than just a computational algorithm. There is no standard operating procedure for how such discrepancies are to be treated. Clearly, “logical discrepancy” is not a method; it is arbitrariness by design.

The “Pre-SIR” Deletions: A Suspicious Pattern

The third phase has also opened a new malpractice: many states have witnessed abnormally large-scale deletions just before the SIR officially began. This is crucial because those deleted before the SIR don’t even receive a chance to file their claims. Their deletion is shown as “pre-SIR” deletion. Between May 12 (when the SIR schedule was announced for the third phase) and the day the SIR officially began, there were over 14 lakh such suspicious deletions, of which over 8 lakh took place in Maharashtra. If we look at the entire period since the assembly elections in February last year, Delhi has witnessed an inexplicable decline of more than 11 lakh voters before the launch of the SIR. So, Delhi’s voter list has shrunk from 1.56 crore last year to just 98 lakh after the release of the SIR draft list.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Implausible Decline in the Electorate

The most significant issue is the sheer scale of the decline in the electorate. The voter-to-population ratio has dropped from 95.2% (Overall Phase I) to 80.7%, a drop of nearly 15 percentage points. This is not a statistical anomaly; it is a demographic impossibility. The authors argue that this discrepancy points to either a massive overestimation of the adult population or a near-unprecedented scale of disenfranchisement. The ECI’s claim that the deletions are merely a “cleaning up” of the rolls is not supported by the data.

2. Arbitrary Categorization and Lack of Due Process

The use of undefined categories like “absent,” “shifted,” “unmapped,” and “logical discrepancy” (LD) has allowed electoral officials to arbitrarily delete names without following due process. The article notes that there is no standard operating procedure for how such discrepancies are to be treated. The high proportion of LD in states like Odisha, Jharkhand, and Telangana suggests that this is not a computational error but a deliberate strategy to purge certain sections of the electorate.

3. Disproportionate Impact on Marginalized Communities

The article argues that the SIR has disproportionately impacted marginalized communities, including Muslims, the poor, and the homeless. The national attention, if any, was focused on the brazen and targeted deletion of Muslims in West Bengal. The use of “logical discrepancy” and “absent” categories has been used to target these communities, who often lack the documentation or resources to challenge their deletion.

4. The “Pre-SIR” Deletion Malpractice

The article exposes a new malpractice: the large-scale deletion of voters before the SIR officially began. These “pre-SIR” deletions are particularly insidious because the affected voters are not even given a chance to file their claims. The authors note that over 14 lakh such deletions occurred between May 12 and the start of the SIR in the third phase, with over 8 lakh in Maharashtra alone. In Delhi, the voter list shrank by over 11 lakh before the SIR even began. This is a clear attempt to manipulate the electoral rolls by stealth.

5. The Failure of the ECI and the Need for an Independent Audit

The authors argue that the ECI has failed in its constitutional duty to conduct a fair and transparent revision. The ECI’s claims of improving the rolls are contradicted by the data. The article calls for a full public audit of the entire SIR operation—design, execution, and aftermath. It argues that an independent agency, not the ECI itself, should carry out this audit. The ECI cannot be the judge of its own actions, especially when the integrity of the electoral process is at stake.

Timeline of Events

• February 2024: Assembly elections in Delhi. The voter list is at 1.56 crore.

• 2024 Lok Sabha Elections: India’s electorate is approximately 98 crore, almost equal to the adult voting-age population (99 crore).

• May 12, 2026: SIR schedule announced for the third phase.

• May 12 – Start of SIR (Phase III): Over 14 lakh suspicious “pre-SIR” deletions, including over 8 lakh in Maharashtra.

• Phase I (Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Goa, Gujarat, Kerala, MP, Rajasthan, TN, UP, WB): Voter-to-population ratio falls from 50.7 to 44.2. 6.5 crore deletions.

• Phase II (AP, Haryana, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Delhi, Odisha, Punjab, Telangana, Uttarakhand): Ratio falls from 35.5 to 29.3. 6.1 crore deletions.

• Phase III (Rest of India): Ratio falls from 8.8 to 6.3. 0.7 crore deletions.

• Last Week: ECI completes the release of the draft SIR lists in all major states.

• Present: Final SIR list shows a total deletion of 13.3 crore names. The electorate is projected to drop to 88 crore against an adult population of 103 crore.

Government Response

The article does not explicitly detail the government’s response, but it implies that the government has supported the ECI’s actions. The ECI has defended the SIR as a necessary exercise to clean up the electoral rolls, claiming that the deletions are mostly of dead, shifted, or duplicate voters. However, the authors argue that the ECI’s claims are not supported by the data and that the government has been complicit in this “assault on democracy.”

Judicial Developments

The article mentions that the Supreme Court had stayed the SIR in Bihar and West Bengal, but the ECI proceeded with the SIR in other states. The article does not mention any specific judicial rulings on the SIR. However, it implies that the judiciary has not intervened effectively to stop the disenfranchisement.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

• Article 326 (Elections on the basis of adult suffrage): The SIR’s arbitrary deletions violate the constitutional right to vote.

• Representation of the People Act, 1950: The SIR process has violated the statutory provisions for the preparation and revision of electoral rolls, which require due process and transparency.

• Article 14 (Equality before Law): The disproportionate impact of the SIR on marginalized communities violates the right to equality.

• Election Commission’s Constitutional Duty: The ECI has failed in its constitutional duty to conduct free and fair elections. Its actions have undermined the integrity of the electoral process.

• Governance Failure: The SIR is a classic example of governance failure, where a constitutional body has acted arbitrarily and without accountability.

Social and Political Significance

• Disenfranchisement of the Poor and Marginalized: The SIR has disproportionately impacted the poor, homeless, and Muslims, who are less likely to have the documentation to prove their citizenship and residency.

• Erosion of Trust in Democracy: The arbitrary deletions have eroded public trust in the electoral system. If people believe their vote will be deleted, they are less likely to participate in the democratic process.

• Political Polarization: The SIR has become a major political issue, with opposition parties accusing the government of using it to manipulate the electoral rolls in its favour.

• Threat to Federalism: The SIR has been imposed on states without their consent, undermining the federal structure of the country.

• Human Rights Violations: The arbitrary deletion of names without due process is a violation of basic human rights.

Challenges

1. Lack of Transparency: The SIR process has been opaque, with the ECI refusing to share data and methodology.

2. Arbitrary Categorization: The use of undefined categories like “absent” and “logical discrepancy” has allowed for arbitrary deletions.

3. No Due Process: Voters are not given adequate notice or opportunity to challenge their deletion.

4. Disproportionate Impact: The SIR has disproportionately impacted marginalized communities.

5. Pre-SIR Deletions: The large-scale “pre-SIR” deletions are a new and insidious form of electoral manipulation.

6. ECI’s Defensiveness: The ECI has been defensive and has refused to acknowledge the anomalies in the data.

7. Lack of Independent Oversight: There is no independent oversight of the SIR process.

8. Judicial Inaction: The judiciary has not intervened effectively to stop the disenfranchisement.

Way Forward

1. Independent Audit: A full public audit of the entire SIR operation—design, execution, and aftermath—must be conducted by an independent agency, not the ECI.

2. Transparency: The ECI must make all data and methodology public. It must also publish the list of deleted voters and the reasons for their deletion.

3. Due Process: The ECI must establish a clear, transparent, and fair process for deletions, with adequate notice and opportunity for appeal.

4. Restoration of Deleted Names: All wrongly deleted names must be restored immediately.

5. Legal Reform: The RPA, 1950, must be amended to prevent arbitrary deletions and to ensure the independence of the ECI.

6. Judicial Intervention: The Supreme Court must intervene to protect the right to vote and to hold the ECI accountable.

7. Political Will: The political class must come together to defend the electoral process and to demand accountability from the ECI.

8. Civil Society Action: Civil society must continue to raise awareness about the SIR and to mobilize public opinion against it.

