The Fundamental Right to Vote: India’s Constitutional Paradox

1. Introduction: A Debate Rekindled

Recently, a Congress leader revived an old constitutional debate by demanding that voting should be recognised as a fundamental right. At first sight, the demand appears unexceptional. In a democracy, what could be more fundamental than a citizen’s right to choose those who govern? Yet, for more than seven decades, the Supreme Court of India has consistently held that the right to vote is not a fundamental right but merely a statutory right .

This judicial position, though well established, has become increasingly difficult to reconcile with the Court’s own evolving jurisprudence. In a series of landmark decisions, the Court has gradually transformed the voter from a passive statutory creature into an active constitutional actor . The result is a curious paradox: while the act of voting itself continues to be described as statutory, many of its essential facets have already acquired constitutional protection .

2. The Traditional Judicial Position: A Statutory Right

The traditional position dates back to N.P. Ponnuswami vs Returning Officer (1952), where the Court held that the right to vote and the right to contest elections are not common law rights but rights created by statute . The principle was reaffirmed in Jyoti Basu & Others vs Debi Ghosal & Others (1982), where Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy observed that the right to elect, “fundamental though it is to democracy”, is neither a fundamental right nor a common law right, but “purely a statutory right” .

A Constitution Bench reiterated this position in Kuldip Nayar vs Union of India (2006), holding that while democracy forms part of the basic structure of the Constitution, the individual right to vote flows from legislation, principally the Representation of the People Acts . The logic behind this approach is understandable: the Constitution does not expressly enumerate the right to vote among the fundamental rights contained in Part III. Parliament, therefore, enjoys considerable latitude in prescribing qualifications, disqualifications and procedures governing elections .

3. The Constitutionalising of the Electoral Process

Beginning in the early years of this century, the Court embarked upon a process of constitutionalising the electoral process. In Union of India vs Association for Democratic Reforms (2002), the Court held that voters have a right to know the criminal antecedents, educational qualifications and financial assets of candidates . This right was located squarely in Article 19(1)(a), the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression. The Court reasoned that meaningful participation in democracy is impossible unless voters are adequately informed .

A year later, in People’s Union for Civil Liberties vs Union of India (2003), the Court drew an important distinction. While reiterating that the right to vote is statutory, it held that the freedom of voting—that is, the freedom to make an informed choice—is a fundamental right protected by Article 19(1)(a) . The Court further held that secrecy of the ballot must extend even to those who choose not to vote for any candidate .

The most intriguing development came in the 2013 NOTA judgment. Recognising the option of “None of the Above”, the Court held that a voter’s decision to reject all candidates is a form of political expression protected by Article 19(1)(a) . This produces an extraordinary constitutional anomaly: the Court has effectively held that the right to know is fundamental, the freedom to make an informed choice is fundamental, the secrecy of the ballot is fundamental, and even the right to reject all candidates is constitutionally protected. Yet, the act of voting itself continues to be treated as a mere statutory entitlement . One is tempted to ask: if the Constitution protects the right to reject all candidates, why does it not protect the right to choose one?

4. The Shift in Judicial Understanding

Recent constitutional jurisprudence has pointed in a new direction. In Anoop Baranwal vs Union of India (2023), Justice Ajay Rastogi, in his separate opinion, expressly favoured recognising voting as a fundamental right . The Court held that the right to vote is an expression of the choice of the citizen, which is a fundamental right under Article 19(1)(a), and that it is reflected in Article 21. Reminding the right to vote of women and the oppressed classes that is protected under the Constitution, the court ruled that the right to vote is not limited only to Article 326, but flows through Articles 15, 17, 19 and 21 . The court made a majestic declaration that subject to limitations prescribed by Article 326, the right to vote in direct elections is a fundamental right .

It is quite salutary of the SC to have recognized right of the voters to know about the educational qualifications, assets, convictions, pending criminal charges of contestants in an election . The SC recognized the special facilities of ramps, braille voting machines and special care to their needs including sensitisation of the staff to make voting rights of persons with disability real .

5. The Basic Structure Doctrine and the Anomaly

The anomaly becomes even more striking when viewed through the prism of the basic structure doctrine. Since Kesavananda Bharati vs State of Kerala (1973), the Court has repeatedly held that democracy forms part of the Constitution’s basic structure . In Indira Nehru Gandhi vs Shri Raj Narain & Anr. (1975), the Court underscored that free and fair elections are an essential feature of democracy . Subsequent decisions have consistently reaffirmed this principle .

