Supreme Court Affirms Birthright Citizenship, but Immigrant Vulnerability Persists
1. Introduction: A Landmark Victory in a Hostile Climate
In a landmark 6-3 ruling on June 30, 2026, the United States Supreme Court definitively rejected President Donald Trump’s executive order that sought to end birthright citizenship for children born in the U.S. to undocumented parents or temporary residents . The decision, authored by Chief Justice John Roberts, reaffirmed the long-held interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment, stating that “Children born in the United States to parents unlawfully or temporarily present are ‘subject to the jurisdiction’ of the United States and are citizens at birth” .
While this ruling is a major blow to the Trump administration’s anti-immigration agenda, it does not signal an end to the vulnerability of immigrant communities, particularly Indian Americans. As the analysis by Sumit Ganguly highlights, the administration is unlikely to relent in its pushback against immigration, and the Indian American community continues to face significant challenges in the form of discriminatory policies, a hostile social climate, and a palpable sense of insecurity [citation:source].
2. The Supreme Court’s Decision: Upholding a Constitutional Principle
The Supreme Court’s decision was a direct repudiation of Trump’s executive order, which he signed on the first day of his second term . The administration had argued that the phrase “subject to the jurisdiction thereof” in the Fourteenth Amendment should be interpreted to exclude children of parents who are in the U.S. illegally or on temporary visas . However, the Court’s majority rejected this narrow reading, upholding the traditional understanding that this clause only excludes children of foreign diplomats and hostile occupying forces .
Chief Justice Roberts, joined by the three liberal justices and conservative justices Amy Coney Barrett and Brett Kavanaugh, wrote that “the Framers of the Fourteenth Amendment extended that promise to ‘every free-born person in this land’… We keep that promise today” . The ruling relied heavily on the 1898 precedent of United States v. Wong Kim Ark, which established birthright citizenship for U.S.-born children of non-citizen parents .
Despite the ruling, Trump expressed his disappointment on social media, stating it was “too bad for our Country” and urged Congress to pass legislation to end birthright citizenship . However, as the source article notes, such a move would require a constitutional amendment—a nearly impossible task given the requirement of a two-thirds majority in both houses of Congress and ratification by three-fourths of the states [citation:source]. Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s concurring opinion, however, left a potential legislative loophole open, as he sided with the majority not on constitutional grounds but because of a federal law that conveys birthright citizenship, which could theoretically be changed by a future Congress .
3. The H-1B Visa Conundrum: An Ongoing Battle
While the citizenship battle was won, the war over legal immigration continues. The Trump administration has imposed a $100,000 fee on American employers seeking to bring in workers on new H-1B visas, a program heavily relied upon by the technology sector [citation:source]. Since India receives close to 70% of these visas, this policy has had a disproportionate impact on Indian professionals [citation:source].
A federal judge in Boston struck down this fee in June 2026, declaring it an unlawful tax that Congress did not authorize . Judge Leo Sorokin concluded that the administration had exceeded its executive authority, violating the Administrative Procedure Act . However, the Trump administration has signaled it will appeal the decision, leaving the future of the policy uncertain . As the source article notes, this creates a climate of anxiety for Indian professionals who are caught in a state of limbo as the courts and the executive branch battle over the program’s future [citation:source].
4. The Social Climate: Rising Discrimination and Anxiety
Beyond legal and economic barriers, Indian Americans are confronting a troubling social environment. The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace’s 2026 Indian American Attitudes Survey reveals widespread perceptions of bias and discrimination .
Key Findings from the Survey:
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Pervasive Discrimination: Approximately 50% of Indian Americans report experiencing discrimination in recent years . 25% of respondents have been targeted with a slur since the beginning of 2025 .
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Online Hostility: Nearly half of the community regularly encounters anti-Indian content on social media .
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Behavioural Changes: In response to this hostile environment, one-third of Indian Americans avoid political discussions online, and one-fifth have modified their public behaviour or travel habits out of fear of harassment .
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Exodus Considerations: Roughly 40% of respondents have considered leaving the U.S., reflecting a deep-seated unease about their future in the country .
These sentiments align with the concerns raised in the source article, which notes that even in Silicon Valley, hostility towards people of Indian origin is growing [citation:source]. The community, while prosperous, is seen as a “small fraction” of the population, and as recent immigrants who are non-White and mostly of other faiths, they can easily become the object of scapegoating [citation:source]. The administration’s rhetoric has done little to quell these fears and has, in fact, often fanned them [citation:source].
5. Conclusion: A Victory in Court, Not a Resolution
The Supreme Court’s ruling on birthright citizenship is a significant and welcome victory for constitutional rights. It protects the citizenship of children born to H-1B visa holders and other temporary residents, providing a measure of certainty for families navigating the complexities of the U.S. immigration system [citation:source]. However, as the source article concludes, this victory should not be mistaken for a resolution of the broader challenges facing the community. The H-1B program remains under siege, the administration is determined to restrict legal immigration, and the social environment is increasingly hostile. A single court ruling can protect a right, but it cannot change a culture. The rise of anti-immigrant sentiment is disturbing, and it will continue to shape the lives of Indian Americans in the years to come [citation:source].
5 Questions & Answers
Q1. What was the Supreme Court’s ruling on birthright citizenship, and what is its constitutional basis?
A: In a 6-3 decision, the Supreme Court struck down President Trump’s executive order denying citizenship to children of undocumented or temporary parents . The Court ruled that such children are “citizens at birth” under the 14th Amendment, which states that “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside” . The amendment was a direct repudiation of the 1857 Dred Scott decision and was intended to ensure citizenship for freed slaves [citation:source].
Q2. How does the ruling impact children of H-1B visa holders?
A: The ruling provides a major relief for Indian families on H-1B visas. Children of H-1B visa holders born in the U.S. will continue to be recognized as American citizens, and they no longer face the uncertainty of having their status revoked [citation:source]. This ensures that these children can freely participate in American life and enjoy the rights of citizenship.
Q3. What is the status of the $100,000 H-1B visa fee imposed by the Trump administration?
A: A federal judge in Boston struck down the $100,000 fee, declaring it an unlawful tax that Congress did not authorize . The administration, however, has said it will appeal the decision. The outcome remains uncertain, as other lawsuits are also pending and the higher fee could still be reinstated on appeal .
Q4. According to recent surveys, what are the main concerns of Indian Americans regarding discrimination?
A: The 2026 Carnegie Indian American Attitudes Survey found that 50% of Indian Americans report experiencing discrimination, primarily based on skin color or country of origin . 25% reported being targeted with a slur since the beginning of 2025 . Roughly 40% have considered leaving the U.S., driven by political polarization, cost of living, and safety concerns .
Q5. How has the administration’s rhetoric contributed to the vulnerability of Indian Americans?
A: The administration’s focus on restricting legal immigration and its rhetoric around “abuse” of the visa system has created an environment of suspicion and hostility [citation:source]. Common tropes suggest that Indian Americans are “unfairly seizing job opportunities and are abusing the visa system” [citation:source]. This, combined with a rise in online hate speech, has made Indian Americans “easily become the object of scapegoating” and has contributed to a palpable sense of vulnerability in the community [citation:source].
The Hundi and the Trust: Donation Systems in India’s Temples
1. Introduction: A System Under Scrutiny
Every day, thousands of devotees fold currency notes into temple hundis (donation boxes) believing the offering has reached the deity . What follows is a carefully choreographed chain involving authorised personnel, counting halls, bank officials, auditors, and surveillance cameras — a system that remains largely invisible to pilgrims. The recent allegations of theft of donations at the Ram Janmabhoomi Temple in Ayodhya have brought this hidden world into public view .
But Ayodhya is far from the country’s only temple handling massive offerings. Shrines such as Tirupati, Jagannath, Vaishno Devi, Siddhivinayak, and Kashi Vishwanath receive hundreds of crores in donations every year, besides tonnes of gold, silver, and jewellery . Where temples differ is not in the journey of the donation but in the institutions governing it — who supervises each stage, who appoints the people handling donations, and what legal and administrative safeguards exist to ensure accountability .
The Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust receives an estimated ₹75 lakh in donations every day, with the figure rising sharply during festivals . An SIT is currently probing allegations that employees handling these offerings siphoned off cash by exploiting CCTV blind spots and procedural gaps . This analysis examines the donation systems, oversight mechanisms, and governance frameworks at five of India’s biggest temples and compares them with those at the Ram Temple.
2. The Donation Journey: A Common Process
Across India’s biggest temples, the broad donation journey is remarkably similar . Offerings placed in hundis are removed by authorised personnel, shifted to counting centres, segregated into cash, coins and valuables, counted and recorded before being deposited into designated bank accounts. The entire process is under CCTV surveillance .
What follows is a donation handling chain that is broadly similar across India’s biggest temples. Where temples differ is not in the journey of the donation but in the institutions governing the handling process .
3. How the Major Temples Do It
3.1 Tirupati: The Parakamani System
Few religious institutions in the world process donations on the scale of Tirumala, and its famed Parakamani system has evolved accordingly. Permanent Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams (TTD) finance personnel, representatives of nationalised banks, and carefully vetted volunteers — mostly serving or retired government and bank employees — work together to process donations under an extensive CCTV network monitored by the temple’s vigilance wing .
Personnel, wearing pocketless clothes, undergo frisking before entering and leaving the counting hall. Cash movement is secured through armoured transport under escort, while access to different stages of the process is segregated among finance officials, vigilance staff, bank representatives and volunteers . So high is the inflow that the TTD had to build a two-storey Parakamani (counting centre) near the temple, operational since February 2023. Previously, counting would take place within the temple premises .
The Tirupati Balaji Temple at Tirumala, where hundi offerings totalled ₹1,738 crore in 2025-26—an average ₹4.75 crore daily—follows one of India’s most sophisticated donation systems . About 80 per cent of the Parakamani workforce are Srivari Sevaks, devotees of Lord Venkateshwara on a week-long voluntary service at Tirumala .
3.2 Puri’s Jagannath Temple: Procedure Written into Law
At Puri, the emphasis is on codified procedure under the Shri Jagannath Temple Act. Hundis are opened under the supervision of the Temple Administrator or an authorised gazetted officer, while a member of the Managing Committee serves as an independent witness .
Each hundi is sealed before and after opening, entries are made in prescribed statutory forms, and CCTV monitors the handling of donations. Designated accounts staff maintain statutory registers for cash and valuables before deposits are made into bank accounts. The temple has also expanded official donation channels through payment gateways and Odisha’s digital hundi initiative .
3.3 Vaishno Devi: A Corporate-Style Administrative Model
At the Vaishno Devi Shrine, donation handling mirrors the shrine’s corporate-style management. Donation boxes are opened by committees comprising accounts officers, area managers, and security personnel rather than individual trustees or religious functionaries . Finance, security, and operations are handled by specialised administrative departments functioning under the Shrine Board .
Given the shrine’s mountainous terrain, the Board uses dedicated transport systems, including battery-operated vehicles and, when required, helicopter services, to move valuables securely .
3.4 Siddhivinayak Temple: Oversight at the Counting Table
At Mumbai’s Siddhivinayak Temple, independent oversight begins at the counting table itself. According to treasurer Pawan Tripathi, the main hundi is opened every Thursday in the presence of an executive officer, a trustee, a bank representative, and an auditor under CCTV surveillance, ensuring multiple independent stakeholders witness every stage of the counting process .
The cash is counted, entered into ledgers and transported for deposit into designated bank accounts, while devotees also have access to official banking and digital donation channels .
3.5 Kashi Vishwanath: Government Inside the Process
At Kashi Vishwanath, the district administration forms part of the accountability chain. The temple’s 56 donation boxes are opened under the supervision of a Sub-Divisional Magistrate, while counting takes place in the presence of bank officials and a retired gazetted officer .
Deposit receipts are generated for every transaction to create an audit trail, while jewellery is valued by government-approved appraisers before being taken into secure custody . The temple’s donation boxes are opened twice every week under the direct supervision of a subdivisional magistrate. “Counting takes place under continuous CCTV surveillance in the presence of bank officials and an independent retired gazetted officer. Every transaction is documented, before being deposited in the government treasury,” said S Rajalingam, chairman of the Shri Kashi Vishwanath Temple Trust Board and Varanasi divisional commissioner .
4. The Ram Temple: A Different Institutional Model
The Ram Temple follows a different model. The Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra functions through a trust deed rather than a dedicated statute governing the administration of the temple. Day-to-day management, including appointments and financial administration, rests with the trust .
Most of India’s older major temples are administered under dedicated legislation enacted by state governments. TTD functions under the Andhra Pradesh Charitable and Hindu Religious Institutions and Endowments Act, the Jagannath Temple under the Shri Jagannath Temple Act, the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine under the Jammu and Kashmir Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Act, the Siddhivinayak Temple under a Maharashtra law governing its trust, while the Kashi Vishwanath Temple is administered under the Uttar Pradesh Shri Kashi Vishwanath Temple Act .
These laws create the governing bodies, define the powers of administrators, prescribe financial procedures, provide for government oversight and statutory audits, and in some cases lay down detailed rules for handling donations .
4.1 The Donation Counting Process at Ram Temple
At the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, donations from about 35 hundis are opened by authorised personnel, including trust officials and a State Bank of India (SBI) representative, and taken to a counting hall inside the Pilgrim Facilitation Centre .