Conclusion

The SIR has been a catastrophic failure. It has resulted in the disenfranchisement of millions of voters, disproportionately impacting the poor and marginalized. The ECI’s claims of cleaning up the rolls are not supported by the data. The process has been marred by arbitrary deletions, lack of due process, and a complete lack of transparency. The SIR is not a routine administrative exercise; it is an assault on the democratic fabric of the nation.

The authors’ demand for an independent audit is not just a technical necessity; it is a moral imperative. The integrity of the electoral process is the foundation of our democracy. If we cannot trust the voters’ list, we cannot trust the election results. The ECI must be held accountable for its actions. The Supreme Court must intervene to protect the right to vote. The political class must come together to defend the electoral process. The time for silence is over. The nation wants to know the truth.

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5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “The SIR has resulted in a staggering deletion of 13.3 crore names.” Critically examine the anomalies in the SIR process and their implications for Indian democracy.
Answer: The SIR process has resulted in the deletion of 13.3 crore names, a figure that far exceeds the growth in the adult population. The anomalies are:

1. Implausible Decline: The voter-to-population ratio has dropped from 95.2% to 80.7%, a demographic impossibility.

2. Arbitrary Categorization: The use of undefined categories like “absent,” “shifted,” and “logical discrepancy” has allowed for arbitrary deletions without due process.

3. Disproportionate Impact: The SIR has disproportionately impacted marginalized communities, including Muslims, the poor, and the homeless.

4. Pre-SIR Deletions: The large-scale “pre-SIR” deletions are a new and insidious form of electoral manipulation.

5. Lack of Transparency: The ECI has been opaque, refusing to share data and methodology.
   Implications for Democracy:

6. Disenfranchisement: Millions of eligible voters have been disenfranchised, undermining the principle of universal adult suffrage.

7. Erosion of Trust: The arbitrary deletions have eroded public trust in the electoral system.

8. Political Polarization: The SIR has become a major political issue, with accusations of manipulation.

9. Threat to Federalism: The SIR has been imposed on states without their consent.

10. Human Rights Violations: The arbitrary deletion of names without due process is a violation of basic human rights.

Q2. Discuss the constitutional and legal framework for the preparation of electoral rolls in India. How has the SIR violated this framework?
Answer: The constitutional and legal framework for the preparation of electoral rolls is provided by:

1. Article 326: Elections to the House of the People and Legislative Assemblies are on the basis of adult suffrage.

2. Representation of the People Act, 1950: Provides for the preparation and revision of electoral rolls.

3. Registration of Electors Rules, 1960: Provides the detailed procedure for registration and revision.
   The SIR has violated this framework in several ways:

4. Violation of Due Process: The SIR has deleted names without adequate notice or opportunity for appeal, violating the principles of natural justice.

5. Arbitrary Categorization: The use of undefined categories like “logical discrepancy” is not a method; it is arbitrariness by design.

6. Disproportionate Impact: The SIR has disproportionately impacted marginalized communities, violating Article 14 (Equality before Law).

7. Lack of Transparency: The ECI has not shared data or methodology, violating the principle of transparency in electoral administration.

8. Pre-SIR Deletions: The large-scale “pre-SIR” deletions are a clear attempt to manipulate the electoral rolls by stealth, violating the RPA, 1950.

Q3. “The ECI cannot be the judge of its own actions.” In light of this statement, discuss the need for an independent audit of the SIR process.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The ECI is a constitutional body entrusted with the conduct of elections. However, when its actions are challenged, it cannot be the sole judge of their validity. The SIR process has been marred by allegations of arbitrary deletions, lack of due process, and a disproportionate impact on marginalized communities. The ECI’s claims of improving the rolls are contradicted by the data.
Need for an Independent Audit:

1. Transparency and Accountability: An independent audit would bring transparency to the SIR process and hold the ECI accountable for its actions.

2. Restoring Trust: An independent audit would help restore public trust in the electoral system.

3. Identifying Anomalies: An independent audit would identify the anomalies and absurdities in the SIR process and recommend corrective measures.

4. Protecting Democracy: An independent audit is essential to protect the democratic fabric of the nation.
   The audit should be conducted by an independent agency, not the ECI itself, and should cover the entire SIR operation—design, execution, and aftermath.

Q4. “The SIR has disproportionately impacted marginalized communities.” Analyse this statement with reference to the socio-political significance of the SIR.
Answer: The statement is accurate. The SIR has disproportionately impacted marginalized communities, including Muslims, the poor, and the homeless. These communities are less likely to have the documentation to prove their citizenship and residency, and are therefore more vulnerable to arbitrary deletions. The use of “logical discrepancy” and “absent” categories has been used to target these communities.
Socio-Political Significance:

1. Disenfranchisement of the Vulnerable: The SIR has disenfranchised the most vulnerable sections of society, undermining the principle of inclusive democracy.

2. Communal Polarization: The targeting of Muslims in West Bengal has led to communal polarization and a sense of insecurity among the minority community.

3. Erosion of Trust: The arbitrary deletions have eroded public trust in the electoral system, especially among the marginalized.

4. Political Fallout: The SIR has become a major political issue, with opposition parties accusing the government of using it to manipulate the electoral rolls in its favour.

5. Human Rights Violations: The arbitrary deletion of names without due process is a violation of basic human rights.

Q5. “The time for silence is over. The nation wants to know the truth.” In light of this statement, suggest a comprehensive strategy to restore the integrity of the electoral process in India.
Answer: A comprehensive strategy to restore the integrity of the electoral process must include:

1. Independent Audit: A full public audit of the entire SIR operation by an independent agency.

2. Transparency: The ECI must make all data and methodology public.

3. Due Process: Establish a clear, transparent, and fair process for deletions, with adequate notice and opportunity for appeal.

4. Restoration of Deleted Names: All wrongly deleted names must be restored immediately.

5. Legal Reform: Amend the RPA, 1950, to prevent arbitrary deletions and to ensure the independence of the ECI.

6. Judicial Intervention: The Supreme Court must intervene to protect the right to vote and to hold the ECI accountable.

7. Political Will: The political class must come together to defend the electoral process and to demand accountability from the ECI.

8. Civil Society Action: Civil society must continue to raise awareness about the SIR and to mobilize public opinion against it.

9. International Oversight: Invite international observers to monitor the electoral process and ensure its integrity.

10. Voter Education: Launch a massive voter education campaign to inform citizens about their rights and the importance of their vote.

The Twin Crises of Public Health and Religious Governance: Antibiotic Resistance and the SGPC Election Impasse

Why in News?

Two significant and seemingly disparate issues have recently come to the forefront, highlighting critical governance challenges in India:

1. Public Health Crisis: A major study conducted by the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) across 20 tertiary-care hospitals has found that infections caused by antibiotic-resistant bacteria are more likely to be fatal and more expensive to treat than infections caused by drug-susceptible strains. The study, which analysed data from 159,336 hospitalised patients between April 2022 and April 2025, highlights the urgent need for better infection prevention and control (IPC) practices and rational antibiotic use.

2. Religious Governance Impasse: The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC), often called the “mini-Parliament of Sikhs,” has not conducted elections for 15 years. This prolonged delay in holding elections to the apex Sikh religious body has raised serious questions about democratic governance, legal interpretation, and the management of religious institutions.

Introduction

India faces a dual challenge in its governance landscape. On one hand, the silent pandemic of antimicrobial resistance (AMR) threatens to undo decades of medical progress, turning treatable infections into deadly diseases. The ICMR study provides stark, data-driven evidence of the human and economic cost of AMR, demanding immediate and sustained policy interventions.

On the other hand, the prolonged delay in conducting elections to the SGPC highlights a crisis of democratic accountability within a key religious institution. The SGPC, established under the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925, is responsible for managing the affairs of gurdwaras in Punjab, Haryana, and Himachal Pradesh, including the revered Sri Harmandir Sahib (Golden Temple). The 15-year hiatus in elections, driven by legal disputes and political maneuvering, has created a governance vacuum that undermines the representative character of the institution.