But democracy does not exist in the abstract. It operates through elections, and elections derive their legitimacy from the participation of citizens through the ballot. The vote is the very instrument through which popular sovereignty is exercised. It is through the vote that “We, the People” periodically renew the legitimacy of the state and hold governments accountable .

If democracy is a part of the Constitution’s basic structure, and if free and fair elections are indispensable to democracy, it is difficult to explain why the citizen’s right to vote should remain outside the constitutional core. To say that democracy is basic to the Constitution while the citizen’s vote is merely a statutory right appears incongruous. A democracy without voters is inconceivable .

6. Article 326: The Constitutional Mandate

This becomes particularly evident when one examines Article 326 of the Constitution. The Article mandates that elections to the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies shall be based on universal adult suffrage. Every citizen above the age of 18 is constitutionally entitled to be registered as an elector, subject only to narrowly defined disqualifications . The source of this entitlement is not legislation but the Constitution itself. The Representation of the People Acts merely operationalise that constitutional command .

Thus, while the mechanics of voting may be statutory, the citizen’s entitlement to be a voter flows directly from the Constitution. Exclusion from the electoral roll, except in accordance with constitutionally permissible limitations, therefore, strikes at a constitutional guarantee . The Supreme Court has also clarified that the question whether the right to vote or contest at any election to the Legislative Bodies created by the Constitution did not arise in the case of N.P. Ponnuswami, which is cited as an authority on the right to vote .

7. A Matter for the Court to Revisit

The distinction between statutory and constitutional rights may have served a useful purpose in the early years of the Republic, when electoral jurisprudence was still in its infancy. But the Court’s own decisions have steadily blurred that distinction by progressively constitutionalising various facets of voting .

Perhaps the time has come for the Court to revisit an old doctrine. In a Constitution where democracy and free and fair elections constitute the basic structure, the citizen’s vote cannot remain a constitutional orphan. The ballot is not merely a statutory privilege conferred by Parliament. It is the instrument through which popular sovereignty is expressed and the Republic periodically renews its democratic legitimacy .

After all, if the Constitution protects the right to reject every candidate, it can scarcely deny protection to the right to choose one .

5 Questions & Answers on the Right to Vote in India

Q1. Is the right to vote a fundamental right in India?

A: The Supreme Court of India has consistently held that the right to vote is not a fundamental right but merely a statutory right . This position was established in N.P. Ponnuswami v. Returning Officer (1952) and reaffirmed in Jyoti Basu v. Debi Ghosal (1982) and Kuldip Nayar v. Union of India (2006) .

Q2. What is the constitutional basis for voting rights in India?

A: Article 326 of the Constitution mandates that elections to the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies shall be based on universal adult suffrage . Every citizen above the age of 18 is constitutionally entitled to be registered as a voter. The Representation of the People Acts operationalise this constitutional command .

Q3. What did the Supreme Court say in Anoop Baranwal v. Union of India (2023) about the right to vote?

A: In Anoop Baranwal (2023), Justice Ajay Rastogi, in his separate opinion, expressly favoured recognising voting as a fundamental right . The Court held that the right to vote is an expression of Article 19(1)(a) and reflects the essence of Article 21, flowing through Articles 15, 17, 19 and 21 .

Q4. How has the Supreme Court constitutionalised the electoral process?

A: In Association for Democratic Reforms (2002), the Court held that voters have a fundamental right to know candidates’ criminal antecedents and financial assets under Article 19(1)(a) . In PUCL (2003), it held that the freedom to make an informed choice is a fundamental right. In the NOTA judgment (2013), it recognised the right to reject all candidates as a form of political expression .

Q5. Why is the current legal position on the right to vote considered a paradox?

A: The paradox is that while the act of voting itself continues to be described as statutory, many of its essential facets—the right to know, the right to make an informed choice, the secrecy of the ballot, and even the right to reject all candidates—have already acquired constitutional protection . The Court has effectively held that the Constitution protects the right to reject every candidate, but not the right to choose one .