There, counting staff outsourced by SBI and trust employees count cash and jewellery under the supervision of retired banker Subhash Srivastava, while overall responsibility for the donation process rests with trust member Anil Mishra. Once verified, the collections are deposited into the trust’s SBI account .
4.2 Key Shortcomings Identified
Investigators examining the donation-counting process at the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust have identified serious lapses . According to the SIT, cash collected from around 40 donation boxes passed through multiple hands without adequate segregation of duties or independent verification .
Key findings include:
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Counting staff were never asked to wear pocketless clothing .
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No government officials were included to supervise the counting work .
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The responsibility to frisk cash handlers was assigned to a private agency .
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Although CCTV cameras were installed, the footage was automatically overwritten after 45 days .
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Documentation was weak, and there weren’t adequate audit mechanisms .
The Ram Temple trust is also not subject to mandatory financial audits by the state or central governments. Questions relating to public audit and oversight of the trust’s finances have also reached the courts. The trust has not publicly disclosed whether the recommendations contained in the 2020 audit were fully implemented .
4.3 The 2020 Internal Audit
The distinction assumes significance because a private internal audit commissioned by the trust within months of its formation identified weaknesses in the administrative framework . The November 2020 report described the management structure as “highly unprofessional”, found no systematic record for financial reporting and recommended standard operating procedures for transactions, staffing and data management, a clearly defined organisational hierarchy, stronger maker-checker controls, formal HR processes, inventory registers for jewellery, and tighter oversight of accounting and IT systems .
The audit firm warned that “unprofessional staff and data management will lead to dubious information and reporting and misleading tendency to fellow staff and management” . It also noted: “No second and third check is available at any point of transaction and data entry… Accountability needs to be fixed in a structured organization tree” .
4.4 Financial Scale of the Trust
The trust’s financial statements provide the first comprehensive picture of its operations. In 2025-26, the trust earned ₹151.80 crore as interest against ₹98.24 crore in donations, while building a corpus of ₹1,876.30 crore, including over ₹1,770 crore parked in fixed deposits . It also spent ₹514.50 crore on temple construction and pilgrim infrastructure .
The trust reported total income of ₹250.04 crore during the financial year ending March 31, 2026. Devotees contributed ₹98.24 crore through cash offerings and online donations, while the trust earned ₹151.80 crore as interest on its deposits and investments . The figures show that nearly 61% of the trust’s annual income came from investment returns, while fresh donations accounted for the remaining 39% .
Among voluntary contributions, ₹66.55 crore came through temple donation boxes, ₹21.05 crore through donation counters, ₹9.70 crore through online donations and ₹94 lakh under the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act. The dominance of cash offerings is significant, with nearly 68% of donations received through physical donation boxes—the very stream now under investigation following allegations of systematic cash pilferage during counting .
5. Governance and Management Models
5.1 Government Control and State Laws
The British introduced the Religious Endowments Act in 1863, which handed over control of temples to committees set up under the Act. However, the government retained considerable influence through other legal provisions . In 1925, the Madras Hindu Religious Endowments Act empowered provincial governments to legislate on endowments. Its powers gradually expanded to include oversight, even allowing takeover of the temple management. After Independence, the 1925 Act became the blueprint for various state laws .
Article 25(2) of the Constitution empowers the state to regulate or restrict “any economic, financial, political or other secular activity which may be associated with religious practice” and to enact laws for social welfare and reform . This provision is the basis for state legislation governing temple endowments. Muslims and Christians manage their places of worship and religious institutions through community-run boards or trusts .
The Vishwa Hindu Parishad has long demanded “liberating” temples from government control. The RSS passed its first resolution demanding that temple control be handed back to the community in 1959 . In 2022, the Supreme Court argued in favour of the status quo, saying under the present arrangement temples have also “catered to the larger needs of society and not only their temple” and reversing this would “turn the clock back” to days when temples had become “places of wealth” .
5.2 Three Traditional Models of Temple Management
Temples are managed through diverse systems, primarily under three traditional models :
1. Family Management (Pandas and Priest Families): The majority of temples are managed by specific families or hereditary priest lineages known as pandas or pujaris. Offerings, donations and ritual responsibilities traditionally belong to them. When multiple families are involved, control often rotates. A notable example is the Udupi Sri Krishna Mutt in Karnataka, administered by the Ashta Mathas or eight monasteries founded by the 13th-century saint Madhvacharya. Each matha manages temple administration and rituals for two years; thus, the next cycle for a matha comes only after 16 years .
2. Mahant System: Here, a single spiritual head (mahant, mathadhish or pithadheeshwar) holds prime authority. The mahant exercises control over temple assets, properties, offerings, and administration and typically appoints or nominates his successor. A prominent example is the Gorakhnath Math in Gorakhpur, UP, headed by Chief Minister Yogiji Adityanath, who was appointed by the late Mahant Avaidyanath. Similar successor-based systems operate in the Shankaracharya mathas .
3. Akhara (Panchayati) System: Akhadas are autonomous organisations of sadhus. These are often in the limelight during the Mahakumbh, where they are prioritised for the holy dip according to their relative status. Akhadas function as collective bodies, often with elected or consensus-based heads and also called “Panchayati Akhada”. They appoint priests, oversee rituals, and control donations .
6. Comparison: How the Ram Temple Stands Apart
| Feature | Ram Temple | Major Temples (Tirupati, Puri, etc.) |
|---|---|---|
| Governing Law | Trust deed; no dedicated statute | Dedicated state legislation |
| Oversight | Within trust structure; RSS-affiliated office-bearers | Magistrate, auditor, statutory administrators, bank officials |
| Audit | No mandatory government audit | Statutory audit requirements |
| Donation Counting | SBI staff and trust employees; private security for frisking | Multiple independent stakeholders; government officials |
| CCTV | Footage overwritten after 45 days | Continuous monitoring; in some temples, live-streamed |
| Pocketless Uniforms | Not enforced | Mandatory in many temples |
The table above captures how the Ram Temple differs from India’s older major temples. The distinction assumes significance because a private internal audit commissioned by the trust within months of its formation identified weaknesses in the administrative framework—recommendations that remain unimplemented six years later .
7. When Systems Are Tested
No major temple has remained untouched by controversy. Tirupati has over the years tightened access controls, vigilance, and surveillance after instances of theft involving employees and volunteers. At Jagannath, the Ratna Bhandar dispute centred on the custody and inventory of temple valuables, eventually leading to court-directed scrutiny and fresh inventories .
At Kashi Vishwanath, efforts have increasingly focused on routing donations through official channels rather than direct offerings to priests, while Siddhivinayak has periodically faced scrutiny over governance and financial management .
The allegations at the Ram Temple are still under investigation and no conclusions have been reached. But the experience of India’s older temples suggests that institutional safeguards are rarely built overnight. Many of the systems that today appear routine — multiple layers of oversight, codified procedures, independent verification, and statutory accountability — were strengthened after earlier controversies exposed weaknesses. Whether the present investigation at Ayodhya leads to a similar process of institutional reform may ultimately become one of its most enduring consequences .
5 Questions & Answers
Q1. What is the common process followed by India’s major temples to handle donations?
A. Across India’s largest temples, the broad donation chain is remarkably similar. Offerings placed in hundis are removed by authorised personnel, shifted to counting centres, segregated into cash, coins and valuables, counted and recorded before being deposited into designated bank accounts . The entire process is under CCTV surveillance. Where temples differ is not in the journey of the donation but in the institutions governing it .
Q2. How does the Ram Temple’s donation system differ from older temples like Tirupati and Jagannath?
A. Unlike many of India’s older temples, the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust does not function under a dedicated state law . Most older temples are governed under specific legislation that defines how governing bodies are constituted, financial procedures, audit mechanisms, government oversight, and appointment of administrators. The Ram Temple, however, is managed through a trust deed. Unlike statutory temple boards, the Ram Temple Trust is also not subject to mandatory financial audits by the state or central governments .
Q3. What safeguards do established temples like Tirupati use to protect donations?
A. Tirupati’s famed Parakamani system involves permanent TTD finance personnel, representatives of nationalised banks, and vetted volunteers working together under extensive CCTV monitoring . Personnel wear pocketless clothes and are frisked before entering and leaving the counting hall. Cash movement is secured through armoured transport under escort, while access to different stages of the process is segregated among finance officials, vigilance staff, bank representatives and volunteers .
Q4. What were the findings of the internal audit commissioned by the Ram Temple trust?
A. A private internal audit commissioned by the trust in November 2020 reportedly described the management framework as “highly unprofessional” and flagged the absence of systematic financial reporting. It recommended standard operating procedures for financial transactions, stronger internal maker-checker controls, a clearly defined organisational hierarchy, formal HR processes, inventory registers for jewellery and tighter accounting and IT oversight . The trust has not publicly disclosed whether the recommendations were fully implemented .
Q5. What are the three traditional models of temple management in India?
A. Temples are managed through diverse systems, primarily under three traditional models: (1) Family management (pandas and priest families) where offerings, donations and ritual responsibilities belong to hereditary families; (2) Mahant system where a single spiritual head holds prime authority over temple assets and administration; and (3) Akhara system where autonomous organisations of sadhus function as collective bodies with elected or consensus-based heads .
EPF Scheme 2026: A New Era for Provident Fund Subscribers
1. Introduction: Modernising a 74-Year-Old Framework
On June 29, 2026, India’s retirement savings landscape witnessed a historic transformation. The Ministry of Labour and Employment notified the Employees’ Provident Funds Scheme, 2026, replacing the Employees’ Provident Funds Scheme, 1952, which had governed the provident fund system for over seven decades . This move, part of the implementation of the Code on Social Security, 2020, represents a fundamental restructuring of the legal and operational framework governing the retirement savings of millions of Indians .
For over 74 years, the EPF Scheme, 1952, had served as the backbone of India’s formal sector retirement savings. The new scheme is not merely a cosmetic update but a modernisation designed to align the system with contemporary realities—digital compliance, simplified processes, and enhanced governance requirements .
This analysis examines the significant changes introduced by the EPF Scheme, 2026, the aspects that remain unchanged, and what these developments mean for the over 850 million subscribers who depend on the provident fund system.
2. What Has Changed: A New Approach to Withdrawals
The most significant changes in the new scheme revolve around how members access their savings.
2.1 Simplified Withdrawal Categories: From 13 to 3
One of the most cumbersome aspects of the old scheme was the scattered nature of advance withdrawal rules. Previously, members had to navigate roughly a dozen specific purposes to access their funds, each with its own fine print and conditions . The new scheme collapses these into three broad, intuitive categories:
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Essential Needs: Covers illness, education, and marriage-related expenses .
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Housing Needs: Includes purchase or construction of a house, site acquisition for construction, repayment of a home loan, and additions, alterations, renovations, or improvements to an existing house or flat .
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Special Circumstances: Covers situations notified by the Central Board of Trustees, including emergencies and other eligible cases .
This simplification makes it easier for members to understand their rights and apply for withdrawals without needing to navigate a maze of administrative jargon .
2.2 The “Eligible Balance” and 25% Minimum Balance Rule
The new rules have introduced a standardised mechanism for calculating withdrawal amounts through two key concepts: the Eligible Member Balance and the Minimum Balance.
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Eligible Member Balance: The amount standing to the credit of the member in the fund after deducting the Minimum Balance required to be maintained . This is the amount available for withdrawal.
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Minimum Balance: An amount equivalent to twenty-five percent of the aggregate of the total contributions made to the fund to the credit of the member (inclusive of both the employee’s and the employer’s share and interest thereon) which shall remain to the credit of the member after giving effect to any partial withdrawal .
This means that after any partial withdrawal, at least 25% of the total contributions must remain in the account. The amount available for withdrawal is calculated only after leaving this mandatory balance .
2.3 Withdrawal Limits for Different Purposes
The new scheme specifies clear withdrawal limits and frequency caps for different purposes :
| Purpose | Maximum Withdrawal | Frequency Limit | Service Requirement |
|---|---|---|---|
| Medical Treatment | Up to 100% of Eligible Balance | Not specified | 12 months |
| Education | Up to 100% of Eligible Balance | Up to 10 times | 12 months |
| Marriage | Up to 100% of Eligible Balance | Up to 5 times | 12 months |
| Housing | Up to 100% of Eligible Balance | Up to 5 times | 12 months |
| Special Circumstances | Up to 100% of Eligible Balance | Up to 2 times per financial year | 12 months |
Note: The 100% Eligible Member Balance means withdrawal of 75% of the total funds as 25% is the mandatory minimum balance requirement .
2.4 Special Relief for Short-Term Members
Members who leave their jobs before completing one year of EPF membership can also make a partial withdrawal, subject to the available Eligible Member Balance . This provides flexibility for those who may have changed jobs or left employment early.
3. Digital Compliance and Governance
The EPF Scheme, 2026, significantly expands digital compliance requirements for employers. Establishments will now have to make electronic PF payments, upload employee records digitally, and comply with enhanced reporting obligations under the Social Security Code framework .
The government has also introduced compliance relief measures such as the Employees’ Enrolment Campaign 2026, VISHWAS 2026, and AMNESTY 2026 to help employers resolve pending disputes and historical compliance gaps . This push towards a fully digital ecosystem is expected to enable faster, paperless service delivery and the integration of UPI for claim disbursements.