This article analyses both issues, their constitutional and governance dimensions, their social and political significance, and the way forward.

Background

Part 1: Antibiotic-Resistant Infections: Risks and Costs

A major study of hospitalised patients across India has found that infections caused by antibiotic-resistant bacteria are more likely to be fatal and more expensive to treat than infections caused by drug-susceptible strains (infections where antibiotics still work). This is becoming concerning as they are no longer affected by carbapenems, the powerful, broad-spectrum antibiotics that doctors often keep in reserve for serious infections, especially when other antibiotics may not work.

These bacteria survive and reproduce despite the use of antibiotics meant to kill them. Not only that, they pass resistance genes to their offspring and sometimes to other bacteria through exchange of DNA. They cause infections in different parts of the body, including the lungs, urinary tract, wounds and bloodstream.

The study was conducted by the Indian Council of Medical Research’s antimicrobial resistance (AMR) surveillance network across 20 tertiary-care hospitals between April 2022 and April 2025, using data from 159,336 hospitalised patients.
“Carbapenem resistance should be regarded as a major threat to patient survival, particularly in severe and blood infections. Our study showed that resistance infections are linked to higher deaths, longer hospital stays and greater antibiotic costs across different hospitals in India,” Dr Kamini Walia, co-author of the study and senior scientist at the Division of Epidemiology and Communicable Diseases, Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR), New Delhi, told The Indian Express.

The major bacteria
Researchers looked at four major bacteria: Escherichia coli (causes urinary tract infections), Klebsiella pneumoniae (triggers both urinary and lung infections), Acinetobacter baumannii (ventilator-associated pneumonia; bloodstream infections; wound/surgical-site infections; urinary tract infections; sometimes meningitis) and Pseudomonas aeruginosa (bloodstream, eye and ear infections).
Almost 61.1% patients had these infections that were resistant to carbapenem antibiotics.

More likely to be fatal
The difference in mortality was seen across all four bacteria. Among patients with E. coli infections, 24.4% of those with carbapenem-resistant infections died, compared with 17.3% among those with drug-susceptible infections.
For K. pneumoniae, mortality was 31.2% in the resistant group versus 23.5% in the susceptible group. The gap was 37.9% versus 32.8% for A. baumannii, and 28.9% versus 20.2% for P. aeruginosa. In relative terms, patients with carbapenem-resistant E. coli had a 41% higher risk of death than those with susceptible E. coli. The corresponding increase was 33% for K. pneumoniae, 16% for A. baumannii and 43% for P. aeruginosa.
Among bloodstream infections, mortality among patients with carbapenem-resistant bacteria ranged from 39.3% for E. coli to 50.8% for A. baumannii. For K. pneumoniae, mortality was 44.8%, while it was 46.4% for P. aeruginosa.
“More than 85% of bloodstream infections across the four bacteria were classified as healthcare-associated, highlighting the importance of infection prevention and control in hospitals,” said Dr Walia.

Expensive to treat
The study found that antibiotic treatment was more expensive when the bacteria were resistant to carbapenems. For E. coli, the average antibiotic cost was approximately Rs 39,846 per patient for resistant infections, compared with Rs 20,034 for susceptible infections. For K. pneumoniae, the corresponding figures were Rs 55,688 and Rs 47,918, respectively. For A. baumannii, treatment costs were approximately Rs 62,150 for resistant infections compared with Rs 41,372 for susceptible infections, while treatment for P. aeruginosa cost approximately Rs 66,599 for resistant infections compared with Rs 48,392 for susceptible infections.
“The figures in this study are conservative. We deliberately looked only at the cost of antibiotics available under the Jan Aushadhi scheme. We did not include ICU costs, bed and room charges, diagnostic investigations, procedures, supportive care or consultation costs. The real economic burden on patients, families and the healthcare system is therefore likely to be substantially greater,” said Dr Walia.

Concerns
These were tertiary-care hospitals managing referred and often critically ill patients. At the same time, the magnitude of resistance in this hospital population is a warning. “The study points particularly toward the importance of health-care-associated transmission, invasive devices, recent surgery and gaps in infection prevention and timely diagnosis. We should not reduce this to a single problem of antibiotic overuse,” said Dr Walia.
Alongside better infection-control practices, she said hospitals need timely diagnostics so that doctors can identify resistant bacteria and select appropriate, targeted antibiotics rather than relying unnecessarily on broad-spectrum drugs. “Carbapenems are important antibiotics used to treat serious bacterial infections. When bacteria become resistant to them, doctors have fewer effective treatment options,” she said.
The study did not have patient-level information on several factors that can strongly influence outcomes, including how sick the patient was, how quickly appropriate treatment was started, the source of infection and the specific resistance mechanism. These gaps need to be better understood as reflecting real-world treatment patterns in India rather than proving that one drug is universally superior to another,” said Dr Walia.

Right cure, wrong problem?
“We need to recognise that antibiotics cannot compensate for failures in infection prevention. Hospitals need to put infection prevention and control at the centre of their antimicrobial resistance response—hand hygiene, device-associated infection prevention, appropriate antisepsis and early removal of invasive devices, environmental cleaning, surgical infection prevention and surveillance of health-care-associated infections,” she added.
She called for integrated surveillance that connects laboratory results with patient outcomes, mortality and treatment. “Our study demonstrates the value of having this patient-level information. Infection prevention must receive as much attention as antibiotic prescribing, particularly because such a large proportion of these infections are healthcare-associated. AMR cannot be solved by discovering another antibiotic every time an old one fails. We have to prevent infections, diagnose them early and preserve the antibiotics we still have,” said Dr Walia.

Part 2: Why the Apex Sikh Religious Body Hasn’t Conducted Polls in 15 Years

Most people know the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) as the statutory body that controls the finances, properties, and administration of gurdwaras, including historic ones such as Sri Harmandir Sahib (Golden Temple). Often called the “mini-Parliament of Sikhs”, its General House is meant to be a genuinely representative body, elected by the Sikh electorate.
According to the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925, 170 are elected members — chosen from constituencies spread across Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, and Chandigarh — and 15 are nominated members. Six of the nominated members are ex-officio members, the Jathedars of the five Takht Sahibs and the Head Granthi of Sachkhand Sri Harmandir Sahib. Thirty seats are reserved for women.
Despite these provisions, the SGPC — which happens to be India’s biggest elected religious body — has not had an election in 15 years now.

How SGPC elections work
Under the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925, and the Sikh Gurdwaras Board Election Rules, 1959, the Central government appoints a Chief Commissioner, Gurdwara Elections, who heads the Gurdwara Election Commission — the designated authority for conducting SGPC polls. The Chief Commissioner notifies state governments or administrations (Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Chandigarh) to prepare electoral rolls for each constituency — Haryana is not included as the state formed the Haryana Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee in 2014, abolishing the SGPC seats in Haryana.
The Chief Commissioner then notifies dates for nominations, scrutiny, withdrawal and polling, and a panel of officers is elected, holding office for five years from the date of constitution of the elected house.

The 2011 election
The last general election to the SGPC was held in 2011. However, a court dispute over the voting rights of Sikhs who trim or shave their beard/keshas kept the newly elected House in limbo. After a 2016 amendment to the 1925 Act disqualified such Sikhs from being SGPC electors, the members elected in 2011 could only formally be in the majority.
Counting five years from 2016, that Board’s original term ended in 2021. Because Section 51 allows an existing House to continue “until constitution of a new Board”, the House has continued to function well past that, since no fresh general election has since been held or completed.
When the issue of a timeline for SGPC elections came up in Lok Sabha in August 2025, the government replied that although it had already appointed a Chief Commissioner to begin preparing fresh electoral rolls, the process had been stayed by the Punjab and Haryana High Court challenging the preparation of such rolls as “arbitrary”.
At the heart of the stay is the matter of Baldev Singh and Anr. v. Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and Anr., which has restrained the Gurdwara Election Commission from finalising the fresh electoral rolls until the case is decided.