AI Governance and a Voice for the Global South

1. Introduction: The Promise and Peril of Artificial Intelligence

Artificial intelligence is advancing at runaway speed. A technology that can reshape economies, transform the world of work, sway elections and tilt the balance of security is being deployed faster than anyone—including the people building it—can keep up . An experiment is being run on our own societies—without a plan and without consent. That is not sustainable. And it is not acceptable .

This was the stark warning issued by UN Secretary-General António Guterres at the opening of the first Global Dialogue on AI Governance in Geneva on July 6, 2026 . The two-day gathering, co-chaired by Estonia and El Salvador, represented the culmination of years of international effort to bring the governance of artificial intelligence into the multilateral framework of the United Nations . It followed the adoption of the Pact for the Future and the Global Digital Compact in September 2024, which signalled that the potential and peril of AI were too significant, too far-reaching and too consequential to be left to a few .

Yet, even as the world came together in Geneva, a parallel and more complex story was unfolding. Just months earlier, in February 2026, India had hosted the India AI Impact Summit, an event that sought to put the needs and challenges of the Global South at the centre of the AI discourse . But in the process, India increasingly began to position itself within a “middle power” discourse, at the cost of Global South solidarity—a move that has left it in a “lonely corner” .

This analysis examines India’s evolving role in global AI governance, the tension between its ambitions and its realities, and the critical questions that the UN’s Geneva Dialogue must address if AI is to truly serve all of humanity.

2. The India AI Impact Summit: A Shift in the Global Discourse

The India AI Impact Summit, held in New Delhi from February 18-19, 2026, was a landmark event. It was the first major global AI summit to be held in the Global South, and it marked a deliberate departure from the previous summits at Bletchley Park (2023), Seoul (2024), and Paris (2025), which had prioritised catastrophic and existential risks over questions of present harms, equity and inclusion .

2.1 The Declaration and Its Aspirations

India was able to get 91 countries and international organisations to sign the AI Impact Summit Declaration . The agreement marked a shift from the previous editions’ ‘risk’ framing to Delhi’s ‘impact’ framing . The declaration emphasised on the need to address human capital development, democratisation of AI resources, access for social empowerment, AI for science, secure and trusted AI, economic growth and social good, and resilient and energy-efficient AI systems .

The declaration’s emphasis on democratising AI resources was important mainly for the countries from the Global South, given the obvious inequalities in digital infrastructure, access to foundational AI tools, basic challenges related to internet connectivity and electricity, and trained human capital . The reference to a Charter for the Democratic Diffusion of AI advocated for a commitment to reducing the concentration of AI capabilities only with a few technologically advanced nations .

Yet, as observers noted, the declaration looked more aspirational than transformative. It lacked concrete implementation details—no clear roadmap for funding mechanisms, timelines, monitoring systems, or institutional structures to operationalise these goals . It was strong on developmental objectives, but failed to address the ‘risk’ aspects like algorithmic bias, surveillance misuse, lethal autonomous weapon systems, monopolistic concentration of AI compute, or developed states using some utopian rule structure to control technology transfer mechanisms .

2.2 The “Middle Power” Dilemma

As the Summit evolved, the political and policy momentum shifted toward raising capital for AI development in India and accelerating adoption through domestic use cases . In this process, India increasingly began to position itself within the newly framed “middle power” discourse, at the cost of Global South solidarity which underpinned the Summit’s original vision .

This repositioning of India’s geopolitical character has left it in a lonely corner . The middle power narrative is diplomatically attractive but strategically uneasy. India’s aspirations to be positioned alongside European and Asian countries such as Japan, which do not consider India a peer in technological capability or economic development, is also in dissonance with its colonial past and low per capita realities that firmly anchor India within the Global South .

2.3 The Pax Silica Commitment

India clarified this stance by joining Pax Silica, signalling strategic alignment with the United States-dominated semiconductor supply chain . As part of the agreement, India agreed to adopt a pro-innovation regulatory approach, thereby compromising its pursuit of strategic autonomy .

Pax Silica is a U.S.-led strategic coalition of trusted nations committed to securing the “silicon stack,” from critical minerals and semiconductor fabrication to advanced AI systems and deployment infrastructure . The initiative seeks to reduce overconcentration in global supply chains, prevent economic coercion, and ensure that emerging technologies are developed and governed by open, democratic societies .