4. Protecting the Contract Workforce
For contract workers, the concept of ‘principal employer’ has been introduced in the scheme for the first time. This is in line with the provisions of the labour codes .
The EPF Scheme, 2026, states that the employer will be required to pay both the employer’s contribution and the employee’s contribution, in the first instance, along with administrative charges or other fees for an employee directly employed by the employer or through a contractor (not registered independently), within 15 days of the close of every month. In cases where the PF payment is made by the contractor, the ultimate responsibility for contributions will be with the principal employer . This effectively holds large companies accountable for the social security of their contract workers.
5. What Stays the Same: Financial Stability
Despite the sweeping administrative changes, the EPF Scheme, 2026, is designed to be a modernisation of the system, not a change in the payout .
Contribution Rate: The mandatory contribution remains unchanged at 12% of wages (basic pay and dearness allowance) from both the employee and the employer. The 10% rate for specified establishments also continues .
Wage Ceiling: The statutory wage ceiling remains at Rs 15,000 per month. The mandatory contribution for those earning above this is capped at this limit .
Voluntary Provident Fund (VPF): Employees can continue to contribute more to their PF corpus through VPF. Employers can match this, but it is entirely discretionary .
Interest Rate: The EPF interest rate (currently 8.25% per annum) is not affected by this notification; it will continue to be declared by the EPFO annually .
Pension and Insurance: The Employees’ Pension Scheme and the Deposit Linked Insurance Scheme have also been notified under the new Social Security Code, but the core benefits, including the minimum monthly pension of Rs 1,000, remain unchanged for now .
6. A Milestone in Social Security
The notification of the EPF Scheme, 2026, marks a pivotal moment in India’s journey towards a modern, inclusive, and efficient social security system. By clearing the administrative cobwebs of the 1952 Act and embracing digital-first, subscriber-friendly reforms, the government has laid the foundation for a more responsive PF framework.
The simplification of withdrawal rules, the push for digital compliance and enhanced settlement timelines, and the protection of the contract workforce are all steps in the right direction. For the millions of subscribers, the message is clear: the government is working to make your money easier to access, without compromising the long-term goal of retirement security.
5 Questions & Answers
Q1. What is the EPF Scheme 2026, and why was it introduced?
A: The EPF Scheme 2026 is a new legal framework that replaces the 74-year-old EPF Scheme 1952 . It was introduced by the Ministry of Labour and Employment as part of the implementation of the Code on Social Security, 2020, aiming to modernise the provident fund system through greater digitisation, simplified processes, and enhanced compliance requirements .
Q2. What are the key changes to the withdrawal rules under the new scheme?
A: The new scheme has streamlined withdrawal categories from 13 to three main buckets: Essential Needs (illness, education, marriage), Housing Needs, and Special Circumstances . It allows up to 100% withdrawal of the eligible balance for specific purposes after just 12 months of membership, while ensuring that at least 25% of the total contributions is maintained as a minimum balance . It also limits the frequency of withdrawals, with education allowed up to 10 times, marriage up to 5 times, housing up to 5 times, and special circumstances up to twice per financial year .
Q3. How will the new scheme affect the mandatory contribution rate and wage ceiling?
A: The contribution rate remains unchanged at 12% of wages from both employee and employer . The statutory wage ceiling of Rs 15,000 also remains the same. Under the new rules, mandatory contributions for employees earning above this ceiling will be calculated only up to this amount (capped at Rs 1,800 per month). Any contribution beyond that is now explicitly treated as voluntary, subject to mutual agreement between employer and employee .
Q4. What is the significance of the “principal employer” concept introduced in the scheme?
A: For the first time, the EPF Scheme 2026 formally introduces the concept of a “principal employer” for contract workers . It makes the principal employer (usually a large company) ultimately responsible for ensuring that PF contributions are deposited, even if payments are routed through a contractor. This is a major reform aimed at extending social security to contract and gig workers .
Q5. Has the government changed the EPF interest rate or pension provisions?
A: No, the new scheme does not change the EPF interest rate or the core pension benefits. The interest rate will continue to be declared annually by the EPFO . The minimum pension of Rs 1,000 per month also remains unchanged at this stage, as these are separate administrative decisions .
The NE’s Oud Story: How India’s Northeast Is Emerging as a Global Agarwood Powerhouse
1. Introduction: A Fragrant Opportunity in India’s Backyard
Agarwood, or oud as the world knows it, is among the most coveted natural aromatic raw materials in global perfumery—and India’s strongest resource base lies in the Northeast . For centuries, the resinous heartwood of the Aquilaria tree, formed in response to wounding or infection, has been prized across the Middle East, Europe, and Asia for its complex, deep fragrance used in luxury perfumes, incense, and traditional medicine .
Today, the global agarwood market is valued at an estimated US$44.29 billion in 2025, projected to reach approximately $90.56 billion by 2035 . With the northeastern states holding 96.6% of India’s agarwood resource—approximately 135 million trees—the region stands at the cusp of a generational economic opportunity . The task now is to recognise, organise, and certify this resource, and take its story to the world.
2. A Civilisational Resource: The Cultural Anchor of Northeast Oud
For the Northeast, agarwood is not just a natural resource—it is civilisational. Assam’s relationship with agarwood predates any modern export policy. The region’s manuscript culture used sanchipat, or agarutvak—the treated bark of Aquilaria malaccensis—as writing material, a cultural memory that endures to this day . This distinction matters enormously in a global market that increasingly pays a premium for authenticity.
When a buyer in Dubai or Paris reaches for oud, they are not simply purchasing a fragrance ingredient. They are purchasing provenance, heritage, and trust. The Northeast carries all three—a structural advantage that cannot be replicated by plantation programmes elsewhere or synthesised in a laboratory . Northeast India does not need to construct an oud identity for export brochures. It needs to reclaim one .
The Government of India and the Northeastern states are working together to ensure this happens. Agarwood promotion in the Northeast received specific recognition in the Union Budget 2026-27, and the Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region (DoNER) has played a central coordinating role in building the agarwood value chain across the region .
3. From Informal Trade to Global Compliance
For decades, the agarwood trade in India remained fragmented and largely informal. The absence of a legal export quota and regulatory uncertainty caused an increase in informal trade to the Middle East and other countries, while also inflating global prices because India is a major agarwood trading nation with long trade records .
This began to change in 2024. The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) notified a new export quota for artificially propagated agarwood from India for 2024–27. The quota was significantly increased: agarwood chips from 25,000 kg to 1,51,080 kg, and agarwood oil from 1,500 kg to 7,050 kg . This widened the legal export window for compliant trade and signalled that India was ready to compete at scale in the global agarwood trade.
This policy clarity has enabled the first legal exports. Tripura led the way in 2024 with the first legally compliant agarwood oil export from the Northeast region, comprising 27 kg of agar oil to Dubai . Building on this, Assam achieved a major milestone in May 2026 with the legal export of 112 kg of agarwood chips—100 kg to Saudi Arabia and 12 kg to the UAE—valued at Rs 2.35 crore . The consignment was exported after securing all statutory clearances, including a CITES permit and a restricted export licence from the Directorate General of Foreign Trade (DGFT) .
4. The Government’s Agarwood Roadmap: An ₹80 Crore Investment
The Government of India has put in place a structured and multi-layered policy framework to transform the agarwood sector. On January 24, 2026, Union Minister for DoNER Jyotiraditya Scindia laid the foundation stone of the ₹80 crore Agarwood Value Chain Development Scheme at North Fulkabari in Tripura .
The scheme is designed to strengthen the entire agarwood value chain—from trees in farmers’ fields to perfume bottles in international markets. Two Central Processing Centres (CPCs) will be established under the scheme: one in Golaghat, Assam, and another in Tripura . These centres will enable comprehensive processing, branding, and marketing, eliminating intermediaries and ensuring that farmers receive the full value of their produce .
Minister Scindia has articulated a clear vision for the sector: “The clear objective is to remove intermediaries and ensure that the full benefit reaches farmers directly.” He described Fulkabari’s agarwood sector as one of the strongest examples of Prime Minister Modi’s vision of ‘Local to Global’, ‘Vocal for Local’, and ‘One District One Product (ODOP)’ .
5. The Road Ahead: Investment, Certification, and Global Positioning
The institutional framework is in place, the export window has opened, and investment interest is beginning to build. The sector presents a multi-stage investment opportunity that has barely begun to be explored :
Upstream: There is significant scope for investment in quality planting material, nurseries, scientific inoculation services, and plantation management support. Smallholder farmers who have historically treated agarwood as a supplementary resource can, with the right support, become suppliers to some of the world’s most discerning luxury buyers . A study in Titabor, Assam, found that smallholder farmers managing agarwood earned annually between USD 2,725 and 3,270 from agarwood products, contributing approximately 10-44% to their total annual income .
Mid-stream: The region needs modern distillation infrastructure, grading and testing laboratories. Farmer Producer Organisations (FPOs) and Self-Help Groups (SHGs), particularly women-led collectives, are positioned to anchor aggregation, quality sorting, and direct linkages to processors and exporters—capturing a far greater share of the value chain than individual smallholders can on their own .
Downstream: The opportunity lies in fragrance formulation and compounding, bakhoor and luxury incense manufacturing, cosmetic ingredient extraction, branded packaging, export marketing, warehousing, and direct-to-consumer retail for premium segments. Every step up the value chain—from chips to oil, from oil to finished fragrance, from finished fragrance to a branded, certified product—multiplies returns and deepens the region’s position in the global supply network .
Certification and GI Tag: The process for obtaining a Geographical Indication (GI) tag for Northeast agarwood is underway . A traceable certification stack linking plantation source, inoculation, grading, testing, CITES-compliant documentation, and origin identity can position Northeast oud as legal, sustainable, and authentic—a premium that competitors operating informally cannot credibly claim .
6. Conclusion: A Defining Moment for the Northeast
If India gets this right, the Northeast will not remain merely a supplier of agarwood but will become the home of authentic Indian oud products. The opportunity is already growing in the agarwood landscapes of the Northeast. The task now is to recognise, organise, and certify it, and take its story to the world with a distinct identity—”The Indian Oud” .
5 Questions & Answers
Q1. Why is the Northeast India uniquely positioned to lead India’s agarwood export push?
The Northeast holds 96.6% of India’s agarwood resource, with approximately 135 million trees, concentrated in Assam and Tripura . This natural advantage is reinforced by a civilisational heritage: Assam’s manuscript culture used the treated bark of Aquilaria malaccensis as writing material, giving the region an authentic provenance that global luxury buyers increasingly value .
Q2. What was the significance of Assam’s May 2026 agarwood export?
Assam achieved its first legally approved export of agarwood chips—112 kg valued at Rs 2.35 crore—to Saudi Arabia and the UAE. This milestone marks a transition from fragmented informal trade to a formal, compliant, and export-oriented agarwood ecosystem. The shipment followed all statutory clearances, including a CITES permit and DGFT licence .
Q3. What is the ₹80 crore Agarwood Value Chain Development Scheme?
Launched in January 2026 by Union Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia, the scheme aims to strengthen the entire agarwood value chain. It establishes two Central Processing Centres (in Golaghat, Assam, and Tripura) to enable comprehensive processing, branding, and marketing, eliminating middlemen and ensuring farmers receive full value for their produce .
Q4. How much can an agarwood farmer earn from the crop?
A study in Titabor, Assam, found that smallholder farmers earned between USD 2,725 and 3,270 annually from agarwood products, contributing approximately 10-44% of their total annual income . With organised exports and direct global market linkages, these earnings are expected to rise substantially.
Q5. What is the estimated market potential for agarwood from Tripura?
Union Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia has expressed confidence that Tripura’s agarwood market alone could achieve an annual turnover of Rs 2,000 crore within the next three to four years .
India’s West Asia Opportunity: Turning a Geopolitical Opening into a Durable Economic Advantage
1. Introduction: A Fragile Opening, A Strategic Imperative
Geopolitical crises seldom arrive with neat labels. They unsettle markets, test diplomacy, and expose economic vulnerabilities. However, they also create openings—fleeting windows of opportunity that prepared nations can convert into long-term advantage . The evolving understanding between the United States and Iran, the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, the improving but still fluid India-US trade framework, and the possibility of Iran’s reconstruction together constitute one such moment for India .
The question is not merely whether crude prices soften for a few weeks. The larger question is whether India can use this transition to strengthen energy security, trade competitiveness, and its strategic economic presence across West Asia and Central Asia . The nation enters this moment with confidence—GDP growth projected around 6.3-6.5 per cent, foreign exchange reserves above USD 700 billion, and consumer inflation broadly within the Reserve Bank of India’s tolerance band .
Yet, the vulnerability is real. Eighty-five per cent of India’s crude oil requirement is imported, and almost two-thirds of these imports transit through the Strait of Hormuz . Every sustained USD 10 per barrel increase in crude prices can widen the current account deficit by 0.3 percentage points of GDP, add pressure on inflation, and weigh on the rupee . This is why the West Asia reset must be approached with preparedness, not complacency.
2. India’s Strategic Calculus: From Energy Consumer to Regional Shaper
India’s engagement with West Asia has undergone a profound transformation. What was once a relationship defined by energy dependence and diaspora connections has evolved into a multi-dimensional strategic partnership. As External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar outlined at the Manama Dialogue, India conducts annual trade worth USD 170-180 billion with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Iran, and Iraq, while trade with Mediterranean nations amounts to USD 80-90 billion .