The General House

• The House has a total of 185 members, of which 170 are elected from across Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, and Chandigarh.

• The other 15 are nominated from the rest of India.

• Six are ex-officio members — the Jathedars of the five Takht Sahibs and the Head Granthi of Sachkhand Sri Harmandir Sahib.

• 30 seats are reserved for women.

Status quo
Some have alleged that the ongoing stay conveniently suits the ruling faction of the SGPC, because it lets the 2011-elected House continue indefinitely.
Lakhvir Singh, who describes himself as an “independent Sikh activist”, has alleged that while the police have been “promoting mad” fresh SGPC elections, or at least hold by-elections on some 34 seats that lie vacant. According to his advocate, the Act contains provisions to fill these vacancies using the existing (2011-era) electoral rolls — without touching delaying or needing to wait for the resolution of the Baldev Singh case.
Baldev Singh Manpur, an existing SGPC member and Shiromani Akali Dal (Badal), or SAD(B), leader, told The Indian Express that he insists that Sikh voters in Haryana should not be denied a vote or the right to contest merely because of the never state-level body carved out in 2014. He denied allegations that the plea was meant to delay SGPC elections.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Silent Pandemic of Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR)

The ICMR study provides irrefutable evidence that AMR is not a future threat but a present crisis. The key issues raised include:

• High Mortality: Carbapenem-resistant infections are linked to significantly higher mortality rates (up to 50.8% for A. baumannii bloodstream infections).

• Economic Burden: Treating resistant infections is significantly more expensive (e.g., Rs 66,599 for resistant P. aeruginosa vs. Rs 48,392 for susceptible).

• Healthcare-Associated Transmission: More than 85% of bloodstream infections were healthcare-associated, highlighting the critical importance of infection prevention and control (IPC) in hospitals.

• Conservative Estimates: The study only looked at antibiotic costs under the Jan Aushadhi scheme, excluding ICU costs, bed charges, and diagnostics, meaning the true economic burden is much higher.

2. The Governance Vacuum in the SGPC

The 15-year delay in holding SGPC elections raises serious questions about democratic accountability:

• Legal Ambiguity: The dispute over the voting rights of Sikhs who trim or shave their beard/keshas led to a 2016 amendment and a subsequent court stay, creating a legal impasse.

• Political Maneuvering: Allegations have been made that the ongoing stay conveniently suits the ruling faction of the SGPC, allowing the 2011-elected House to continue indefinitely.

• Representation Deficit: The SGPC is meant to be a representative body of the Sikh community. The lack of elections undermines its legitimacy and accountability.

• Vacant Seats: The failure to hold by-elections on vacant seats, despite provisions in the Act, further entrenches the status quo.

Timeline of Events

Antibiotic Resistance:

• April 2022 – April 2025: ICMR study conducted across 20 tertiary-care hospitals.

• 2025: Study published, revealing high mortality and economic costs of AMR.

• May 2026: WHO warns about the dangers of nicotine pouches (from a separate article in the same newspaper).

SGPC Elections:

• 1925: Sikh Gurdwaras Act enacted.

• 1959: Sikh Gurdwaras Board Election Rules framed.

• 2011: Last general election to the SGPC held.

• 2014: Haryana Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee formed, abolishing SGPC seats in Haryana.

• 2016: Amendment to the 1925 Act disqualifies Sikhs who trim or shave their beard/keshas from being SGPC electors.

• 2021: Original term of the 2011-elected House ends.

• August 2025: Government replies in Lok Sabha that the process has been stayed by the Punjab and Haryana High Court.

• Present: Baldev Singh and Anr. v. Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and Anr. case pending; SGPC elections not held for 15 years.

Government Response

Antibiotic Resistance:

• ICMR Surveillance Network: The study was conducted by the ICMR’s AMR surveillance network, which is a key government initiative.

• Jan Aushadhi Scheme: The study looked at the cost of antibiotics available under the Jan Aushadhi scheme, highlighting the government’s role in providing affordable medicines.

• Need for Policy Action: The study calls for better infection prevention and control (IPC) practices, timely diagnostics, and rational antibiotic use. The government needs to strengthen IPC in hospitals and promote antimicrobial stewardship.

SGPC Elections:

• Appointment of Chief Commissioner: The Central government has appointed a Chief Commissioner to begin preparing fresh electoral rolls.

• Legal Stay: The process has been stayed by the Punjab and Haryana High Court, which is hearing the Baldev Singh case.

• No Fresh Elections: Despite the legal stay, the government has not been able to conduct fresh elections for 15 years.

• Allegations of Delay: Some have alleged that the ongoing stay conveniently suits the ruling faction of the SGPC.

Judicial Developments

• Antibiotic Resistance: The article does not mention any specific judicial developments.

• SGPC Elections: The Baldev Singh and Anr. v. Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and Anr. case is pending in the Punjab and Haryana High Court. The court has restrained the Gurdwara Election Commission from finalising the fresh electoral rolls until the case is decided.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

Antibiotic Resistance:

• Right to Health (Article 21): The state has a constitutional obligation to protect the health of its citizens. The high mortality and economic burden of AMR is a violation of this right.

• Public Health Governance: The ICMR study highlights the need for a robust public health governance framework that prioritizes infection prevention and control.

• Regulation of Antibiotics: The overuse and misuse of antibiotics is a key driver of AMR. The government needs to regulate the sale and use of antibiotics.

SGPC Elections:

• Article 25 (Freedom of Religion): The SGPC is a religious body, and its governance is protected under Article 25. However, the state also has a role in regulating the administration of religious institutions under the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925.

• Democratic Accountability: The 15-year delay in elections undermines the democratic accountability of the SGPC, which is meant to be a representative body.

• Federalism: The SGPC’s jurisdiction spans Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, and Chandigarh, raising federalism issues. The formation of the Haryana Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee in 2014 is a case in point.

Social and Political Significance

Antibiotic Resistance:

• Public Health Crisis: AMR is a silent pandemic that threatens to undo decades of medical progress. It affects millions of people and has a disproportionate impact on the poor.

• Economic Burden: The high cost of treating resistant infections pushes families into poverty and strains the healthcare system.

• Need for Awareness: There is a need for greater public awareness about the dangers of antibiotic overuse and the importance of infection prevention.

SGPC Elections:

• Religious Governance: The SGPC is the apex body of the Sikh community. The delay in elections undermines its legitimacy and accountability.

• Political Polarization: The SGPC is a politically sensitive institution. The delay in elections has led to allegations of political maneuvering and has polarized the Sikh community.

• Community Representation: The lack of elections means that the Sikh community is not adequately represented in the management of its religious affairs.

Challenges

Antibiotic Resistance:

1. Lack of IPC: Poor infection prevention and control practices in hospitals.

2. Overuse of Antibiotics: Irrational and overuse of antibiotics in humans and animals.

3. Lack of Diagnostics: Limited access to timely diagnostics to identify resistant bacteria.

4. Weak Surveillance: Lack of integrated surveillance that connects laboratory results with patient outcomes.

5. Economic Burden: High cost of treating resistant infections.

6. Lack of New Antibiotics: The pipeline for new antibiotics is drying up.

SGPC Elections:

1. Legal Ambiguity: The dispute over the voting rights of Sikhs who trim or shave their beard/keshas.

2. Political Interference: Allegations of political maneuvering to delay elections.

3. Institutional Resistance: The ruling faction of the SGPC may not want to hold elections.

4. Lack of Consensus: There is no consensus within the Sikh community on the criteria for voting rights.

5. Judicial Delay: The pending case in the Punjab and Haryana High Court has stalled the process.

Way Forward

Antibiotic Resistance:

1. Strengthen IPC: Implement and monitor infection prevention and control practices in all hospitals.

2. Antimicrobial Stewardship: Promote rational use of antibiotics through education and regulation.

3. Improve Diagnostics: Invest in rapid and affordable diagnostic tools to identify resistant bacteria.

4. Integrated Surveillance: Establish a surveillance system that connects laboratory results with patient outcomes.

5. Research and Development: Invest in research and development of new antibiotics, vaccines, and alternative therapies.

6. Public Awareness: Launch public awareness campaigns about the dangers of AMR.

7. One Health Approach: Address AMR through a One Health approach that recognizes the interconnectedness of human, animal, and environmental health.