The signing of Pax Silica at the summit was strategically significant for two reasons. It embedded India’s view of AI infrastructure within broader supply chain geopolitics, and it signalled India’s intent to shape, not merely participate in, technology governance coalitions . However, it also raised fundamental questions for India and the Global South on the concentration of infrastructure and economic power in the U.S. .

3. The UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance: A Moment of Reckoning

The first of a two-part UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance took place in Geneva on July 6-7, 2026 . Stakeholders convened to discuss how the multilateral and multistakeholder ecosystem could come together to collectively define the rules for the governance of AI .

3.1 The Scientific Foundation

The Dialogue was informed by the first report of the UN’s Independent International Scientific Panel on AI, a 40-member body of experts from every region of the world serving in their personal capacity . The report carried three warnings:

Speed: The internet took 15 years to reach a billion people. AI got there in two. And these systems are no longer tools awaiting instruction—they are writing code, acting online and making choices with less and less human oversight. Our institutions were built to govern machines that follow commands. They are not ready for machines that decide .
Power: The computing power, the data and the talent behind the most advanced systems are concentrated in a handful of companies and in a handful of countries. Most nations—including many developing countries—have had no say in decisions that will shape their futures. The longer we wait, the harder that concentration sets. When power imbalances are hard-wired into technology, inequality becomes part of the code .
Truth: A machine-enabled lie can now persuade as effectively as the truth—and authentic evidence can be dismissed as fake. A society that cannot agree on what is real cannot defend itself .

3.2 The Secretary-General’s Priorities

Secretary-General Guterres outlined four priorities for the road ahead:

Safety: Common baselines for frontier systems, common methods to evaluate and verify risks, and common resolve that systems with global reach must meet standards worthy of global trust. He called for an “AI Child Safety Pledge” with three rules for any system a child can reach: prove it is safe; zero tolerance for sexual abuse; and never leave a child in crisis alone .
Red Lines: Human rights are not negotiable. AI must never strip away dignity or entrench discrimination. In every high-stakes decision, machines can inform, but humans must decide—and answer .
Capacity: Last year, private investment in AI infrastructure approached half a trillion dollars. Public investment in AI capacity for developing countries is, by comparison, a rounding error. The Secretary-General announced he would submit recommendations for a Global Fund for AI—to build skills, data and affordable computing power everywhere .
Transparency: Data centres already consume more electricity than most countries. By 2030, they could use more electricity than all but five nations. The Secretary-General put forward the AI Environmental Transparency Initiative, calling on every major AI company to measure and publicly disclose the full footprint of its systems and commit to powering every data centre with renewable energy by 2030 .

3.3 The Voice of the Global South

The Geneva Dialogue was a critical moment for Global South countries to come together to enable enhanced agency and strategic autonomy . As the UN’s Scientific Panel report noted, developing countries are particularly worried that in the worst-case scenario, the AI divide would leave them behind. Its development is unfolding with such speed that they may not be able to recover and to catch up .

As one analysis argued, India can use the opportunity of the Geneva Dialogue to stitch together a fractured AI policy agenda that currently lacks a leader . It remains one of the few countries with the political heft, the technical capacity, and a diverse market to play this role . Rather than positioning itself merely as a destination for investment or a market for AI, India could reassert a vision of technological development rooted in public purpose, user safety, strategic autonomy, and international cooperation .

4. India’s AI Reality: Ambition vs. Implementation

India’s AI ambitions have been matched by significant commitments and announcements. The IndiaAI Mission, launched in March 2024 with a budget outlay of about ₹10,371.92 crore, is building a shared national compute facility with over 38,000 GPUs already onboarded . The summit catalysed over US$200 billion in AI-related investments across infrastructure, foundation models, hardware, applications and deep-tech solutions .

Yet, serious questions remain. Fundamental AI innovation has been slow—India remains unable to compete with global foundational models, its semiconductor development is focused on low-value assembly and there is a question of adequate capital to invest and grow the national AI ecosystem . Since the summit in February, India has sanctioned land for data centres displacing communities, triggering protests. There are no meaningful guardrails to protect local communities as American companies scrape public content to build language and indigenous knowledge datasets .