The region is home to nearly ten million Indians—the largest diaspora in any region—whose remittances exceed USD 50 billion annually . They are not merely a source of foreign exchange; they are the most trusted and preferred workforce in the Gulf, a living bridge between India and the Arab world .
This human capital is complemented by a remarkable diplomatic feat: India maintains strong relations simultaneously with Israel, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Oman, Qatar, and other regional actors—a policy of multi-alignment that has enabled India to pursue national interests without becoming entangled in regional rivalries . The “Act West Policy” has been described as possibly the biggest success story of Prime Minister Modi’s government .
3. The Economic Architecture: Trade, Investment, and Connectivity
3.1 The India-Oman CEPA: A Gateway to West Asia
The Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with Oman, which came into force on June 2, 2026, exemplifies India’s strategy of deepening economic engagement . This is not merely a trade deal—it is a strategic gateway to West Asia and Africa .
Key Provisions of the CEPA:
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Tariff Liberalisation: Oman has offered zero-duty access on 98.08% of its tariff lines, covering 99.38% of India’s exports by value . This benefits labour-intensive sectors such as textiles, gems and jewellery, leather, footwear, and plastics, as well as technology-intensive segments such as engineering goods, pharmaceuticals, and automobiles .
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Mobility for Workers: For the first time, Oman has made commitments under Mode 4 of the WTO’s General Agreement on Trade in Services, including raising the quota for Intra-Corporate Transferees from 20% to 50% and extending the duration of stay for contractual service suppliers from 90 days to two years . This is significant as Oman is home to over 675,000 Indians, with annual remittances close to USD 2 billion .
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Investment and Services: Oman allows 100% FDI for Indian companies across major services sectors. The agreement also includes provisions for faster pharmaceutical marketing approvals through acceptance of certifications from global regulators, and recognition of Indian halal and organic certification systems .
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Energy Security: Access to natural gas from Oman can help India produce speciality steel domestically, reducing dependence on imports for defence equipment, jet engines, and automotive components .
3.2 The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC)
The IMEC, announced at the G20 Summit, is a transformative connectivity initiative linking India, the Gulf, and Europe through trade, infrastructure, and technology cooperation . For India, IMEC represents an opportunity to position its western ports as key logistics hubs for the distribution of goods to South Asia, Europe, and beyond .
The corridor is complemented by the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), which can reduce freight time between India and Europe by approximately 40 per cent and logistics costs by nearly 30 per cent compared with traditional routes . Together, these initiatives could fundamentally reshape India’s trade architecture.
3.3 Iran’s Reconstruction and the Chabahar Pivot
Iran’s reconstruction, whenever it gathers pace, could involve investments running into tens of billions of dollars across transport, energy, housing, healthcare, and digital infrastructure . Indian firms have proven capabilities in pharmaceuticals, engineering, IT services, engineering, procurement, and construction (EPC) contracting, and affordable infrastructure. However, competition will be intense from China, Turkiye, Gulf economies, Europe, and South Korea .
This is where Chabahar Port becomes central. The port is not merely a maritime asset but India’s strategic gateway to Afghanistan, Central Asia, and Eurasia through the INSTC . Securing greater banking, insurance, and shipping clarity around Chabahar would significantly strengthen India’s regional trade architecture . A coordinated platform bringing together EXIM Bank, ECGC, port operators, EPC firms, pharmaceutical companies, and digital infrastructure providers would enable Indian enterprises to compete at scale while managing geopolitical and financial risks .
4. India’s Unique Advantage: The Diplomacy of Trust
India possesses a unique advantage in West Asia. Unlike many major powers, it carries little colonial baggage, has not pursued interventionist policies, and enjoys broad goodwill across competing camps . Arab monarchies see India as a trusted economic partner; Israel values strategic cooperation; Iran views India as an important civilizational and geopolitical interlocutor; and the wider Global South perceives India as an independent and ethical voice .
This diplomatic and moral capital has been built through sustained political entrepreneurship. Prime Minister Modi has visited nine Middle Eastern states since 2014—more than his four predecessors combined . Countries that once viewed India through the prism of Pakistan—such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE—now see New Delhi as a long-term strategic partner . The UAE declaring that it viewed the 2019 Kashmir decision as India’s internal affair reflected a profound shift in regional calculations .
This goodwill has delivered tangible outcomes: the de-hyphenation of India and Pakistan in Gulf diplomacy, the toning down of criticism over Kashmir, and the release of Indian naval veterans from Qatar through leader-level engagement .
5. The Competitive Landscape: China and Pakistan
China’s growing presence in West Asia represents one of the most significant long-term challenges for India . Beijing is now the largest energy customer for several Gulf states and has invested heavily in ports, industrial zones, telecommunications, digital infrastructure, and transportation networks under the Belt and Road Initiative . China’s mediation of the Saudi-Iran rapprochement and backing of recent Pakistani mediation efforts demonstrated its ambition to become a major diplomatic actor .
Pakistan also seeks to leverage its historical, military, and religious ties with West Asia to counterbalance India. It maintains close defence and security relations with Saudi Arabia and several Gulf states and enjoys a particularly important strategic partnership with Turkey . Although many Gulf countries have substantially improved relations with India, Pakistan continues to exploit Islamic forums and political narratives to limit India’s diplomatic space .
India’s strategy must therefore be proactive. It must become a leading maritime security provider, strengthening naval deployments and logistics arrangements across the Arabian Sea and western Indian Ocean . It must build stronger defence diplomacy through joint exercises, officer exchanges, intelligence cooperation, and collaboration in emerging technologies such as drones, AI, space, and cyber security . And it must actively shape the emerging regional architecture through initiatives like I2U2 and IMEC .
6. Conclusion: From Survival to Opportunity
For too long, countries like India have treated external shocks mainly as risks to be managed. That remains necessary. But the next stage of economic strategy must go further. It must identify openings early, prepare institutions quickly, give confidence to firms, and move before competitors lock in the advantage .
The present West Asia moment is therefore not a story of cheaper oil alone. It is a reminder that macroeconomic resilience, trade policy, energy security, logistics, MSME competitiveness, and diplomacy must now operate as one integrated strategy . Nations become stronger not simply by surviving crises, but by recognising the opportunity hidden inside them .
India has the credibility, capacity, and strategic location to do so. What it now needs is speed, coordination, and the confidence to turn a fragile geopolitical opening into a durable economic advantage .
5 Questions & Answers
Q1. What are India’s key strategic interests in West Asia?
A: India’s strategic interests include energy security (85% of crude oil imports transit through the Strait of Hormuz), the safety and welfare of nearly 10 million Indians in the region (who send over USD 50 billion annually in remittances), maritime security through critical choke points, and expanding trade and investment partnerships .
Q2. What is the significance of the India-Oman CEPA?
A: The India-Oman Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA), which came into force in June 2026, provides zero-duty access on 98.08% of Oman’s tariff lines, covering 99.38% of India’s exports. It also includes the first-ever mobility commitments for Indian workers under Mode 4 (raising ICT quotas to 50% and extending stay durations), and opens opportunities in pharmaceuticals, textiles, gems and jewellery, and MSMEs .
Q3. How is India positioning itself in the post-conflict West Asia landscape?
A: India is shifting from a policy of strategic balancing toward one of “regional shaping.” This involves deepening differentiated partnerships with Israel (defence, tech, innovation), Iran (Chabahar, INSTC), and Gulf states (energy, investment, digital infrastructure). It also includes becoming a leading maritime security provider, building defence diplomacy, and shaping new regional architectures such as IMEC .
Q4. What is the significance of Chabahar Port for India’s strategy?
A: Chabahar Port is India’s strategic gateway to Afghanistan, Central Asia, and Eurasia through the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). Studies estimate INSTC can reduce freight time between India and Europe by 40% and logistics costs by 30%. Securing greater banking, insurance, and shipping clarity around Chabahar would significantly strengthen India’s regional trade architecture .
Q5. How does India’s relationship with West Asia differ from China’s?
A: India carries little colonial baggage and enjoys broad goodwill across competing camps, maintaining strong relations simultaneously with Israel, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar. China is the largest energy customer for several Gulf states and has invested heavily in ports and infrastructure under the Belt and Road Initiative, but India’s traditional influence and trust advantage, combined with its large diaspora, provide a unique diplomatic capital that China cannot easily replicate .
Elder Care is Not Optional, It is a Social Responsibility
1. Introduction: The Quiet Crisis of an Ageing Nation
In India, there was a time when caring for the elderly was not discussed as an option—it was simply a way of life. Respect and regard for ageing parents were not choices, but deeply internalised social norms woven into everyday living. Today, that understanding is steadily weakening. Elder care is increasingly being treated as a matter of choice, shaped by convenience rather than commitment. This shift reflects not just a cultural change, but a deeper gap in how India is preparing for an ageing society .
India is home to nearly 144 million senior citizens, and this number is expected to rise sharply in the coming decades. The population of 60 years and above is projected to increase to 17.3 crore (173 million) in 2026 . India is home to over 135 million old persons, and this population segment is expected to reach nearly 20 percent of our population by 2050 . Yet despite these numbers, programmes focused on improving their living conditions remain strikingly few. As a result, ageing is rarely accompanied by dignity; instead, it is often marked by neglect and invisibility.
2. The Demographic Shift: India’s “Silent Revolution”
India’s demographic trajectory is undergoing a profound structural shift. The elderly population (60+) is projected to more than double from 100 million (2011) to 230 million by 2036, signalling a shift from a youth-dominated demographic profile to an increasingly ageing society. This “Silent Revolution” is beginning to pivot policy focus toward geriatric healthcare, social safety nets, and the burgeoning “Silver Economy” .
The 60+ population is set to nearly triple from 130.5 million in 2021 to 325.3 million by 2051. By 2036, one in every four persons in certain states will be a senior citizen . Kerala, in particular, has the highest proportion of elderly individuals in India, with an estimated proportion of up to 20% by 2026, mirroring trends in developed countries .
The working-age population is set to peak around 2041, signalling a narrowing window for reaping the demographic dividend. Simultaneously, the elderly population is projected to more than double to 20.5% (325 million) by mid-century, marking rapid ageing. This transition reflects India’s movement from a youth-driven growth phase to an ageing, fiscally demanding demographic regime .
3. The Erosion of Traditional Care Structures
The reasons behind the shift away from family-led elder care are well known. Migration, expensive urban housing, demanding work lives and changing priorities have reshaped family structures. At the same time, many elderly individuals choose to remain in familiar surroundings, rooted in their communities. What has emerged is a widening gap between generations—not just physically, but emotionally .
The convergence of youth migration and the nuclearization of families has altered conventional living arrangements in India, indicating a sharp rise in the number of families where older adults live alone or with their spouses due to the outmigration of their adult children . Findings from the Longitudinal Aging Survey in India (2018) estimate that between 36% and 43% of older adults are empty nesters and are not co-residing with any of their children .
Studies have shown that older adults with a migrant son have a 26% significantly greater likelihood of being depressed than older adults with a non-migrant son, indicating an increase in mental health concerns among community-dwelling older adults who age outside intergenerational co-residence . Living alone in later years has impacted activities of daily living (ADL) and social connections among older adults, increasing the risk of loneliness among those who age alone .
4. The Hidden Vulnerabilities: Crime, Illness, and Isolation
Equally concerning is the growing proportion of elderly living alone or only with a spouse. These people are more vulnerable to fraud, theft and even violent crime due to limited mobility and predictable routines .
Beyond these visible risks lies a quieter crisis—elders battling illness without support, spending days without meaningful interaction, and in some cases, passing away unnoticed. These are not isolated incidents, but symptoms of a systemic apathy towards elder care .
Research from Kerala reveals that distance from migrant children makes older adults feel anxious, miss their family togetherness, and experience increased loneliness and care gaps in later years, contributing to a multifaceted causality of vulnerability while aging alone . Narratives of distance care are often shaped by the bidirectional flow of care across generations through virtual and in-person means, where emotional and functional deprivations continue to challenge the quality of informal distant care among left-behind older adults .
A study on elderly individuals living alone in rural India found that 74% reported at least one chronic illness, and while most reported perceived access to nearby healthcare facilities, barriers persisted: transportation difficulties (33%), financial constraints (17%), and long waiting times (21%) were frequently cited. Functional assessment revealed dependence on instrumental tasks such as cooking (33%), shopping (31%), and managing finances (44%) .
5. The Legal Framework: Rights and Obligations
India has legal provisions such as the Maintenance and Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act, 2007, which obligate children to provide for their parents’ basic needs. Additionally, the National Policy on Older Persons and schemes under the Integrated Programme for Senior Citizens aim to provide financial security, healthcare access and shelter .
The Maintenance and Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act, 2007 provides:
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Maintenance: Adult children and adult grandchildren, both male and female, are legally obligated to pay maintenance to parents and grandparents . Senior citizens who do not have children or grandchildren can claim maintenance from a relative who either possesses their property or who will inherit their property after their death . The maximum maintenance that can be awarded is Rs 10,000 per month .
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Abandonment: Any person who is responsible for the protection and care of a senior citizen and intentionally abandons the senior citizen completely is liable to pay a fine of Rs 5,000 or be imprisoned for 3 months or both .
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Protection of Property: Senior citizens can apply to the Maintenance Tribunal to declare a transfer of property void if the person to whom the property was transferred has failed to provide the basic amenities and physical needs to the senior citizen .
