A Century of Goodwill, The RSS at 100 and the Art of Navigating Adversity

A Century of Goodwill, The RSS at 100 and the Art of Navigating Adversity

On October 2, the hashtag #RSS@100 trended globally, marking the centenary of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). For an organization that has been one of the most influential and contentious forces in modern Indian history, this digital milestone symbolizes a journey from the fringes to the center of power. As articulated by Ram Madhav in his commentary, the RSS’s story is not merely one of survival but of steady growth against formidable odds. Reaching a 100-year lifespan is a rare feat for any organization; doing so while transitioning from being banned and demonized to seeing its ideology become a dominant national narrative is unprecedented in Indian public life.

This centenary is not just a moment for the Sangh Parivar to celebrate; it is a critical juncture for the nation to reflect on the profound transformation of India’s socio-political landscape. The RSS’s evolution—from a small cadre-based organization in Nagpur to a vast network whose political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), commands unparalleled power under Prime Minister Narendra Modi—demands a nuanced understanding. This article delves into the key factors behind the RSS’s resilience, the ideological foundations of its success, and the challenges that define its next century.

Part I: A Century Forged in Adversity

The RSS’s history is a chronicle of navigating and overcoming state-sponsored persecution and intellectual opposition. Its first 50 years were marked by three significant bans and widespread demonization.

• The British Era and Early Independence: In the 1930s, the British colonial government in the Central Provinces sought to impose curbs on the organization, viewing its nationalist fervor with suspicion. This was followed by the most severe test in the nascent years of independent India. Following the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi in 1948, the Nehruvian government imposed a ban on the RSS, holding its ideology indirectly responsible for creating the atmosphere that led to the murder. This period cemented a narrative of the RSS as a pariah in the mainstream political discourse.

• The Emergency of 1975: As the organization turned 50, it faced another brutal crackdown during the Internal Emergency imposed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Thousands of RSS swayamsevaks (volunteers) were imprisoned, yet this period of suppression became a catalyst for its deeper political entrenchment, as it played a pivotal role in the Jayaprakash Narayan-led movement against authoritarianism.

• The Battle for Legitimacy: Throughout these decades, the RSS faced what Madhav terms “mischaracterisation and demonization” by a Nehruvian and communist intelligentsia that held sway over government, media, and academia. Its adversaries were confident that the organization would “buckle and perish.” Yet, it persisted, slowly chipping away at this wall of opposition.

Part II: The Pillars of Resilience: Why the RSS Endured and Thrived

According to Madhav, three key characteristics have been instrumental in the RSS’s century-long growth: ideological flexibility, an unparalleled cadre, and the goodwill of the people.

1. Ideology Beyond Dogma: Hindutva as a Cultural Nationalism
A central argument in the commentary is that the RSS did not become a “prisoner of an ideology” in the way that, for instance, the Communist Party of India did. Instead, Hindutva is presented not as a rigid political doctrine but as the “core cultural and civilisation identity of the country.” This framing is crucial to understanding its appeal.

The RSS’s founding father, K.B. Hedgewar, is shown to have drawn inspiration from a diverse pantheon of national figures—from Swami Vivekananda and Sri Aurobindo to Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Mahatma Gandhi, and also from V.D. Savarkar and B.R. Ambedkar. This eclectic lineage allows the RSS to claim a broad nationalist heritage. The argument is made that the use of cultural symbols like Ganesh Utsav and bhajans was a legitimate tool for mass mobilization during the freedom struggle, one that was not initially alien to Indian Muslims until the rise of “Muslim League-driven separatism.”

Most importantly, the piece emphasizes the inclusive definition of Hindutva propagated by its leaders. Hedgewar is quoted as saying the Sangh was “not created to harbour hatred or to destroy anyone,” and that it teaches the principle of “atmavat savvabhuteshu” (to treat all beings as oneself). Mohan Bhagwat, the current Sarsanghchalak, has consistently reiterated that the RSS’s Hindutva is an effort to unite the nation, not an “us-versus-them” discourse. This narrative of cultural unity, as opposed to religious exclusivity, has been a powerful tool for mass mobilization.

2. The ‘Devdurlabh Karyakarta’: The Cadre Even Gods Envy
The second pillar is the sheer dedication of its millions of volunteers. The RSS’s growth was never fueled by vast financial resources or initial political patronage. It grew organically, through the discipline and sacrifice of its cadre, whom the third Sarsanghchalak, Balasaheb Deoras, famously described as “Devdurlabh Karyakarta”—a cadre so dedicated that even the gods would envy it.

This grassroots network, built through the daily shakha (branch) meetings, creates a deep sense of brotherhood, discipline, and shared purpose. The organization famously grew stronger in adversity. States like Kerala, where it faced severe ideological and sometimes physical opposition, became sites of its most significant growth. This cadre is now deployed across a vast “family” of organizations (the Sangh Parivar) that work in fields as diverse as education, labor, health, and religion, making the RSS’s influence pervasive in almost every walk of Indian life.

3. The ‘Sajjan Shakti’: The Goodwill of the People
The third pillar is the gradual accumulation of public goodwill, or sajjan shakti. Madhav provides historical examples to counter the narrative of universal opposition:

• When the British sought to curb the RSS in the 1930s, prominent Congress leaders in the Central Provinces opposed the move.

• After Gandhi’s assassination, then-Home Minister Sardar Patel, despite his differences with the RSS, wrote to Nehru stating he found no evidence of the organization’s direct involvement.

• Eminent citizens campaigned for the 1948 ban to be lifted.