The friction between India’s ambition and its realities is compounded by the U.S.’s foreign policy push for global AI adoption of U.S. tech, bringing into question whether it will be a reliable partner in the AI adventure to India . The U.S. has declared its disinterest in AI governance, especially global multilateral or multistakeholder governance . This raises fundamental questions: Will India mainly be a consumer of U.S. tech with Indian users bearing disproportionate harm? Will India be a site for extraction of data, labour for data labelling, minerals for manufacturing, and land, water, electricity and resources for data centres, primarily enabling the growth of American Big Tech?

5. Conclusion: A Choice Between Dependency and Leadership

India faces a choice between dependency and leadership in AI governance . The Geneva Dialogue is a critical moment for India to reassert its leadership within the Global South, rather than positioning itself merely as a middle power seeking alignment with the U.S. As the heterogeneous Global South can be a counterweight to the hegemony of Big Tech, India can lead this march to ensure that shared governance norms are created and benefits are shared with the people in the Global South, appropriately protecting them from harm .

The door is still open. But it will not stay open long .

5 Questions & Answers on AI Governance and India’s Role

Q1. What was the significance of the India AI Impact Summit 2026?

A: The India AI Impact Summit, held in New Delhi in February 2026, was the first major global AI summit held in the Global South. It marked a departure from previous summits (Bletchley, Seoul, Paris) that prioritised “existential risks,” shifting the discourse toward “real-world harms,” equity, and inclusion in AI governance . It resulted in 91 countries signing the AI Impact Summit Declaration .

Q2. What is Pax Silica, and why did India join it?

A: Pax Silica is a U.S.-led strategic coalition of trusted nations committed to securing the “silicon stack” across critical minerals, semiconductor fabrication, and AI systems, with the goal of reducing overconcentration in global supply chains and preventing economic coercion . India joined on February 20, 2026 . Proponents view it as positioning India within a reliable technology supply chain, but critics argue it compromises India’s strategic autonomy and signals alignment with the U.S., potentially undermining India’s leadership within the Global South .

Q3. What were the key outcomes of the UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance (July 2026)?

A: The Dialogue, co-chaired by Estonia and El Salvador, was the first UN platform for multilateral AI governance discussions . Informed by the Independent International Scientific Panel’s first report, it outlined warnings on AI speed, power concentration, and threats to truth . UN Secretary-General Guterres introduced four priorities: safety, human rights, capacity-building (with a proposed Global Fund for AI), and transparency (including an AI Environmental Transparency Initiative) .

Q4. What is the “middle power dilemma” facing India in AI governance?

A: As the India AI Impact Summit evolved, India began positioning itself as a “middle power,” aspiring to be alongside countries like Japan . Critics argue this move was made “at the cost of Global South solidarity” and has left India in a “lonely corner” . India’s reality—rooted in its colonial past, low per capita income, and technological gaps—firmly anchors it within the Global South, creating a dissonance between its ambition and its capabilities .

Q5. What are the main concerns raised about India’s AI development path?

A: Critics argue that India risks becoming a consumer of U.S. technology, a site for data extraction, and a location for resource-intensive data centres without adequate safeguards for local communities . While the IndiaAI Mission has built compute capacity (38,000+ GPUs), fundamental AI innovation remains slow, and India cannot yet compete with global foundational models . Questions remain about whether AI benefits will be shared equitably or if the Global South will simply fuel the growth of Big Tech .

Mumbai’s Monsoon Paradox – A City Drowning in Its Own Growth

1. Introduction: A City at War with Water

Mumbai, the financial capital of India, is once again at war with the elements. As the southwest monsoon unleashed its fury over the weekend, the city’s fragility was laid bare. A dilapidated chawl collapsed in the eastern suburb of Mankhurd, claiming the lives of six people, including five children . This tragedy came as the Indian Meteorological Department recorded over 200 mm of rainfall in just 24 hours , triggering widespread waterlogging, traffic paralysis, and the suspension of rail and flight services . Landslides in the Bhor Ghat disrupted connectivity between Mumbai and Pune, while the Mumbai-Pune expressway and the Mumbai-Goa highway were also closed .

This is not a new story. Every year, as the monsoon arrives, Mumbai’s vulnerability to extreme weather is exposed. Yet, the city’s response remains reactive, a cycle of crisis management that treats the monsoon as an annual surprise rather than a predictable challenge. As the source article in The Hindu notes, “Overall, the city has improved at shutting down to save lives and minimising the death toll – but as climate change and urbanisation evolve faster than infrastructure upgrades, simply waiting for system capacity to catch up to demand will be a failing strategy” .