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Old-Age Homes: Section 19 of the Act mandates the establishment of an old-age home in every district, capable of accommodating at least 150 poor and needy senior citizens .
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Healthcare: The State Government must ensure that all government hospitals provide separate queues for senior citizens, beds for all senior citizens, and special facilities in every district hospital .
6. Beyond Legal Obligation: The Need for Emotional Care
While important, such frameworks address only one part of the problem. Care cannot be reduced to obligation alone. It is not just about financial support, but about presence, attention and dignity. Law can enforce duty, but it cannot create care or emotional security .
Many elderly individuals remain unaware of their legal rights, limiting their ability to seek support. The Indian Journal of Community and Family Medicine study notes that “as a physician, our role is to provide good health, and health is defined as by the WHO as a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being… not just prescribing pills but improving the overall condition of an elderly” .
Theorists argue that aging alone implies delayed treatment seeking, increased odds of morbidity and mortality, and increased risks of frailty and disability, which in turn increases the burden on long-term care and rehabilitation. Mental health promotion among community-dwelling older adults is crucial for sustaining their functional capacity, thereby delaying psychological morbidities during aging .
7. Building Community-Based Support Systems
At the community level, Resident Welfare Associations (RWAs) can play a far more structured role by maintaining registries of elderly residents living alone, enabling periodic welfare checks, and creating emergency response systems. Such decentralised mechanisms can significantly reduce both isolation and risk. Similarly, the role of local police must move beyond symbolic outreach .
Old-age homes are an important part of the solution. They provide shelter, healthcare and companionship. However, their limited reach and affordability prevent them from becoming a universal solution. There is also significant scope for corporate engagement. Elder care can be meaningfully integrated into Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), particularly through partnerships with credible non-governmental organisations to build community-based care models .
The VridhCare Quality of Life Foundation India, working in partnership with corporations like Muthoot Finance, Dabur India, Blue Star, and TPA Services, has set up specialised physiotherapy units across old-age homes, addressing a critical gap in geriatric rehabilitation . In the absence of localised intervention, nearly 60 percent of residents suffer from chronic mobility issues that lead to higher incidences of falls and long-term disabilities .
8. The Role of Government: Strengthening Healthcare and Welfare
The Government of India has been addressing the challenges and opportunities related to elderly care through various constitutional provisions, laws, policies, schemes, and programmes .
The National Programme for Healthcare of the Elderly (NPHCE), now operational in 92% of districts, forms the cornerstone of India’s efforts to deliver preventive, promotive, curative and rehabilitative services for senior citizens . The programme integrates home, community, and facility-based interventions, along with structured caregiver training to enable dignified ageing within families and communities .
Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (AB-PMJAY) has been expanded to cover all citizens aged 70 years and above, irrespective of income, benefiting nearly 60 million elderly persons across 45 million families with cashless hospital care of up to ₹5 lakh per family per year .
The establishment of two National Centres of Ageing (NCAs) —at AIIMS, New Delhi, and Madras Medical College, Chennai—and 17 Regional Geriatric Centres serves as hubs for clinical excellence, capacity building, research, and policy guidance .
9. The Silver Economy and Corporate Social Responsibility
There is significant scope for corporate engagement in elder care. The private sector already has provision to work in the field of elderly welfare through Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) as per provisions of Section 135 of the Companies Act, 2013 .
President Droupadi Murmu has urged all citizens to commit themselves to the happiness and well-being of the elderly, value their guidance and enjoy their valuable company . She noted that elder people are a link to the past and also guides to the future, and that respecting parents and elders is part of our culture .
10. Conclusion: Rebuilding the Social Fabric
In earlier days, elder care was part of a social fabric that ensured continuity between generations. Rebuilding this fabric requires more than policy—it demands a conscious effort to restore intergenerational bonds. Families, schools and communities must create spaces where younger generations remain connected to their elders .
If ageing is to become one of India’s defining realities, elder care must move from being seen as a private concern to a shared social responsibility . The journey from a youth-led expansion to an ageing society presents both challenges and opportunities. By strengthening financial protection, facilitating transport, and embedding community-based caregiving within national programmes, India can ensure that its elderly population is not left behind in the pursuit of inclusive growth and social transformation .
5 Questions & Answers
Q1. How many senior citizens are there in India, and what are the projections for the future?
A: India is home to nearly 144 million senior citizens . The population of 60 years and above is projected to increase to 17.3 crore (173 million) in 2026 . This population segment is expected to reach nearly 20 percent of India’s population by 2050 . The 60+ population is set to nearly triple from 130.5 million in 2021 to 325.3 million by 2051 .
Q2. What are the key provisions of the Maintenance and Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act, 2007?
A: The Act provides that adult children and adult grandchildren are legally obligated to pay maintenance to parents and grandparents (up to Rs 10,000 per month) . It also mandates that any person who intentionally abandons a senior citizen is liable to a fine of Rs 5,000 or imprisonment for 3 months . The Act requires the establishment of old-age homes in every district and ensures that government hospitals provide separate queues and beds for senior citizens .
Q3. What are the main healthcare initiatives for the elderly in India?
A: The National Programme for Healthcare of the Elderly (NPHCE), operational in 92% of districts, delivers preventive, promotive, curative and rehabilitative services . Ayushman Bharat PMJAY covers all citizens aged 70 and above with cashless hospital care of up to ₹5 lakh per family per year, benefiting nearly 60 million elderly . Two National Centres of Ageing and 17 Regional Geriatric Centres have been established across the country .
Q4. Why are the elderly living alone considered a vulnerable group?
A: A study on elderly living alone found that 74% reported at least one chronic illness, and barriers to healthcare included transportation difficulties (33%), financial constraints (17%), and long waiting times (21%). Many were dependent on others for instrumental tasks such as cooking (33%), shopping (31%), and managing finances (44%) . Distance from migrant children makes older adults feel anxious, experience increased loneliness, and face care gaps .
Q5. What role can Resident Welfare Associations (RWAs) and corporations play in elder care?
A: RWAs can maintain registries of elderly residents living alone, enable periodic welfare checks, and create emergency response systems . Corporations can integrate elder care into CSR, particularly through partnerships with NGOs to build community-based care models . For example, VridhCare, partnered with Muthoot Finance, Dabur, Blue Star, and others, has set up physiotherapy units in old-age homes, addressing the critical gap in geriatric rehabilitation .
Beyond E20: Making India’s Ethanol Transition Truly Sustainable
1. Introduction: A Policy Triumph, A Governance Test
India’s ethanol-blending programme has evolved rapidly from a modest pilot into a central pillar of the nation’s energy security and clean mobility strategy. The country has achieved E20 blending—20% ethanol, 80% petrol—ahead of schedule, increasing it gradually from 1.5% in 2014 . As the government now prepares for higher blends through recent notifications and the launch of flex-fuel vehicles (FFVs), the focus must shift beyond percentages alone.
The rationale for ethanol blending has been to reduce fossil oil imports, providing insulation from global oil price volatility and geopolitical disruptions. According to government reports, this transformation has saved over ₹1.84 lakh crore in foreign exchange and substituted more than 300 lakh metric tonnes of oil imports . Ethanol has become a strategic tool that simultaneously addresses energy security, rural income generation, and agricultural market stability .
However, the programme has also drawn scrutiny. As India moves beyond E20, the next phase must be evaluated through a broader ‘systems’ perspective—one that considers not only energy security but also ecological sustainability, vehicle compatibility, and long-term resource resilience .
2. The Vehicle Compatibility Challenge: Beyond the Mileage Debate
On the consumer side, an often-cited challenge is the issue of fuel efficiency and the impact of fuel blends on the engine . Ethanol has approximately 30% lower energy density than petrol, which can reduce vehicle mileage—particularly for vehicles that are non-E20 compliant . This causes a mileage drop of 2-7% in E20 blends, varying by engine tuning, driving style, and vehicle age .
The hygroscopic property of ethanol can lead to moisture accumulation, corrosion of fuel system components, and potential breakdowns of older vehicles . Estimates suggest that between 6% and 20% of India’s existing two-wheelers and cars may not be compatible with E20 blends .
The recent FFV notification is an important policy step. By introducing engine compliance standards, the government has recognised that higher blending requires compatible vehicle systems . However, India’s automotive sector is responding gradually, with fleet turnover remaining slow .
3. Feedstock Vulnerabilities: The 1G Dominance
India’s ethanol ecosystem remains dominated by first-generation (1G) feedstocks—particularly sugarcane, maize, and broken rice . This has generated important gains for farmers, significantly reducing sugar mill arrears and expanding maize cultivation . For policymakers, ethanol has become an instrument that simultaneously addresses energy security, rural income generation, and agricultural market stability .
Grains now contribute around 65% of India’s ethanol production, with the remainder coming from sugarcane . Maize’s share in ethanol production has risen sharply from 6.2% in ESY 2022-23 to nearly 50% in ESY 2024-25 .
However, this shift raises significant sustainability concerns. As more maize is diverted towards ethanol production, domestic availability for poultry feed, starch and other industrial uses becomes tighter, increasing pressure on food-feed-fuel allocation . A related concern is that India’s rice-to-ethanol policy uses excess food grain stocks at subsidized prices, potentially threatening food security and environmental sustainability .
4. The Hidden Water Burden
The environmental assessment must extend beyond feedstock cultivation. Sugarcane is among the most water-intensive crops in India, often grown in regions already experiencing groundwater stress, supported by significant electricity subsidies for irrigation and high fertiliser inputs .
The water footprint is staggering: Producing one litre of ethanol from sugarcane can consume roughly 3,000 litres of water; rice-based ethanol can exceed 10,000 litres per litre of fuel produced . Sugarcane requires 60-70 tonnes of water per tonne of cane harvested . India’s ethanol expansion strategy has not fully factored in this challenge, with policies focusing on output without adequately incorporating regional water availability into planning decisions .
The Central Ground Water Board’s 2025 assessment classifies numerous assessment units across the country as over-exploited, critical or semi-critical, highlighting growing pressure on groundwater reserves .
5. The Food-Fuel-Water Trade-Off
A major concern is the long-term impact on agricultural patterns. If ethanol demand continues to incentivise sugarcane and maize cultivation, what happens to crop diversification and soil resilience? Monoculture expansion may improve short-term farmer incomes but weaken ecological stability over time .
The “food versus fuel” debate remains unresolved. Critics argue that turning public food stocks into fuel uses massive amounts of groundwater in regions where water tables are rapidly depleting . According to one estimate, nearly 5.2 million tonnes of rice and about a third of India’s maize output have been redirected to ethanol . Maize prices soared 22% in FY23-24, and India became a net maize importer after nearly twenty years—an ironic twist for a programme meant to reduce foreign dependencies .
A litre of ethanol may be identical at the fuel station, but the amount of water consumed and the agricultural land used to produce it can vary considerably depending on the crop, geographic location and irrigation method involved .
6. The Path Forward: Building a Genuinely Sustainable Ecosystem
While India’s ethanol programme has undoubtedly supported rural incomes, its next phase should be guided by a systems perspective rather than blending targets alone .
Prioritising Second-Generation (2G) Biofuels: India generates up to 500 million tonnes of agricultural residues annually, much of which is burned, contributing to severe air pollution . Converting crop residues, municipal waste, and non-food biomass into ethanol offers a far more sustainable pathway . However, 2G ethanol remains commercially challenging due to high capital costs and lower yields . The policy should focus on enabling 2G systems through targeted financial incentives, innovation support, technology partnerships, and long-term procurement certainty .
Life-Cycle Assessment is Essential: A rigorous comparative life cycle assessment must account for the full production chain—including fertiliser manufacture and use, groundwater extraction, electricity consumption for irrigation, transportation, distillation energy, land-use changes, waste generation, and emissions across the value chain .
Vehicle Ecosystem Alignment: Higher ethanol blends require compatible vehicle systems and widespread flex-fuel vehicle adoption . The government is considering a complete phaseout of vehicles with poor ethanol compatibility, recognising that “technology compatibility is not optional” .
Learning from Brazil, Contextualizing: Much of Brazil’s sugarcane cultivation is rain-fed under different agro-climatic conditions, where irrigation and groundwater extraction play a larger role . India’s biofuel strategy must be tailored to its own resource constraints .
5 Questions & Answers
Q1. What are the main challenges associated with India’s ethanol blending programme beyond E20?
A. The main challenges include vehicle compatibility issues (ethanol’s 30% lower energy density reduces mileage and its hygroscopic properties can damage engine components) , feedstock vulnerabilities (sugarcane and maize are water-intensive, and grain diversion raises food security concerns) , and the environmental burden of water consumption and groundwater stress in cultivation regions .
Q2. Why is sugarcane considered a problematic feedstock for ethanol production in India?
A. Sugarcane is among the most water-intensive crops, often grown in regions already experiencing groundwater stress . Producing one litre of ethanol from sugarcane can consume roughly 3,000 litres of water . It requires 60-70 tonnes of water per tonne of cane harvested and is supported by significant electricity subsidies for irrigation and high fertiliser inputs .
Q3. What is the significance of second-generation (2G) ethanol for India’s biofuel future?
A. India generates up to 500 million tonnes of agricultural residues annually, much of which is burned, contributing to severe air pollution . Converting this biomass into ethanol offers a more sustainable pathway than indefinite expansion of 1G feedstocks . However, 2G ethanol remains commercially challenging due to high capital costs and lower yields .