SGPC Elections:

1. Legal Resolution: The Baldev Singh case should be resolved expeditiously by the Punjab and Haryana High Court.

2. Political Will: The government and the SGPC leadership must show the political will to conduct elections.

3. Inclusive Dialogue: All stakeholders, including the Sikh community, should be involved in a dialogue to resolve the dispute over voting rights.

4. By-Elections: By-elections should be held on vacant seats using the existing electoral rolls.

5. Electoral Rolls: Fresh electoral rolls should be prepared in a transparent and inclusive manner.

6. Independent Oversight: An independent body should oversee the election process to ensure fairness.

Conclusion

The two issues discussed—antimicrobial resistance and the SGPC election impasse—are vastly different in their scope and nature, but they share a common thread: the failure of governance to address critical challenges in a timely and effective manner.

AMR is a silent pandemic that demands immediate and sustained action. The ICMR study provides the evidence; what is needed now is the political will to implement the solutions. This includes strengthening infection prevention and control, promoting rational antibiotic use, and investing in research and development.

The 15-year delay in SGPC elections is a crisis of democratic accountability. It undermines the legitimacy of the apex Sikh religious body and disenfranchises the Sikh community. The legal impasse must be resolved, and fresh elections must be held at the earliest.

Both issues require a multi-stakeholder approach, involving the government, civil society, and the community. The time for complacency is over. The health of the nation and the integrity of its religious institutions depend on decisive action.

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5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “Antibiotic-resistant infections are more likely to be fatal and more expensive to treat.” Discuss this statement in the context of the recent ICMR study and its implications for India’s public health policy.
Answer: The ICMR study, conducted across 20 tertiary-care hospitals and analysing data from 159,336 patients, provides stark evidence that antibiotic-resistant infections are more fatal and expensive. For example, mortality for carbapenem-resistant E. coli was 24.4% vs. 17.3% for susceptible strains. The economic burden is also higher: treating resistant P. aeruginosa costs Rs 66,599 vs. Rs 48,392 for susceptible infections.
Implications for Public Health Policy:

1. Urgent Need for IPC: More than 85% of bloodstream infections were healthcare-associated, highlighting the need for better infection prevention and control (hand hygiene, device care, environmental cleaning).

2. Rational Antibiotic Use: The study calls for antimicrobial stewardship to prevent the overuse of broad-spectrum antibiotics like carbapenems.

3. Timely Diagnostics: Hospitals need rapid diagnostics to identify resistant bacteria and select targeted antibiotics.

4. Integrated Surveillance: A system linking laboratory results with patient outcomes is needed to track AMR and guide policy.

5. Economic Support: The high cost of treating resistant infections can push families into poverty. The government must consider subsidizing treatment and investing in new antibiotics.
   The study’s conservative estimates (excluding ICU costs) suggest the true burden is even higher, making AMR a top public health priority.

Q2. Discuss the role of healthcare-associated infections in the spread of antimicrobial resistance. What measures can be taken to strengthen infection prevention and control (IPC) in Indian hospitals?
Answer: Healthcare-associated infections (HAIs) play a critical role in the spread of AMR. The ICMR study found that over 85% of bloodstream infections across four major bacteria were healthcare-associated. This means that hospitals are not just treating AMR but are also a major source of transmission.
Measures to strengthen IPC:

1. Hand Hygiene: Implement strict hand hygiene protocols for all healthcare workers.

2. Device-Associated Infection Prevention: Ensure proper insertion, maintenance, and early removal of invasive devices (catheters, ventilators).

3. Environmental Cleaning: Regular and thorough cleaning of hospital surfaces and equipment.

4. Surgical Infection Prevention: Adhere to strict sterile techniques during surgery and provide appropriate antibiotic prophylaxis.

5. Surveillance: Establish a robust surveillance system for HAIs to track trends and identify outbreaks.

6. Training and Education: Train all hospital staff in IPC practices.

7. Antimicrobial Stewardship: Link IPC with antimicrobial stewardship programs to ensure rational antibiotic use.

8. Leadership and Accountability: Hospital leadership must prioritize IPC and allocate adequate resources.

Q3. “The SGPC is India’s biggest elected religious body, yet it has not had an election in 15 years.” Critically examine the reasons for this prolonged delay and its implications for democratic governance.
Answer: The SGPC, established under the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925, is India’s biggest elected religious body, managing gurdwaras in Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, and Chandigarh. Its 15-year delay in elections is a serious governance failure.
Reasons for Delay:

1. Legal Dispute: The core dispute is over the voting rights of Sikhs who trim or shave their beard/keshas. A 2016 amendment disqualified such Sikhs, but the matter is pending in the Punjab and Haryana High Court (Baldev Singh and Anr. v. SGPC).

2. Political Maneuvering: Allegations have been made that the ongoing stay conveniently suits the ruling faction of the SGPC, allowing the 2011-elected House to continue indefinitely.

3. Institutional Resistance: The ruling faction may not want to hold elections and risk losing power.

4. Lack of Consensus: There is no consensus within the Sikh community on the criteria for voting rights.
   Implications for Democratic Governance:

5. Representation Deficit: The SGPC is meant to be a representative body. The lack of elections undermines its legitimacy and accountability.

6. Erosion of Trust: The delay erodes the trust of the Sikh community in the institution.

7. Political Polarization: The issue has polarized the Sikh community and led to allegations of political interference.

8. Governance Vacuum: The 2011-elected House continues to function despite its term ending in 2021, creating a governance vacuum.

Q4. What are the constitutional and legal provisions governing the SGPC? Discuss the ongoing legal dispute and its impact on the conduct of elections.
Answer: The SGPC is governed by the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925, and the Sikh Gurdwaras Board Election Rules, 1959.

• Composition: The General House has 185 members: 170 elected from Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, and Chandigarh; 15 nominated (including 6 ex-officio Jathedars); 30 seats reserved for women.

• Election Authority: The Central government appoints a Chief Commissioner, Gurdwara Elections, who heads the Gurdwara Election Commission.

• Process: The Chief Commissioner notifies state governments to prepare electoral rolls, notifies dates for nominations, scrutiny, withdrawal, and polling.
  Ongoing Legal Dispute:
  The Baldev Singh and Anr. v. Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and Anr. case in the Punjab and Haryana High Court has restrained the Gurdwara Election Commission from finalising fresh electoral rolls. The dispute is over the voting rights of Sikhs who trim or shave their beard/keshas. A 2016 amendment disqualified such Sikhs, but the process was stayed.
  Impact on Elections:
  The legal stay has stalled the preparation of fresh electoral rolls and the conduct of elections. The 2011-elected House continues to function under Section 51 of the Act, which allows an existing House to continue “until constitution of a new Board”. This has created a situation where elections have not been held for 15 years.

Q5. “The 15-year delay in SGPC elections is a crisis of democratic accountability.” In light of this statement, suggest a way forward to restore democratic governance in the SGPC.
Answer: The 15-year delay is indeed a crisis of democratic accountability. To restore democratic governance in the SGPC:

1. Expedite Legal Resolution: The Punjab and Haryana High Court should expeditiously resolve the Baldev Singh case.

2. Political Will: The government and the SGPC leadership must show the political will to conduct elections.

3. Inclusive Dialogue: All stakeholders, including the Sikh community, should be involved in a dialogue to resolve the dispute over voting rights.