This analysis examines the structural and governance failures that make Mumbai flood year after year, the initiatives undertaken to mitigate the crisis, and the fundamental question of whether the city can ever truly outrun the water.

2. The Anatomy of a Flood: Why Mumbai Sinks

Mumbai’s flooding is not a natural disaster in the sense of being an unpredictable event. It is a consequence of a series of human-made vulnerabilities that converge with a changing climate.

2.1 The Geography of Vulnerability

Mumbai is a peninsula built largely on reclaimed land, former marshes, tidal flats, and low-lying coastal areas [citation:source]. This geographical reality means the city is inherently vulnerable to flooding, particularly when heavy rainfall coincides with high tide [citation:source]. The city’s drainage system must contend not only with water falling from the sky but also with the incoming tide that prevents water from flowing out to sea.

2.2 Decades of Haphazard Urbanisation

The source article argues that Mumbai’s flooding is “compounded by decades of haphazard urbanisation that has encouraged water to run-off rather than be absorbed by the ground, forcing drains to handle more water than their design limits” [citation:source]. This is a common problem across Indian cities. Rapid urbanisation, shrinking green spaces, and widespread concretisation have reduced groundwater recharge and increased surface runoff [citation:source]. Plastic waste and solid garbage frequently choke stormwater drains and nullahs, further reducing drainage capacity [citation:source].

2.3 The BRIMSTOWAD Project: A Promise Unfulfilled

After the catastrophic July 2005 floods, when Mumbai received 944 mm in 24 hours, the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) launched the Brihanmumbai Storm Water Disposal System (BRIMSTOWAD) project [citation:source]. The project aimed to overhaul the city’s aging stormwater infrastructure by widening drains, installing pumping stations, and undertaking pre-monsoon desilting [citation:source].

However, many of these works remain incomplete [citation:source]. More critically, some completed upgrades were based on assumptions about the monsoon that climate change has since undermined [citation:source]. The report on the Dahisar River rejuvenation, a BRIMSTOWAD initiative, shows that while progress has been made, it is only a small part of a much larger, still incomplete project [citation:source]. In 2025, the BMC commissioner conceded that the BRIMSTOWAD project was still incomplete, with the Mithi river works—the river that breached its banks in 2005—particularly behind schedule [citation:source].

2.4 Climate Change: The New Variable

The monsoon is not what it used to be. Climate change is altering weather patterns, making rainfall more erratic and intense [citation:source]. In urban areas, rainfall intensity matters more than volume [citation:source]. Mumbai can generally absorb moderate rainfall over several hours; however, its drainage cannot handle several hundred millimetres in short bursts [citation:source]. This intensity—not just the total amount—is what overwhelms the system. The BMC has noted that “the city has seen a sharp rise in downpours with the average very heavy rainfall within a 24-hour period climbing from 132 mm to 182 mm over the past six years” [citation:source].

A 2024 study found that nearly 55% of urban land in Mumbai was susceptible to flooding in 2022, up from 45% in 2012 and 37% in 2002 [citation:source]. The study also noted an increased trend of urbanization of 16.4 km² per year, which is a key driver of flood risk [citation:source].

3. The Governance Lapse: Who is Responsible?

The source article identifies a “governance lapse” in the city’s response to the crisis. “Mumbai’s accountability also remains split across the BMC for local drainage and roads, the IMD for forecasting, the NDRF, two Railway zones, the State government, and highway authorities” [citation:source]. This fragmentation of responsibility means that no single entity is fully accountable for ensuring the city’s resilience.

3.1 A Failure of Coordination

The cascading failures during the recent rains exemplify this governance lapse. Flooding on the Mumbai-Ahmedabad expressway, the chawl collapse, deadly tree falls in Kurla and Aarey, and the lack of redundancies in public transport all point to a system that is not acting in a coordinated manner [citation:source]. The BMC’s belated advisory to builders to halt hazardous construction further suggests a failure of proactive governance [citation:source].

3.2 Reactive, Not Proactive

The city has improved at “shutting down to save lives”—closing schools, advising people to stay indoors—but this is a reactive approach [citation:source][citation:source]. The focus is on managing the immediate crisis rather than preventing it. This is a short-term strategy that fails to address the underlying structural weaknesses.