Q4. How does ethanol blending impact vehicle mileage and maintenance?
A. Ethanol has about 30% lower energy density than petrol, reducing vehicle mileage by 2-7% in E20 blends depending on engine tuning and vehicle age . The hygroscopic property of ethanol can lead to moisture accumulation and corrosion of fuel system components in non-compliant vehicles . Modern flex-fuel engines lose 2-4% mileage; older ones up to 7% .
Q5. What policy reforms are needed to make India’s ethanol transition more sustainable?
A. The programme needs to prioritise 2G biofuels through targeted financial incentives and innovation support , adopt a ‘systems perspective’ that integrates water availability and groundwater stress into planning , expand flex-fuel vehicle adoption to ensure compatibility , and conduct comprehensive life-cycle assessments that account for the full production chain from cultivation to fuel use .
The US-Iran Peace Talks Collapse: A Fractured Roadmap to Nowhere
1. Introduction: The Illusion of a Ceasefire
The fragile peace process that was meant to end the war in West Asia has collapsed, proving that a signed piece of paper is no match for deep-seated mistrust and strategic irreconcilability. The deal, which was meant to be a 60-day roadmap toward a final settlement, has not only failed to deliver peace but has also exposed the profound fractures that make a lasting settlement elusive .
On July 8, 2026, Iran struck three commercial vessels in the Strait of Hormuz, including a Qatari LNG tanker and a Saudi crude oil supertanker . The United States retaliated with overwhelming force, hitting more than 80 Iranian military targets . President Donald Trump, speaking at the NATO summit in Ankara, declared the ceasefire “over,” describing the MoU as “a waste of time” and labelling Iranian leaders as “liars” and “sick people” . Oil prices surged over 5%, convulsing global markets .
This sequence of events was not an accident. It was the predictable outcome of a process that was always more about buying time than building trust . It underscores that the underlying drivers of the conflict—competing threat perceptions, ideological divides, and geopolitical rivalries—had remained unresolved .
2. Why the MoU Was Always a Tactical Timeout
The June 17 memorandum was presented as a breakthrough, but in reality, it was a tactical pause between two exhausted adversaries rather than a genuine path to peace . The key issues—the future of Iran’s nuclear program, ballistic missiles, regional influence, and the administration of the Strait of Hormuz—were deferred to future negotiations .
For Trump, the deal was a political necessity. With inflation simmering and midterm pressures mounting, he needed a foreign policy win. Reopening the Strait of Hormuz and stepping back from the brink offered a clean exit from a risky confrontation . For Iran, the MoU provided a much-needed pause to consolidate gains, ease economic pressure, and restore its capabilities .
Neither side ever truly abandoned the option of force. Trump had warned that if no final nuclear deal was reached in 60 days, he would restart military attacks . Iran, for its part, maintained that its military was on full alert against U.S. breaches of faith .
3. The Anatomy of the Collapse: A Case of Broken Trust
The collapse of the MoU was not triggered by a single attack but was the culmination of a series of broken commitments, mutual accusations, and a profound absence of trust .
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The Flashpoint: The immediate trigger was the Iranian attack on July 8, which Iran defended as an assertion of its sovereignty in its quest for a “new Iranian order” in Hormuz . However, Iran’s adversarial posture was reinforced by U.S. actions. Washington had already reimposed oil sanctions and carried out airstrikes, actions that Tehran viewed as violations of the MoU’s spirit .
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U.S. Retaliation: The U.S. response was swift and devastating. Centcom stated its forces had “begun launching a series of powerful strikes against Iran to impose heavy costs” . The strikes targeted air defense systems, command-and-control networks, and more than 60 IRGC speedboats . The U.S. also revoked a general license that had allowed the sale of Iranian oil for 60 days .
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Iran’s Retaliation: Iran’s military vowed a “crushing response” and launched missile and drone strikes against U.S. military sites in Bahrain and Kuwait . The Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters, part of the Iranian military, called the U.S. strikes an “overt act of aggression” .
4. Deeper Fault Lines: The Unresolved Drivers of Conflict
The failure of the peace process cannot be explained only by the recent flare-up. Deeper, unresolved fault lines had been present from the beginning .
The Problem of Iran’s Nuclear Ambitions: Many Iranian regime insiders have continued to state that a nuclear weapon alone offers credible deterrence against future aggressions . This narrative exacerbates anxieties among Gulf states, making them more hawkish rather than receptive to dialogue .
The Role of Israel: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been a consistent obstacle to peace. His government views the Iranian regime as an existential threat, and its intermittent attacks even after the signing of the MoU have continuously undermined trust . Netanyahu’s domestic political vulnerabilities, which include facing potential indictment on corruption charges, also shape his calculus. A conflict with Iran provides a useful diversion from his legal troubles .
China’s Growing Role: China’s strategic objective is to expel U.S. and NATO influence from Asia. Its proximity to Iran, and even other West Asian nations, complicates the search for an endurable peace . Indirect Chinese support is assessed to have bolstered Iran’s capacities to challenge the combined U.S.-Israeli might .
5. India’s Dilemma: A Vulnerable Giant
The collapse of the peace process has profound implications for India. As one of the world’s largest energy importers, India remains vulnerable to disruptions and instability in the Gulf, which impact energy prices, economic growth, and inflation at home . The episode has also underscored India’s inability to leverage its strategic acceptability across the region’s internal divides.
As the analysis in the source material concludes, India needs stronger strategic capabilities, greater institutional agility, and a deeply calibrated approach to shape its external surroundings. In an increasingly interconnected world, where geopolitical conflicts impact development far beyond the theatre of conflict, this is an existential necessity .
6. Conclusion: A Return to the Brink
The collapse of the Iran talks is a stark reminder that peace in the Middle East is a fragile commodity. The MoU was never a peace agreement, but a temporary pause—and that pause has now expired. As long as the deeper fault lines remain unaddressed, the region will remain a powder keg, with India and other nations stuck in the crossfire.
5 Questions & Answers
Q1: What event triggered the collapse of the US-Iran peace process?
A: The collapse was triggered on July 8, 2026, when Iran struck three commercial vessels in the Strait of Hormuz, including a Qatari LNG tanker and a Saudi crude oil supertanker. This led to a heavy U.S. military retaliation, with President Trump declaring the ceasefire “over” .
Q2: What was the fundamental nature of the June 17 Memorandum of Understanding between the US and Iran?
A: The MoU was a tactical timeout or a “lull” rather than a genuine peace agreement. Both sides were exhausted by the war, but the core issues—including Iran’s nuclear program, its ballistic missiles, and the administration of the Strait of Hormuz—were left unresolved for a 60-day negotiation period .
Q3: What is Israel’s role in the breakdown of the US-Iran peace process?
A: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is seen as a key obstacle to peace. His intermittent attacks on Iranian-linked targets even after the signing of the MoU have continuously undermined the process, and the collapse of peace serves his political agenda to deflect from legal troubles .
Q4: How has China’s involvement affected the US-Iran balance of power?
A: Indirect Chinese support is assessed to have bolstered Iran’s capacity to challenge the combined US-Israeli military power. China’s strategic objective is to expel U.S. and NATO influence from Asia, and its proximity to Iran complicates the search for peace .
Q5: What are the implications of the peace process collapse for India?
A: India remains highly vulnerable, as instability in the Gulf impacts energy prices, economic growth, and inflation. The crisis has also exposed India’s inability to leverage its wider acceptability across regional divides and underscores its need for stronger strategic capabilities and institutional agility .
Love, Romance and Courtship Through the Ages: A Journey Across Civilisations
1. Introduction: The Universal Language of Love
Love, romance and courtship are themes that have transcended time, geography, and culture. They are the subjects of mythologies, the inspiration of great literature, and the foundation of real-life partnerships that have shaped history. From the ancient epics of India and Persia to the classical tales of Greece and the modern-day romance of India’s freedom fighters, the quest for love has been a constant thread in the human experience.
This analysis explores some of the most iconic love stories from across the world, examining how different civilisations have depicted courtship, devotion, and the often tumultuous path to union. From the fierce devotion of Savitri to the poetic romance of Durgabai and C.D. Deshmukh, these stories reveal the enduring power of love to inspire, challenge, and transform.
2. Savitri and Satyavanta: The Triumph of Devotion
One of the earliest and most powerful love stories in Indian mythology is that of Savitri and Satyavanta, found in the Mahabharata. Princess Savitri, known for her beauty and brilliant intellect, refuses to be married off in a traditional swayamvara—an event where eligible suitors are invited to compete for the bride. Instead, Savitri travels the country on a golden chariot to find her equal [citation:source].
She falls in love with Satyavanta, an exiled prince living as an ascetic in a forest. Even when the divine sage Narada prophesies that Satyavanta has only one year to live, Savitri stands by her choice, boldly stating that a person’s life can only be given once [citation:source]. When Yama, the God of Death, comes to take her husband’s soul, Savitri follows Yama and outsmarts him through her wisdom, winning Satyavanta’s life back [citation:source].
The story of Savitri is a celebration of female agency, wisdom, and unwavering devotion. It challenges the traditional narrative of the passive heroine, presenting a woman who actively chooses her partner and fights for his life against the forces of fate itself.
3. Eros and Psyche: The Courtship of the Soul
The Greek myth of Eros and Psyche represents the ultimate courtship of the soul. Psyche, a mortal woman of such beauty that she rivals Aphrodite, the Goddess of Beauty, is fated by an oracle to marry a monster. Instead, the invisible Eros, the Greek God of Love (the equivalent of the Roman God Cupid), falls in love with her and secretly marries her on the condition that she never looks upon his face [citation:source].
Tricked by her jealous sisters into lighting an oil lamp to see her husband, Psyche accidentally spills hot wax on the sleeping God, and he flees. To reunite with her divine lover, Psyche undergoes a series of seemingly impossible tasks set by Eros’s mother, Aphrodite. Proving her absolute determination and love, Psyche is granted immortality, and the two are wed on Mount Olympus [citation:source].
The myth of Eros and Psyche is a powerful allegory for the journey of the soul toward divine love. It explores themes of trust, betrayal, and the transformative power of love, which can elevate a mortal to the status of a goddess.
4. Laila and Majnu: The Madness of Love
In the Arabian tradition, the story of Laila and Majnu is a classic, tragic romance that has inspired poets and artists for centuries. It follows two young lovers, Laila and Qays. When Qays goes mad with obsessive love, he is dubbed ‘Majnu’—the madman [citation:source]. Separated by feuding families and forced into other marriages, their tale ultimately ends in heartbreak and death [citation:source].
The story of Laila and Majnu has become synonymous with the idea of obsessive, all-consuming love—a love so powerful that it drives the lover to the brink of madness. Unlike the triumphant stories of Savitri or Psyche, the romance of Laila and Majnu is defined by its tragic ending, reminding us that love is not always victorious.
5. Farhad and Shirin: The Devotion of a Stonecutter
The legend of Farhad and Shirin is another immortal, tragic Persian love story. It recounts the devotion of Farhad, a humble stonecutter, who falls deeply in love with the beautiful Armenian Princess Shirin. She is already caught in a complicated romance with King Khosrow of Persia. Unwilling to let a commoner vie for her affections, King Khosrow devises what he believes is an impossible task. He challenges Farhad to carve a massive tunnel through the treacherous Behistun Mountain. If Farhad succeeds, the King promises to give up his claim to Shirin [citation:source].
Driven by unyielding devotion, Farhad labours day and night and successfully carves an impressive path through the rock. Terrified that Farhad would complete the task, the King sends an old woman to deliver false news to the stonecutter that Shirin has died of grief. Overcome with utter despair, Farhad takes his own life by throwing himself from the mountaintop. When Shirin learns of his tragic death, she rushes to his side and, out of profound sorrow, ends her life [citation:source].
The story of Farhad and Shirin is a testament to the power of love to inspire extraordinary feats of human endeavour, but also to the devastating consequences of jealousy and deception.
6. A Modern Romance: Durgabai and C.D. Deshmukh
One of the most inspiring examples of courtship in real life comes from 1950s India: the romance between Durgabai, a firebrand freedom fighter and champion of the welfare of women, and C.D. Deshmukh, a quintessential and patriotic civil servant [citation:source]. Their courtship was a quiet, intellectual, and poetic romance that culminated in a partnership that lasted until her passing [citation:source].
The Unique Proposal:
After their paths crossed while both were working in New Delhi—Durgabai in social work and Deshmukh as the Union Finance Minister—their shared dedication to nation-building brought them close [citation:source]. Durgabai candidly confessed to Deshmukh that she was ‘almost a rustic’ and feared she lacked the social graces for his world. In response, Deshmukh took her to a eucalyptus tree in his garden and inscribed two Sanskrit shlokas (verses) on its bark, formally proposing to her [citation:source]. She accepted, and he kissed her.
A Frugal Wedding:
The wedding itself was a remarkably frugal civil ceremony, with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru serving as their first witness [citation:source]. Eschewing a honeymoon, the couple went straight back to work the very next day—Durgabai setting off for famine relief work in Pune, and Deshmukh returning to budget preparation [citation:source]. Their partnership was not merely a personal union but a commitment to the service of the nation.
The romance of Durgabai and C.D. Deshmukh stands as a testament to the fact that love can flourish in the most public and demanding of lives. Their story is a reminder that courtship need not be grand or ostentatious; it can be quiet, intellectual, and deeply meaningful.