4. By-Elections: By-elections should be held on vacant seats using the existing electoral rolls, as provided in the Act.

5. Fresh Electoral Rolls: Fresh electoral rolls should be prepared in a transparent and inclusive manner.

6. Independent Oversight: An independent body should oversee the election process to ensure fairness.

7. Amend the Act: If necessary, the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925, should be amended to clarify the criteria for voting rights and to prevent future delays.

8. Community Engagement: The SGPC should engage with the Sikh community to build consensus on the election process and to restore trust in the institution.

Data Centre Expansion and the BRICS Economic Contradictions: Infrastructure, Energy, and Multipolarity

Why in News?

Two significant and interconnected developments have recently come to the forefront, highlighting critical challenges and opportunities in India’s economic and strategic landscape:

1. Data Centre Expansion: Tamil Nadu is emerging as a major hub for data centre investment, leveraging its strong clean energy infrastructure, particularly wind and solar power. With India’s data centre capacity expected to double every three years, reaching 6.5 GW by 2030, states like Tamil Nadu are positioning themselves as the preferred destination for hyperscale data centres, driven by the need for round-the-clock renewable energy.

2. BRICS Economic Contradictions: As the 2026 BRICS summit is set to take place in New Delhi from September 11 to 13, the expanded bloc faces significant economic contradictions. Despite its stated goal of being a forum for multipolarity and shared prosperity, BRICS lacks the mechanisms to tackle currency, trade, and inflation spillovers that members impose on one another. The bloc’s internal asymmetries, combined with the absence of institutional mechanisms for macroeconomic coordination, pose serious challenges to its effectiveness.

Introduction

India stands at the crossroads of a digital and geopolitical transformation. On the domestic front, the rapid expansion of data centres—the physical backbone of the digital economy—is reshaping India’s energy landscape. Tamil Nadu’s emergence as a data centre hub, powered by its strong renewable energy infrastructure, is a testament to the synergies between digital growth and clean energy. However, this expansion also raises critical questions about energy security, land use, and infrastructure resilience.

On the global stage, the BRICS bloc, now expanded to 13 members, is grappling with its own set of contradictions. The bloc’s ambition to create a multipolar world order is undermined by its lack of institutional mechanisms to manage economic spillovers, currency volatility, and trade tensions among its members. The 2026 summit in New Delhi presents a critical opportunity for India to address these contradictions and steer BRICS towards a more coherent and effective role in global governance.

This article analyzes both developments, their key issues, challenges, and the way forward.

Background

Part 1: Data Centre Expansion – Tamil Nadu as the Preferred Destination

A few months ago, the author stood on a windswept plot near Tirunelveli, watching turbine blades turn against a clear stone-grey sky. Doing a rough back-of-the-envelope calculation in his head, he noted that one stretch of Tamil Nadu’s wind corridor could power a mid-sized AI campus round the clock, and nobody outside the State’s industrial circles seemed to notice. This moment highlighted the paradox of India’s infrastructure development: while Mumbai and Bengaluru are saturated, Tamil Nadu is quietly building what the rest of India assumes only exists in those two cities. Tamil Nadu, the author argues, is the most underappreciated opportunity in Indian infrastructure today.

In the early part of the 21st century, the world’s digital data but holds barely 3 percent of global data centre capacity. Capacity is doubling every three years, and it will reach 6.5 GW by 2030. Every CEO the author has spoken with says the same three things: “I think that’s a mistake.”

Chennai and Beyond
Chennai already commands 21 percent of India’s data centre capacity. The city has a “landing hub” for the India-Asia-Xpress, which brings in over 200 Tbps. That’s the headline everyone quotes. What gets missed is what sits behind Chennai — a 400-kilometre industrial spine stretching through Chennai, Tiruvallur, Kancheepuram, Tiruchirapalli and Tirunelveli, with power, land and skilled labour already in place, waiting for someone to connect the dots.

The author sees the table from the State industrial officials in Chennai: 20-25 gigawatts in the pipeline, around power connections and land approvals in weeks, not the quarters it takes elsewhere. He states: “Here’s the part that should matter most to any CFO signing off on a campus: AI-density racks consume 3-5 times more power than cloud, and they need firm, reliable, round-the-clock renewable power, not diesel gensets propping up a green PR on paper. Tamil Nadu has India’s wind capital for over three decades — Tirunelveli, Thoothukudi, Kanyakumari — and it is now one of the country’s strongest wind belts, paired with abundant solar in the interior districts. Layer in battery storage, and the southern corridor can credibly hit the 90 per cent-plus renewable run rate that separates a defensible green data centre from one that is merely good on a PowerPoint. Compare that to retrofitting renewable infrastructure around an already-saturated Mumbai grid.”

The Winner
Tamil Nadu has been India’s wind capital for decades. One is building substations to support 6 GW; one is still debating what the grid should look like. The author argues that the real issue is that the grid is not a “dumb” entity. “We need to ensure availability from day one; the other is betting on it. I know which balance sheet I’d rather defend as an ESG committee five years from now.”

The author notes: “When I was scouting capital today, I wouldn’t chase another hyperscale campus in Mumbai’s crowded corridor. I’d back a distributed southern network: a Tier-4 anchor facility near Chennai for hyperscaler workloads, 2-3 AI-ready edge nodes in Coimbatore and Madurai serving 5G and local enterprise demand, and — this is the part most operators skip — co-located wind and solar assets in Tirunelveli and Tuticorin feeding a private 220 kV evacuation line with genuine circular-construction discipline: green steel, low-carbon concrete, water-positive design from the first drawing.”

Players like AdaniConneX, Sify, Nxtra, CtrlS, STT, and others are all in the fray. The ones who move first into Tamil Nadu’s southern districts, rather than fighting for the last available acre in Mumbai, will own the cost curve for the next decade. They’ll also have absorbed ₹80-100 billion in capital and created over 100,000 direct engineering jobs, with another 300,000 indirect roles across construction and manufacturing. Someone will wonder if they’ll have the renewable capacity that all this compute demands. “It’s rather that anchor in Tirunelveli’s wind belt than in a congested coastal grid running on borrowed margin.”

Data centres are no longer a “fringe” issue. They are now the centre of India’s energy transition. The operators who win won’t just be the fastest to build. They’ll be the ones who read the map correctly and Tamil Nadu’s southern districts are, I think, the most under-read line on it.

Part 2: BRICS and Its Economic Contradictions

The 2026 BRICS summit is all set to take place in New Delhi from September 11 to 13. BRICS has expanded its membership and now represents a larger share of the global economy and a larger share of the global population. Every BRICS summit has issued a chair’s statement. Member-countries describe the bloc as a forum for multipolarity and shared prosperity. However, despite the carefully managed proclamations, something old is going on. Intentionally or otherwise, members are increasingly causing inflation, losses of export revenues, and growth stagnation to their partners. It would therefore not be unfair to mention that the BRICS has built. For instance, it’s $100-billion Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA), established in 2014, provides liquidity support to members during financial stress. But the CRA does not monitor or coordinate the currency, commodity and inflation spillovers members impose on one another. BRICS also has crisis-response tools but no comparable surveillance mechanism.

This is the first contradiction: BRICS has no common mechanism for members to flag or discuss economic damage arising from another member’s policies. So, it has ended up as an “economic family” without the “family spirit” needed for solidarity. The consequences of this asymmetry are already visible in how members’ domestic economic decisions spill across BRICS borders.

One example is China’s management of the yuan to support exports. The yuan has weakened repeatedly during periods of economic stress, including during the 2015-16 slowdown. This depreciation affects Indian and Brazilian manufacturers competing in the same markets. By contrast, the European Union has institutional forums with cross-border monetary effects at least acknowledged and debated; BRICS has no equivalent.