• Today, the sant samaj (community of seers) and “thousands of well-meaning citizens from all sections of society” stand by it.

This narrative of winning over critics is central to the RSS’s story of legitimacy. The transformation of Jayaprakash Narayan from an accuser in 1948 to a praiser in the 1970s, and Nehru’s acknowledgment of the RSS’s role during the 1962 war, are cited as key moments in this journey.

Part III: From Fringe to Mainstream: The Political Ascendancy

The political journey of the RSS’s ideology mirrors its organizational growth. At 75, the organization saw one of its own, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, become Prime Minister, albeit at the head of a fragile coalition of 23 parties. This was a moment of arrival, proving that a party with RSS roots could achieve national power.

At 100, the ascendancy is total. Another pracharak, Narendra Modi, commands unprecedented authority both domestically and globally. The ideology of Hindutva, once dismissed as a “fringe” concern, is now a mainstream, state-endorsed vision for the nation. The cadre that the RSS nurtured now leads not just a political party but, as Madhav claims, the “entire society.”

Part IV: The Next Century: Introspection and Vision

In a telling decision, the RSS has chosen not to celebrate its centenary with grand festivities but to use it as a period of assessment and vision-setting for the next 100 years. This reflects a strategic long-term outlook. Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat’s message is as much for the internal cadre as it is for the external world.

The central challenge for the RSS at its zenith of influence is to remain true to the principles that enabled its rise. As Madhav cautions, “At a time when power and pelf is at its back and call, the organisation needs to remember this core principle” of relying on cadre dedication and public goodwill, not on the trappings of power.

The future course will depend on its ability to steer through the complexities its own success has created. Can an organization built on the ethos of a cultural movement retain its soul while its political wing wields state power? Can its vision of Hindutva as a uniting, civilizational force reconcile with the societal tensions that its political manifestation sometimes exacerbates? The answers to these questions will determine not just the fate of the RSS in its second century, but the shape of the Indian republic itself.

Conclusion: An Unfinished Project

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh at 100 stands as a colossus in Indian society. Its journey from a demonized outfit to a dominant force is a masterclass in organizational resilience and long-term strategic planning. Its strengths—a flexible ideological core, a devoted cadre, and a deep connection with societal sentiments—have proven formidable.

However, with great power comes great responsibility. The next century will test whether the RSS can translate its vision of a united, culturally confident India into a reality that includes all its citizens in a genuine and equitable manner. The #RSS@100 hashtag may have faded from social media trends, but the impact of this 100-year-old organization on the destiny of over a billion people will be the defining story of India for the foreseeable future.

Q&A: Understanding the RSS at 100

Q1: According to the article, what were the major historical adversities the RSS faced in its first 50 years?
A1: The RSS faced three major periods of state-sponsored adversity in its first half-century:

1. The 1930s: The British colonial government in the Central Provinces sought to impose restrictions on its activities.

2. 1948: The government of independent India, under Jawaharlal Nehru, imposed a ban on the RSS following the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, falsely implicating its ideology in the murder.

3. 1975: During the Internal Emergency declared by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, the RSS was banned again, and thousands of its volunteers were imprisoned.

Q2: The article states the RSS did not become a “prisoner of an ideology.” What does this mean, and how is its concept of Hindutva defined?
A2: This means the RSS is presented as being flexible and pragmatic in its approach, unlike dogmatic ideological movements. Its core concept, Hindutva, is framed not as a rigid religious doctrine but as the “core cultural and civilisation identity of India.” It is portrayed as an inclusive, unifying force. The article quotes founder Hedgewar emphasizing that Hinduism teaches treating all beings as oneself (atmavat savvabhuteshu) and that the Sangh was not created to harbor hatred. Current chief Mohan Bhagwat is cited reiterating that Hindutva is not an “us-versus-them” discourse but an effort to unite the entire nation.

Q3: What is the significance of the term “Devdurlabh Karyakarta,” and why is the RSS cadre considered its greatest strength?
A3: “Devdurlabh Karyakarta” translates to “a cadre that even gods envy.” Coined by former chief Balasaheb Deoras, it signifies the unparalleled dedication, discipline, and self-sacrifice of the RSS volunteers (swayamsevaks). This grassroots cadre is considered the organization’s greatest strength because the RSS never depended on financial wealth or initial political power to grow. Its expansion was driven by the tireless work of these volunteers, who built the organization through daily shakhas and social work, often thriving in adverse conditions, such as in the state of Kerala.

Q4: How does the article describe the RSS’s journey from the political fringe to the mainstream?
A4: The journey is described as a gradual process of gaining legitimacy and power. Key milestones include:

• 1963: RSS volunteers were invited to participate in the Republic Day parade, signaling a degree of state recognition.

• The 1970s: Former critic Jayaprakash Narayan praised the RSS and sought its help in the movement against the Emergency.

• At 75 (c. 2000): RSS pracharak Atal Bihari Vajpayee became Prime Minister, leading a coalition government.

• At 100 (2025): Another pracharak, Narendra Modi, leads a powerful government, and Hindutva has moved from a “fringe ideology” to a mainstream, widely accepted narrative.

Q5: What is the RSS’s approach to its centenary, and what does this reveal about the organization?
A5: Instead of grand celebrations, the RSS has chosen to mark its centenary with introspection and planning for the next 100 years. This reflects the organization’s characteristic long-term strategic outlook and its emphasis on substance over spectacle. It indicates that the leadership is using this milestone not for self-congratulation but for critical assessment and to orchestrate a future vision, ensuring the organization remains relevant and focused on its long-term goals.