4. The Response: A ₹12,705 Crore Plan and Climate Budgeting

The BMC has not been entirely idle. In September 2025, it submitted a proposal to the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) outlining 26 flood mitigation measures worth ₹12,705 crore [citation:source].

4.1 The Flood Mitigation Proposal

The proposal includes both structural and non-structural interventions [citation:source]. Some of the key proposed structural interventions include:

Sponge Parks (₹200 crore): Engineered urban wetlands designed to absorb and release rainwater slowly [citation:source].
Bioswales (₹100 crore): Vegetated depressions that act as natural filters for stormwater runoff, capturing and treating rainwater [citation:source].
Sluice Gates (₹2,000 crore): Vertical gates that control the inflow and outflow of water during high tides [citation:source].
Permeable Pavements (₹120 crore): Pavements that allow water to percolate through to the ground [citation:source].
Pumping Stations (₹700 crore): To pump out accumulated water [citation:source].
Storm Water Drain (SWD) Network Augmentation (₹2,000 crore): Expanding the capacity of the city’s drainage network [citation:source].
Interlinking Water Bodies (₹980 crore): Creating an automatic path for accumulated rainwater to flow away [citation:source].

The non-structural interventions include the setting up of an early flood warning monitoring system and a cloud burst monitoring system for ₹300 crore [citation:source]. The idea is to use sensors, drones, and command control systems to predict and mitigate flooding [citation:source]. The BMC has also rolled out a real-time rainwater and flood-monitoring network powered by LiDAR technology across the most waterlogged zones [citation:source]. This system is designed to provide early warnings and shift the city from reactive to predictive flood management [citation:source].

4.2 Climate Budgeting

In June 2026, BMC Mayor Ritu Tawde unveiled the climate budget report for 2026-27, showing that 43% of the BMC’s capital expenditure—approximately ₹20,730 crore—was aligned with climate objectives [citation:source]. This is a significant step, embedding climate considerations into the city’s financial planning. The report also identified five major climate-related risks facing Mumbai: urban heat, flooding, air pollution, coastal vulnerability, and landslides [citation:source].

5. Conclusion: A Failing Strategy

The source article’s conclusion is both stark and undeniable: “simply waiting for system capacity to catch up to demand will be a failing strategy” [citation:source]. Mumbai is a city in transition—caught between its booming urbanisation and a climate that is increasingly hostile to its outdated infrastructure. The BRIMSTOWAD project, initiated two decades ago, is still incomplete, and some of its completed upgrades are already obsolete in the face of a changing monsoon.

The ₹12,705 crore plan is ambitious, but it is also a testament to the scale of the city’s accumulated debt to its own past. The “governance lapse” identified by The Hindu is not just about bureaucratic inefficiency; it is about a systemic failure to plan for the long term. As the monsoon rains continue to fall, the city’s response remains reactive, focused on managing the disaster of the moment rather than building resilience for the future. The question is not whether Mumbai will be hit by another storm, but whether the city will ever be prepared for it.

5 Questions & Answers on Mumbai’s Monsoon Crisis

Q1. Why does Mumbai flood so severely despite being a major financial capital?

A: Mumbai’s flooding is a result of a confluence of factors: its geographical vulnerability (built on reclaimed land with tidal influence), decades of haphazard urbanisation that has reduced water absorption and increased runoff [citation:source], and an aging drainage system that cannot handle the increasing intensity of rainfall due to climate change [citation:source]. The BRIMSTOWAD project, initiated after the 2005 floods, remains incomplete, leaving the city’s infrastructure inadequate for current demands [citation:source].

Q2. What is the BRIMSTOWAD project, and why has it not solved Mumbai’s flooding?

A: BRIMSTOWAD is the Brihanmumbai Storm Water Disposal System project, launched after the catastrophic 2005 floods to overhaul the city’s aging stormwater infrastructure [citation:source]. It aimed to widen drains, install pumping stations, and improve desilting . However, many of these works remain incomplete [citation:source]. More critically, some completed upgrades were based on assumptions about the monsoon that climate change has since undermined, making them less effective than planned [citation:source].

Q3. What is the “governance lapse” that contributes to Mumbai’s monsoon crisis?