The CRA, designed to provide temporary balance-of-payments support, does not have a mandate to counter or devaluation transmission costs shock through exchange rates, commodity overlap transmits them directly through the global price of identical goods. Among the members of BRICS, several major exporters compete in overlapping product categories, creating fertile ground for trade tensions. This is a significant conflict of interest among members in their export strategies, as illustrated in the Table.

This contradiction became evident when Saudi Arabia and the UAE joined BRICS in 2024, making the group the largest oil-producing bloc. If the group coordinated oil output, it could influence global prices and import costs. That could have been a strong incentive for members like India and China, who are large oil importers. But BRICS has not even attempted to do this. The bloc has no mandate to discuss oil output, and Saudi Arabia and the UAE have shown no interest in using BRICS as a platform for energy coordination. The group’s silence on oil is a missed opportunity.

The De-Dollarisation Paradox
De-dollarisation is sometimes described as a route to financial freedom. However, it can also give rise to new financial fragilities, unless robust institutions are in place. Despite the bloc’s aspirations, the dollar continues to dominate. For most members, dollar-denominated trade and dollar-denominated debt are still the norm. The dollar remains dominant because the alternatives are not yet ready. The de-dollarisation narrative often ignores the fact that the dollar’s dominance is not just a function of U.S. power; it is also a function of the lack of viable alternatives.

BRICS Was Not Meant to Be an Economic Union
BRICS was not meant to be an economic union at all but to be a sovereign driven diplomatic bloc that aims to seek a more multipolar world. The bloc lacks the mechanisms to tackle the currency, trade and inflation spillovers members impose on one another. However, the bloc’s economic contradictions are real. The member countries have different levels of development, different economic structures, and different political systems. These differences make it difficult to coordinate economic policies. The bloc’s future depends on its ability to manage these contradictions. The 2026 summit in New Delhi is an opportunity to address these issues and to chart a new path for BRICS.

Key Issues Raised

1. The Energy-Infrastructure Nexus for Data Centres

The rapid expansion of data centres, particularly AI-density racks, requires 3-5 times more power than traditional cloud infrastructure. The key issue is the need for firm, reliable, round-the-clock renewable power. Tamil Nadu’s advantage lies in its wind and solar potential, but this requires significant investment in battery storage and grid infrastructure. The article argues that operators who move first into Tamil Nadu’s southern districts will own the cost curve for the next decade.

2. The Lack of Institutional Mechanisms in BRICS

The core issue is that BRICS lacks the institutional mechanisms to manage economic spillovers among its members. The CRA, established in 2014, provides liquidity support but does not monitor or coordinate currency, commodity, and inflation spillovers. This leads to a situation where members’ domestic economic decisions (e.g., China’s yuan management) can harm other members (e.g., Indian and Brazilian manufacturers) without any forum for discussion or redressal.

3. The De-dollarisation Paradox

The push for de-dollarisation is a key agenda for BRICS, but it is fraught with contradictions. The dollar continues to dominate global trade and finance because there are no viable alternatives. The article argues that de-dollarisation without robust institutions can create new financial fragilities. For most BRICS members, dollar-denominated trade and debt remain the norm.

4. The Missed Opportunity of Energy Coordination

The inclusion of Saudi Arabia and the UAE in BRICS in 2024 made the group the largest oil-producing bloc. If coordinated, BRICS could influence global oil prices, benefiting large importers like India and China. However, BRICS has no mandate to discuss oil output, and Saudi Arabia and the UAE have shown no interest in using BRICS for energy coordination. This is a missed opportunity.

5. The Asymmetries Within BRICS

The article highlights the asymmetries within BRICS, particularly in export strategies. Several major exporters compete in overlapping product categories, creating fertile ground for trade tensions. The table illustrates this conflict of interest among members. For example, India and China both export manufactured goods, while Saudi Arabia and Russia both export oil and gas.

Timeline of Events

• 2014: BRICS establishes the $100-billion Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA).

• 2015-16: China’s yuan weakens during the economic slowdown, affecting Indian and Brazilian manufacturers.

• 2024: Saudi Arabia and the UAE join BRICS, making it the largest oil-producing bloc.

• 2026: India’s data centre capacity is expected to double every three years, reaching 6.5 GW by 2030.

• September 11-13, 2026: BRICS summit to be held in New Delhi.

• Recent: Tamil Nadu emerges as a preferred destination for data centre investment due to its clean energy infrastructure.

Government Response

• Data Centre Expansion: The Tamil Nadu government has streamlined power connections and land approvals, making it easier for data centre operators to set up facilities. The state is also investing in battery storage and grid infrastructure to support the growth of data centres.

• BRICS: The Indian government is hosting the 2026 BRICS summit and is expected to push for reforms to address the bloc’s economic contradictions. However, the article notes that the government has not yet articulated a clear strategy for dealing with these issues.

Judicial Developments

The provided article does not mention any specific judicial developments related to data centre expansion or BRICS economic contradictions.

Constitutional & Governance Dimensions

• Data Centre Expansion:

  • Energy Security: The growth of data centres raises questions about India’s energy security and the need for a diversified energy mix.

  • Environmental Governance: The article highlights the need for “green steel, low-carbon concrete, water-positive design” in data centre construction, underscoring the importance of environmental governance.

  • Federalism: The competition among states (Tamil Nadu vs. Maharashtra) to attract data centre investment raises federalism issues.

• BRICS:

  • Economic Sovereignty: The de-dollarisation debate touches upon economic sovereignty and the need for alternatives to the dollar-dominated financial system.

  • Global Governance: The article argues that BRICS lacks the institutional mechanisms for macroeconomic coordination, highlighting the need for reform in global governance.

  • Multipolarity: The bloc’s aspiration for a multipolar world order requires a coherent strategy and institutional framework.

Social and Political Significance

• Data Centre Expansion:

  • Job Creation: The article estimates that data centre expansion in Tamil Nadu could create over 100,000 direct engineering jobs and 300,000 indirect roles.

  • Energy Transition: The growth of data centres powered by renewable energy is a positive development for India’s energy transition.

  • Regional Development: The focus on Tamil Nadu’s southern districts could lead to regional development and reduce the concentration of data centres in Mumbai and Bengaluru.

• BRICS:

  • Global South Leadership: BRICS is seen as a voice for the Global South. Its ability to manage economic contradictions will determine its credibility.

  • Geopolitical Realignment: The bloc’s direction—whether it remains a “non-West” group or becomes an “anti-West” group—has significant geopolitical implications.

  • Economic Impact: The lack of coordination on currency, trade, and inflation spillovers can harm member economies and undermine the bloc’s effectiveness.

Challenges

• Data Centre Expansion:

  1. Energy Infrastructure: The need for firm, round-the-clock renewable power requires significant investment in battery storage and grid infrastructure.

  2. Land and Water: Data centres require large tracts of land and water for cooling, which can create environmental and social challenges.

  3. Skilled Labour: The growth of AI-density data centres requires a skilled workforce, which may not be readily available in all regions.

  4. Competition: Tamil Nadu faces competition from other states and countries in attracting data centre investment.

• BRICS:

  1. Lack of Institutional Mechanisms: The absence of a surveillance mechanism for macroeconomic spillovers.

  2. Asymmetries: The different levels of development and economic structures of member countries.

  3. De-dollarisation Paradox: The lack of viable alternatives to the dollar.

  4. Energy Coordination: The inability to coordinate oil output due to divergent interests.

  5. Political Differences: The geopolitical tensions among members (e.g., India-China) can hinder cooperation.

Way Forward

• Data Centre Expansion:

  1. Invest in Renewable Energy: Tamil Nadu should continue to invest in wind, solar, and battery storage to provide round-the-clock renewable power.

  2. Streamline Approvals: The state should continue to streamline land and power approvals to attract investment.

  3. Promote Green Construction: Mandate the use of green steel, low-carbon concrete, and water-positive design in data centre construction.

  4. Develop Skilled Workforce: Invest in training and education to develop a skilled workforce for the data centre industry.

  5. Distributed Network: Encourage a distributed network of data centres across the state, rather than concentrating them in a single corridor.