7. Conclusion: Love as a Universal Constant
From the ancient courtship of Savitri and Satyavanta to the modern romance of Durgabai and C.D. Deshmukh, the stories examined here reveal a universal constant: the human need for love, connection, and partnership. These tales, drawn from different cultures and eras, demonstrate that while the forms of courtship may vary—whether through acts of devotion, impossible tasks, or poetic proposals—the essence of love remains the same.
The stories of Savitri, Psyche, Laila and Majnu, Farhad and Shirin, and Durgabai and Deshmukh continue to resonate because they speak to our deepest longings and our highest aspirations. They remind us that love is not merely a feeling but a force that can inspire wisdom, endure impossible trials, and even transcend the boundaries of life and death. In a world that is constantly changing, the power of love remains one of the few constants.
5 Questions & Answers
Q1. How does the story of Savitri challenge traditional gender roles?
A. The story of Savitri challenges traditional gender roles by presenting a heroine who is not passive but actively chooses her own partner, travels the country to find him, and then uses her intelligence and devotion to outsmart Yama, the God of Death, to win her husband’s life back [citation:source]. She is a woman of agency, wisdom, and unwavering determination.
Q2. What is the significance of the myth of Eros and Psyche in the context of courtship?
A. The myth of Eros and Psyche represents the ultimate “courtship of the soul.” It explores themes of trust, betrayal, and the transformative power of love. Psyche’s journey to reunite with her divine lover involves performing seemingly impossible tasks set by Aphrodite, proving her absolute determination and love, and ultimately being granted immortality and wedding Eros on Mount Olympus [citation:source].
Q3. What is the central theme of the story of Laila and Majnu?
A. The central theme of the story of Laila and Majnu is the idea of obsessive, all-consuming love—a love so powerful that it drives the lover to the brink of madness. The tragic ending of the story reminds us that love is not always victorious and that the path to union is not always smooth [citation:source].
Q4. How did C.D. Deshmukh propose to Durgabai?
A. C.D. Deshmukh proposed to Durgabai in a uniquely poetic and intellectual manner. After she expressed fear that she lacked the social graces for his world, he took her to a eucalyptus tree in his garden and inscribed two Sanskrit shlokas (verses) on its bark, formally proposing to her [citation:source]. She accepted his proposal, and the two were married in a frugal civil ceremony, with Jawaharlal Nehru as their first witness.
Q5. What do these love stories reveal about courtship across different cultures?
A. These love stories reveal that while the forms of courtship may vary across cultures—whether through acts of devotion, impossible tasks, or poetic proposals—the essence of love remains the same. They speak to the universal human need for love, connection, and partnership, and they highlight the power of love to inspire wisdom, endure challenges, and transcend boundaries.
A Constitution in Continuum Anchored in Constitutional Morality
1. Introduction: The Enduring Promise of a Transformative Document
It has been a little over 76 years since “We the people of India have solemnly resolved to constitute India into a Sovereign, socialist, secular, democratic republic and to secure to all its citizens Justice, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity” [citation:source]. At the midnight hour of August 15, 1947, in the words of Jawaharlal Nehru, when the world was asleep India awoke to freedom. The joy of freedom was confronted with stark contrasts stained with the bloodshed of partition, a destitute population and a nation that perhaps did not even understand what it was to rule itself independently [citation:source].
It was under this backdrop that the Constituent Assembly, predominantly the drafting committee headed by Dr B.R. Ambedkar, took up the task of drafting what would be the world’s most comprehensive constitution—a document that has time and again proved to be just, relevant and, more importantly, dynamic [citation:source].
While the constitution itself is one of his most decorated accomplishments, he had also conceptualised a notion that would ensure the efficiency of the document—the principle of constitutional morality. And it is this very notion that also, to quote Ambedkar, makes the constitution “not just a legal document but a transformative instrument” [citation:source].
2. Roots and the Rationale: Cultivating a Constitutional Conscience
The term “constitutional morality” was propounded by the British classicist George Grote in the 19th century. He defined it as the “paramount respect for the forms of the constitution of the land” [citation:source]. It is the constant force that drives and guides the actions of the government and citizenry to respect and revere, above all, the ideals enshrined and underlying the constitution. For what use would have been the lengthiest constitution in the world were it not to be respected over everything else in serving the cause of rights and justice? [citation:source]
As Babasaheb put it, “Constitutional morality is not a natural sentiment, it must be cultivated” [citation:source]. He believed that democracy required ethics, or what he called morality. One aspect of this is the importance of abiding by the spirit of the Constitution and not just its legal provisions . Going beyond this, Ambedkar felt that morality, in the sense of social ethics, was indispensable for the realization of liberty and equality . In the absence of morality, he thought, there were only two alternatives: anarchy or the police .
Ambedkar’s Vision of a Good Society
Ambedkar’s vision of democracy was closely related to his ideal of a ‘good society’. He was clear about this ideal: on many occasions, he stated that he envisaged a good society as one based on ‘liberty, equality and fraternity’ (today we might prefer to call this ‘liberty, equality and solidarity’). Democracy, as he saw it, was both the end and the means of this ideal .
For Ambedkar, without fraternity, equality and liberty would be no deeper than coats of paint . Caste, in his view, was an impediment to constitutional morality in a very specific way. It prevented the emergence of those abstract personae so central to constitutional morality—the ability to dissociate a person from their views, to trust someone despite deep disagreement based on the knowledge that there is a shared agreement on processes to adjudicate that disagreement .
Ambedkar divided morality into social morality and constitutional morality:
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Social Morality: Built through interaction based on the mutual recognition of human beings. Under the rigid systems of caste and religion, such interaction was not possible as one did not accept another person as a respectable human being due to their religion or caste background .
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Constitutional Morality: A prerequisite to maintaining a system of democracy in a country. He believed that only through a negation of hereditary rule, laws that represented all people, with people’s representatives, and a state which has the confidence of the people, can democracy be maintained. One single person or political party could not represent the needs or will of all the people .
3. The Constitution in Action: Rule of Law and Judicial Interpretations
The principle of Rule of Law is the torchbearer in this regard. The Indian constitution boasts of being the lengthiest and most comprehensive constitution of the world. What started off with 395 articles, 22 parts and 8 schedules is now a document spanning over 470 articles and 12 schedules. It is a live charter, and one can only wonder how all these amendments over time have not yet completely altered the spirit. The answer lies in the proactive role of the judiciary and its constant custodianship of constitutional morality [citation:source].
The Basic Structure Doctrine (Kesavananda Bharati, 1976)
When the Supreme Court of India in the country’s most significant judgement, Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973), postulated the term and principle of “basic structure,” it was rightly stating that it is the law of the land that must precede all else [citation:source]. The 13-judge bench, in a historic 7:6 majority decision, held that certain fundamental features of the Constitution—such as democracy, secularism, federalism, and the rule of law—cannot be amended or abrogated by Parliament . The court also held that the power of judicial review is an integral part of the basic structure, and cannot be taken away .
This doctrine has served as a check on the power of Parliament and has ensured that the Constitution remains a living document responsive to changing times while preserving its fundamental values and principles . Without the basic structure doctrine, it is possible to imagine India descending into an authoritarian form of governance with even the sanctity of the Constitution itself sacrificed at the altar of untrammelled political power .
The Right to Know (Maneka Gandhi, 1978)
A similar sentiment is echoed in Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978), when the court interpreted the words “procedure established by law,” emphasising that the said law must uphold the principles of natural justice [citation:source].
4. Constitutional Morality in Landmark Judgments
Constitutional morality has served as the bedrock for some of the most progressive judgments in Indian history, upholding the principles of natural justice and challenging majoritarian tendencies.
The Triple Talaq Case (Shayara Bano v. Union of India, 2017)
This case, or more popularly known as the “Triple Talaq” case, was a defining moment where Rule of Law was held above personal law, eliminating arbitrariness and ensuring the notion of Audi Alteram partem [citation:source]. The Supreme Court, by a 3:2 majority, declared the practice of instant triple talaq unconstitutional . The majority held that the practice is not only impermissible in law but also sinful by the Hanafi school under which it has been prevalent, and it violates the fundamental right to equality due to its manifestly arbitrary nature that permits a Muslim man to instantly, irrevocably, and unilaterally terminate a marriage .
It is important to note that the Court did not test this on the question of equality between men and women, but on the principle of arbitrariness under Article 14 jurisprudence . Nevertheless, the judgment advanced the cause of gender justice.
The Sabarimala Case (Indian Young Lawyers Association, 2018)
The doctrine of constitutional morality played a crucial role in ending the prohibition on the entry of menstruating women into the Sabarimala temple . The Court held that the term ‘morality’ in Articles 25 and 26 (which guarantee religious freedoms) must be understood as constitutional morality and not morality as perceived by individuals or religious sects . Thus, by reading constitutional morality into these articles, the Court upheld women’s right to enter the temple despite being at loggerheads with existing religious beliefs, while simultaneously denying constitutional protection to religious practices that are discriminatory, oppressive, and exclusionary .
This judgment is currently being reviewed by a nine-judge Bench, and the Solicitor General has urged the Supreme Court to reinterpret the term ‘morality’ as “public morality and not some vague concept of constitutional morality” . If accepted, such an interpretation would not only result in denying menstruating women entry into the Sabarimala temple but would also subject religious freedoms to popular yet regressive religious sentiments .
The Navtej Singh Johar Case (2018)
Constitutional morality was also displayed in the Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India (2018) case, when IPC section 377 was decriminalised, making room to incorporate new and rising social issues that would protect individual rights [citation:source]. This judgment affirmed a Hartian conception of liberty by recognising the constitutional right of queer couples to form intimate relationships grounded in dignity and autonomy .
However, the court fell short in legalising same-sex unions into the sacred bond of marriage (Supriyo, 2023), trying to find a common ground between constitutional morality and legislative supremacy [citation:source]. This judicial compromise has been described as a “Hartian right with a Devlin-esque remedy,” highlighting the unresolved tension between constitutional morality and societal morality in India’s evolving democratic framework .
5. The Challenge of Erosion
While we have established the need and significance of constitutional morality, the enigmas that keep it running are the government organs of executive, legislative, judiciary along with an able bureaucracy and, most importantly, a well-informed citizenry [citation:source]. The judiciary has, more often than not, played its part to build an enduring morality, yet the principle is not without its perils, and all these institutions are not without their own shortcomings.
Political Indifference and Institutional Weakening
Political indifference poses a major threat as it either crushes or suppresses the evolution of individual rights. The ardent refusal of consecutive governments in recognising women’s issues like marital rape can be cited as an example [citation:source]. The ruling establishment has perfected the skill of instrumentalising constitutional powers so completely that the purpose behind them disappears . Ambedkar warned that it was entirely possible to pervert a constitution without changing its form, simply by changing the spirit of its administration .
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The Governor Question: The Union is given full discretion over Governors (Articles 155 and 156), and there is no law which requires a Governor to act quickly on Bills passed by an opposition-ruled Assembly. Tamil Nadu’s former Governor sat on 10 State Bills for years before the matter was taken up by the Supreme Court . On November 20, 2025, a five-judge Constitution Bench decided that Governors cannot be forced to meet court-imposed deadlines, restoring the discretion it began with .
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The Delhi Ordinance: On May 11, 2023, a Constitution Bench ruled that Delhi’s elected government controls the transfer and posting of civil servants. Just eight days later, the Union issued an ordinance creating a new authority led by Central government appointees to make these decisions. Parliament made this a law in August 2023 .
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The Leader of Opposition: The post of Leader of Opposition (LoP) does not appear in the Constitution. The fifty-year tradition of recognising the largest opposition party as the LoP was broken in 2014 and 2019 when the Congress fell just short of the required threshold. Speakers withheld recognition for a decade, leaving statutory selection panels for the Lokpal and the Central Vigilance Commission without the LoP the law assumed exists .
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The Enforcement Directorate: Data shows that 115 of 121 prominent politicians probed by the ED since 2014 belonged to opposition parties. Yet, the conviction rate is only 4.6% .
The State vs. Society Tension
Beyond institutions, the major challenge to citizen rights is the citizenry itself. The ignorance and norms descending from times immemorial render even educated citizenry incapable of respecting the rights of others [citation:source]. It is essential to understand that social conformity cannot be the yardstick of morality. As long as the citizens remain averse to constitutional morality, any other institutions trying to enforce it will be incapacitated .
Dr Ambedkar reminded us: “The Law may guarantee various rights, but only those can be called real rights which you are permitted by the society to exercise” . The roots of democracy lie not in the form of Government, but in the social relationship, in the terms of associated life between the people who form a society . The tussle between a state governed by the constitution and a society governed by the logic of caste has persisted since the birth of our Republic .
The Doctrine on Trial
A nine-judge bench is currently hearing the Sabarimala case, revisiting judgments that drew on constitutional morality to open the temple to women. On April 8, 2026, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta asked the bench to retire the doctrine altogether, calling it too vague to guide judicial review and arguing that majoritarian legislation should ordinarily prevail in a democracy . The institution built to enforce constitutional morality is being asked by the state to stop treating it as law .
6. Conclusion: Instinctive Constitutionalism
Times have changed greatly since 1949, the year the constitution was adopted, and so has the country. We have made great strides in economy, political fabric, inclusion, literacy, technology and what not. We have evolved greatly since the time Babasaheb called constitutional morality not a natural sentiment. Institutions must inherently view it as their responsibility to uphold it, even if it means coming to a common nexus amongst themselves. And societies must prioritise it even if it comes at the cost of age-old traditions and conflicting interests. It is with sheer will that constitutional morality shall come to us as naturally as the emotions of laughter, anger and grief reckon us [citation:source].
To state Babasaheb once again, “However good a constitution may be, it is sure to turn out bad because those who are called to work it happen to be a bad lot. However bad a constitution may be, it may turn out to be good if those who are called to work happen to be a good lot” [citation:source].
5 Questions & Answers
Q1. What is constitutional morality, and who introduced this concept in the Indian context?
A. Constitutional morality is the “paramount respect for the forms of the constitution of the land.” It is the constant force that drives and guides the actions of the government and citizenry to respect the ideals enshrined in the constitution [citation:source]. The term was popularised by Dr B.R. Ambedkar during the Constituent Assembly debates, who adopted it from the British classicist George Grote and defined it as a paramount reverence for the forms of the Constitution accompanied by an “open criticism of power” . Ambedkar warned that it was not a natural sentiment and must be cultivated, and that it was possible to pervert a constitution without changing its form, simply by changing the spirit of its administration .
Q2. What is the Basic Structure Doctrine, and how does it relate to constitutional morality?
A. The Basic Structure Doctrine was propounded by the Supreme Court in the Kesavananda Bharati case (1973), holding that certain fundamental features of the Constitution—such as democracy, secularism, federalism, and the rule of law—cannot be amended or abrogated by Parliament . The doctrine serves as a check on the power of Parliament and ensures that the Constitution remains a living document that is responsive to changing times while preserving its fundamental values and principles . It embodies the principle of constitutional morality by ensuring that even constitutional amendments must respect the core values of the Constitution.
Q3. How did the Supreme Court use constitutional morality in the Triple Talaq case?
A. In the Shayara Bano v. Union of India (2017) case, the Supreme Court used constitutional morality to declare the practice of instant triple talaq unconstitutional [citation:source]. The Court held that the practice is not only impermissible in law but also sinful by the Hanafi school, and it violates the fundamental right to equality due to its manifestly arbitrary nature that permits a Muslim man to instantly, irrevocably, and unilaterally terminate a marriage . The Court held that Rule of Law must be held above personal law, eliminating arbitrariness [citation:source].
Q4. What is the Sabarimala case, and why is it currently significant in the debate on constitutional morality?
A. The Sabarimala case (Indian Young Lawyers Association, 2018) upheld the right of women of menstruating age to enter the Sabarimala Temple . The Court held that the term ‘morality’ in Articles 25 and 26 (guaranteeing religious freedoms) must be understood as constitutional morality and not morality as perceived by individuals or religious sects . This judgment is currently being reviewed by a nine-judge Bench, and the Solicitor General has urged the court to reinterpret ‘morality’ as “public morality” and retire the doctrine of constitutional morality altogether .
Q5. According to the analysis, what are the main challenges to constitutional morality in India today?
A. The main challenges include: political indifference and institutional weakening (e.g., Governors delaying Bills, the Delhi ordinance, and selective use of agencies like the ED) [citation:source]; a state vs. society tension where society operates through the logic of caste rather than the constitution, making it impossible for rights to be exercised in practice ; and a majoritarian tendency that seeks to reinterpret constitutional morality as “public morality,” thereby denying protection to marginalised groups . As Ambedkar noted, “The Law may guarantee various rights, but only those can be called real rights which you are permitted by the society to exercise” .
The Ayodhya Temple Donation Scandal: A Crisis of Faith and Politics
1. Introduction: A Scandal of Faith and Governance
Pilferage and abodes of the gods have a long and sordid history . However, the recent allegations of theft and embezzlement of donations at the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Temple in Ayodhya have struck at the heart of a political and ideological project that has defined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for over three decades. The caught-on-CCTV theft of cash being stuffed into pockets and socks in Ayodhya has not provoked the Ram bhakts to go into shock and accuse the Narendra Modi government of intentional negligence and mismanagement. Instead, the RSS’s sarkaryavah, or general secretary, Dattatreya Hosabale, is in damage-control mode, issuing a belated and rather pathetic injunction to treat the “extraordinary matter” of pilferage as a matter of “utmost urgency” .
The scandal is bigger and worse than other similar cases. It involves trustees appointed after their names were cleared by the Prime Minister’s Office, acting under Supreme Court orders. There was a gazette notification by the Centre in 2020 and that makes it the business of the PMO; therefore, not just the dodgy trustees, but the government is accountable . Having campaigned in 2024 on fulfilling the promise to open the Ayodhya temple to the devout and tourists, the PMO should have been more watchful and less naively trusting .
2. The Scandal Unfolds: Theft at the Heart of the Temple
The controversy first came to light on June 7, 2026, when Samajwadi Party leader Tej Narayan ‘Pawan’ Pandey alleged that donations worth ₹5 crore to ₹7.5 crore were siphoned off from temple offerings . The Uttar Pradesh government constituted a three-member Special Investigation Team (SIT) on June 13, comprising the Lucknow divisional commissioner, the inspector general of police (Lucknow range), and the special secretary (finance) .
The SIT’s preliminary report, submitted on June 23, pointed to systemic failures in the temple’s donation-counting mechanism. According to the report, CCTV footage allegedly captured around 70 instances in which personnel engaged in counting donations were seen pocketing currency notes during the counting process . The preliminary findings also documented repeated violations of the standard operating procedures governing the counting, verification, and banking of donations, concluding that mandatory safeguards were either ignored or inadequately enforced .
On June 25, a first information report (FIR) was registered against eight named accused and other unidentified people under sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita relating to criminal breach of trust, cheating, theft, and criminal conspiracy, along with Section 13(1)(a) of the Prevention of Corruption Act . The following day, eight men were arrested: Anukalp Mishra, Lavkush Mishra, Ram Shankar Yadav ‘Tinnu’, Manish Yadav, Subhash Srivastava, Avinash Shukla, Rama Shankar Mishra, and Karunesh Pandey . Following the arrests, the police showed recovery of nearly ₹80 lakh from the accused .
The Key Accused: Avinash Shukla
In its preliminary report, the SIT identified Avinash Shukla (30) as the central figure in the alleged embezzlement racket, naming him as accused number one . According to the report, repeated examination of CCTV footage captured Shukla allegedly removing and concealing bundles of donation cash and loose currency notes during counting operations on multiple occasions . Financial scrutiny further strengthened suspicions against Shukla. Personnel engaged in donation counting earned around ₹20,000 a month, with take-home salaries of roughly ₹15,000 after deductions, but banking activity linked to Shukla far exceeded those earnings, with investigators recovering ₹20.39 lakh in cash, US $1,121, gold and silver ornaments, other valuables, and an SUV from his possession .
3. The Institutional Response: Resignations, Damage Control, and Blame
The political and institutional fallout has been swift and revealing.
The Resignations of Champat Rai and Anil Mishra
On July 6, 2026, the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust accepted the resignations of General Secretary Champat Rai and Trust member Dr. Anil Mishra, who had stepped down taking what the Trust described as ‘moral responsibility’ amid the row . The theft and the resignations from office, though not the trust, was an obvious shielding of the accountable. The resignations don’t cover the lifelong membership of these two individuals as trustees, making the resignations meaningless, more like token gestures to placate the gullible, instead of a genuine act accepting responsibility .
The Removal of Gopal Rao
The Trust also announced that Gopal Rao would be removed as an administrator and from the list of specially invited members . However, Rao later claimed that he had not been expelled from the Trust and had only been asked to stay away from its meetings for some time .
The RSS’s Response
The RSS’s sarkaryavah, Dattatreya Hosabale, issued a statement on July 3, 2026, saying that the alleged theft of donations at the Ram temple has “deeply hurt” the sentiments and faith of the entire society, and called for ensuring that anyone found guilty after the investigation faces severe punishment . Asserting that “anti-Hindu and anti-national forces” are seeking to malign the Hindu dharma by exploiting “this unfortunate incident,” Hosabale also called upon the entire Hindu society to display necessary patience and restraint during “this difficult moment” to thwart such “conspiracies” . If this is damage control ahead of the 2027 election in UP, where the BJP as the ruling party is keen to win a third term, then the RSS’s intervention is inadequate at one level and is simultaneously a pointed reminder of what is at stake .
4. The Political Fallout: A Challenge to the BJP’s Moral Authority
The Ram Mandir scandal points to an ugly phenomenon: the political appropriation by the BJP of a political-social-cultural movement, namely the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi movement . The movement wasn’t just Lal Krishna Advani who worked to create and then mobilise the BJP’s core vote base; his endeavours were supported by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad on one hand the RSS on the other, with the Shiv Sena adding people and energy to the mobilisation .
The controversy has also triggered a political contest ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections . The Opposition—the Samajwadi Party, Congress, and Bahujan Samaj Party—has attempted to keep the controversy alive, making it one of the first major political flashpoints before the 2027 contest . Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav has called the alleged embezzlement an “insult to Sanatan Dharma” and demanded a wider probe, including scrutiny of call records of those employed at the temple . Congress has organised protests across Uttar Pradesh and accused the BJP government of failing to ensure transparency in the management of devotees’ contributions . BSP chief Mayawati has also questioned the handling of the controversy .
The BJP has sought to project the investigation itself as evidence of transparency . Chief minister Yogi Adityanath has repeatedly maintained that the guilty will not be spared while urging the Opposition not to politicise devotees’ faith . Uttar Pradesh BJP president Pankaj Chaudhary said that both state and central governments are ensuring that the matter is investigated thoroughly, and that strict action would be taken against all those found involved .
5. Conclusion: The Unanswered Questions
The uncertainty and confusion would certainly decline had the Narendra Modi government made a statement, instead of leaving it up to the Yogi Adityanath government in Uttar Pradesh to sort out who stole and who provided the access to the money, silver, gold and jewellery gifted by devotees. Before 2020, it would have been unthinkable to ask the Prime Minister to explain what happened in Ayodhya, at the temple he opened to the devout in January 2024, ahead of the Lok Sabha polls .
It is now a legitimate demand that the Prime Minister address the nation, especially the Hindu majority, to explain why his mission—”Na khaunga, na khane doonga”—has failed . The allegations that Champat Rai admitted to delaying the filing of an FIR after learning about the alleged theft, and that CCTV footage was deleted or not properly preserved, raise serious questions about the Trust’s commitment to transparency and accountability .
The SIT is set to submit its final report by July 15, and investigators are now in the final stage of drafting their conclusions after examining documentary, electronic and oral evidence collected over the past three weeks . The final report is expected to identify the role of every individual found involved in the alleged diversion of temple donations and fix both operational and supervisory accountability . The report will also recommend institutional reforms to strengthen transparency and accountability in the counting, handling and banking of donations, besides suggesting measures to eliminate procedural loopholes that allegedly enabled repeated diversion of cash .
The Ayodhya temple scandal is a test of the BJP and RSS’s moral authority. Whether the investigation will lead to genuine accountability or merely serve as a shield for the powerful remains to be seen.
5 Questions & Answers
Q1. What is the alleged theft of donations at the Ayodhya Ram temple, and how was it discovered?
A. The alleged theft involves the embezzlement of cash and valuables donated by devotees at the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Temple in Ayodhya. The controversy first surfaced on June 7, 2026, when Samajwadi Party leader Tej Narayan ‘Pawan’ Pandey raised the issue. The Uttar Pradesh government constituted a Special Investigation Team (SIT), whose preliminary findings reportedly captured nearly 70 instances on CCTV footage where personnel counting donations were seen pocketing currency notes .
Q2. Who are the key accused in the case, and what is their connection to the temple trust?
A. The SIT identified Avinash Shukla as the central figure, naming him accused number one . Eight people have been arrested so far: Anukalp Mishra, Lavkush Mishra, Ram Shankar Yadav ‘Tinnu’, Manish Yadav, Subhash Srivastava, Avinash Shukla, Rama Shankar Mishra, and Karunesh Pandey . Anukalp Mishra and Lavkush Mishra are related to each other and also to trust member Anil Mishra, who resigned along with general secretary Champat Rai .
Q3. How has the RSS responded to the Ram temple donation theft allegations?
A. RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale has called the incident “highly condemnable” and said it has “deeply hurt” the sentiments of Ram devotees . He has called for severe punishment for those found guilty and for the temple trust to rectify all shortcomings in management . He also appealed for restraint, claiming that “anti-Hindu and anti-national forces” were seeking to exploit the incident to malign Hindu dharma .
Q4. What is the political significance of the Ayodhya temple donation scandal?
A. The scandal has become a major political flashpoint ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections. The Ram Temple remains central to the BJP’s ideological and electoral narrative . The Opposition, led by the Samajwadi Party and Congress, has seized on the issue to question the BJP’s governance and accountability, while the BJP has sought to project the investigation itself as evidence of transparency .
Q5. What are the next steps in the investigation?
A. The SIT is set to submit its final report by July 15, 2026. The team wants to carry out one last round of field verification in Ayodhya before finalising the report. The final report is expected to identify the role of every individual found involved, fix both operational and supervisory accountability, and recommend institutional reforms to strengthen transparency in donation management . There is a possibility of fresh arrests if the final findings establish the complicity of additional persons, including bank employees .