• BRICS:

  1. Establish a Surveillance Mechanism: Create a mechanism for members to flag and discuss economic damage arising from another member’s policies.

  2. Coordinate on Energy: Explore the possibility of coordinating oil output to benefit large importers.

  3. Develop Institutional Mechanisms: Build institutions for macroeconomic coordination, such as a common currency or a monetary authority.

  4. Address Asymmetries: Acknowledge and address the asymmetries among members through dialogue and cooperation.

  5. Revive “Reformed Multilateralism”: Make BRICS a strong voice for the “non-West” middle powers and the Global South, advocating for reform of existing international institutions.

Conclusion

The two issues discussed—data centre expansion in Tamil Nadu and the economic contradictions within BRICS—are distinct but interconnected. Both reflect India’s dual challenge of managing its domestic economic transformation while navigating a complex geopolitical landscape.

Tamil Nadu’s emergence as a data centre hub, powered by its clean energy infrastructure, is a positive development that can drive job creation, energy transition, and regional development. However, it requires sustained investment in renewable energy, grid infrastructure, and skilled labour.

BRICS, on the other hand, faces a crisis of coherence. Its expansion has brought in new members with divergent interests, and its lack of institutional mechanisms for macroeconomic coordination undermines its effectiveness. The 2026 summit in New Delhi is a critical opportunity for India to address these contradictions and steer BRICS towards a more coherent and effective role in global governance.

The way forward requires a clear understanding of the challenges and a willingness to make hard choices. For Tamil Nadu, it means investing in the infrastructure of the future. For BRICS, it means building the institutions of multipolarity. The time for action is now.

5 UPSC-Style Questions & Answers

Q1. “Tamil Nadu is the most underappreciated opportunity in Indian infrastructure today.” Discuss this statement in the context of data centre expansion and clean energy infrastructure.
Answer: The statement is accurate. Tamil Nadu has several advantages that make it an ideal destination for data centre investment:

1. Clean Energy Infrastructure: Tamil Nadu has been India’s wind capital for over three decades, with strong wind belts in Tirunelveli, Thoothukudi, and Kanyakumari. It also has abundant solar potential in the interior districts. This allows data centres to achieve a 90%+ renewable run rate.

2. Landing Hub: Chennai is a landing hub for the India-Asia-Xpress, bringing in over 200 Tbps of data connectivity.

3. Industrial Spine: A 400-km industrial spine stretching through Chennai, Tiruvallur, Kancheepuram, Tiruchirapalli, and Tirunelveli provides power, land, and skilled labour.

4. Streamlined Approvals: The state government has streamlined power connections and land approvals, making it easier for operators to set up facilities.

5. Cost Advantage: With Mumbai and Bengaluru saturated, Tamil Nadu offers a cost advantage for new data centre campuses.
   The author argues that operators who move first into Tamil Nadu’s southern districts will own the cost curve for the next decade and can create over 100,000 direct engineering jobs.

Q2. Discuss the key economic contradictions within BRICS. How do these contradictions undermine the bloc’s effectiveness?
Answer: The key economic contradictions within BRICS are:

1. Lack of Institutional Mechanisms: BRICS lacks a surveillance mechanism to monitor and coordinate currency, commodity, and inflation spillovers among members. The CRA provides liquidity support but does not address these spillovers.

2. Asymmetries: Member countries have different levels of development, economic structures, and political systems. Several major exporters compete in overlapping product categories, creating fertile ground for trade tensions.

3. De-dollarisation Paradox: The push for de-dollarisation is undermined by the lack of viable alternatives to the dollar. The dollar continues to dominate global trade and finance.

4. Missed Opportunity on Energy: The inclusion of Saudi Arabia and the UAE made BRICS the largest oil-producing bloc, but the group has no mandate to coordinate oil output.
   These contradictions undermine the bloc’s effectiveness by:

• Causing Economic Damage: Members’ domestic policies (e.g., China’s yuan management) can harm other members without any forum for redressal.

• Undermining Solidarity: The lack of a “family spirit” and common mechanisms for addressing economic disputes weakens the bloc’s cohesion.

• Reducing Credibility: The gap between the bloc’s aspirations and its actual mechanisms undermines its credibility as a voice for the Global South.

Q3. “De-dollarisation is sometimes described as a route to financial freedom. However, it can also give rise to new financial fragilities.” Critically examine this statement.
Answer: The statement captures the paradox of de-dollarisation. On one hand, de-dollarisation is seen as a route to financial freedom, reducing dependence on the U.S. dollar and the influence of U.S. monetary policy. On the other hand, it can create new financial fragilities:

1. Lack of Viable Alternatives: The dollar dominates global trade and finance because there are no viable alternatives. The yuan, for example, is not fully convertible and lacks the depth and liquidity of the dollar.

2. Currency Volatility: In the absence of a dominant currency, exchange rates can become more volatile, increasing risks for traders and investors.

3. Ineffective Monetary Policy: Without a common currency or monetary authority, BRICS members cannot coordinate monetary policy effectively.

4. Financial Instability: De-dollarisation without robust institutions can lead to financial instability, as seen in countries that have tried to abandon the dollar prematurely.
   The article argues that BRICS was not meant to be an economic union but a sovereign-driven diplomatic bloc. Therefore, de-dollarisation should not be the primary goal. Instead, BRICS should focus on building institutions for macroeconomic coordination and surveillance.

Q4. What are the key challenges in managing the energy-infrastructure nexus for AI-density data centres? How can Tamil Nadu address these challenges?
Answer: The key challenges in managing the energy-infrastructure nexus for AI-density data centres are:

1. High Power Demand: AI-density racks consume 3-5 times more power than traditional cloud infrastructure.

2. Need for Firm Renewable Power: Data centres need firm, reliable, round-the-clock renewable power, not diesel gensets.

3. Grid Infrastructure: The grid must be upgraded to support the high power demand and integrate renewable energy.

4. Battery Storage: Battery storage is needed to ensure a consistent power supply.

5. Land and Water: Data centres require large tracts of land and water for cooling.
   Tamil Nadu can address these challenges by:

6. Investing in Renewable Energy: Continuing to invest in wind, solar, and battery storage.

7. Upgrading Grid Infrastructure: Building new substations and transmission lines to support data centre clusters.

8. Streamlining Approvals: Continuing to streamline land and power approvals.

9. Promoting Green Construction: Mandating the use of green steel, low-carbon concrete, and water-positive design.

10. Developing Skilled Workforce: Investing in training and education for the data centre industry.

Q5. “The 2026 BRICS summit in New Delhi is an opportunity to address the bloc’s economic contradictions.” In light of this statement, suggest a comprehensive strategy for India to steer BRICS towards a more coherent and effective role in global governance.
Answer: A comprehensive strategy for India to steer BRICS towards a more coherent and effective role should include:

1. Establish a Surveillance Mechanism: Create a mechanism for members to flag and discuss economic damage arising from another member’s policies.

2. Coordinate on Energy: Explore the possibility of coordinating oil output to benefit large importers like India and China.

3. Develop Institutional Mechanisms: Build institutions for macroeconomic coordination, such as a common currency or a monetary authority, even if they are initially modest.

4. Address Asymmetries: Acknowledge and address the asymmetries among members through dialogue and cooperation.

5. Revive “Reformed Multilateralism”: Make BRICS a strong voice for the “non-West” middle powers and the Global South, advocating for reform of existing international institutions.

6. Maintain “Non-West” Identity: Continue efforts to prevent an anti-Western drift, building on the shared desire of many members for change without geopolitical realignment.

7. Find Synergy with China: India and China need to find greater synergy on emerging global issues, even as their bilateral differences are contained.

8. Proactively Embrace the Reform Agenda: India should lead the charge in shaping BRICS’ direction, serving its larger interest of multi-alignment.
   If India does not take the lead, others will take BRICS in a different direction. The time to act is now.