A: The governance lapse refers to the fragmented accountability across multiple authorities: the BMC for local drainage, the IMD for forecasting, the NDRF, two Railway zones, the State government, and highway authorities [citation:source]. This fragmentation means no single entity is fully responsible for ensuring the city’s resilience, leading to uncoordinated and reactive responses rather than proactive planning [citation:source].

Q4. What is the BMC’s ₹12,705 crore plan, and what does it aim to achieve?

A: The plan, submitted to the NDMA in 2025, outlines 26 flood mitigation measures, including the construction of sponge parks, bioswales, sluice gates, permeable pavements, and pumping stations [citation:source]. It also includes non-structural interventions like an early flood warning monitoring system . The plan aims to re-engineer the city’s aging drainage infrastructure and enhance its climate resilience .

Q5. How is the BMC integrating climate considerations into its financial planning?

A: In June 2026, the BMC unveiled a climate budget report showing that 43% of its capital expenditure for 2026-27 is aligned with climate objectives [citation:source]. The report identified five major climate risks facing Mumbai: urban heat, flooding, air pollution, coastal vulnerability, and landslides . This marks the third consecutive year the BMC has adopted a dedicated climate budgeting process to accelerate implementation of the Mumbai Climate Action Plan .

Russia and Ukraine Must End the War and Concede Mutual Concessions

1. Introduction: A War Without End

More than four years into Russia’s invasion, the conflict in Ukraine has settled into a brutal war of attrition—a grinding stalemate that has claimed hundreds of thousands of lives, devastated economies, and reshaped the security architecture of Europe. Ukraine has found ways to raise the cost of the war for the Kremlin—striking its energy infrastructure with drones and imposing a drone blockade on Crimea [citation:source]. When the war began in February 2022, Ukraine’s immediate response was to resist Russia’s battlefield advances while mobilising international support. As the war dragged on, Ukraine received advanced defensive and offensive weapons from its Western partners, while Russia was subjected to sweeping sanctions.

But this approach did not slow Russia, which reinforced its front lines and captured more Ukrainian territory. Both sides have suffered tens of thousands of casualties. Ukraine’s economy has become heavily dependent on Western aid. Kyiv has also transformed the way the war is fought by launching hundreds of drones each day at Russian troops and critical infrastructure [citation:source].

Neither side has a viable military path to achieving its objectives. Russia can inflict military losses on Ukraine, but it is also facing attacks on a scale unseen since the Second World War. Ukraine can hurt Russia economically, but it continues to lose ground on the battlefield [citation:source]. As the source article concludes, President Vladimir Putin and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy should adopt a more accommodative position with mutual concessions. They should agree to a ceasefire and be ready to begin substantive negotiations on the outstanding issues, including the security concerns of both countries and the future of NATO [citation:source].

2. The Human Cost: A War Bloodier Than Stalingrad

The scale of the tragedy is staggering. A new study by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) estimates that total casualties in the Russia-Ukraine war have surpassed 2 million, including up to 600,000 deaths [citation:source][citation:source]. Russia has suffered an estimated 1.4 million casualties, including between 400,000 and 450,000 deaths [citation:source]. Ukraine has endured between 525,000 and 625,000 casualties, including between 125,000 and 150,000 deaths [citation:source][citation:source].

The conflict has now likely surpassed the Battle of Stalingrad in total casualties, making it the bloodiest conflict in modern history [citation:source]. The losses are not spread evenly across Russia, with poorer areas and ethnic minorities suffering significantly higher casualty rates [citation:source]. The Russian army’s main assault tactic—sending unsupported infantry across terrain covered by Ukrainian drone swarms—leaves devastating losses, with often only one or two survivors of every ten soldiers [citation:source].

The casualty rate has risen to nearly eight to one in Ukraine’s favour in the first half of 2026, compared with between two-to-one and three-to-one for much of the war [citation:source][citation:source]. This increase is largely due to Kyiv’s advances in its drone programme, especially its ability to greatly extend the “kill zone”—the area around the frontlines so saturated with drones that it makes it almost impossible for Russian troops to enter [citation:source].

Despite crippling losses, Russian ground advances have slowed to a crawl. The pace and casualty rates of Russian assaults attempting to capture Ukraine’s Donbas region are now comparable to the grinding Battle of the Somme in 1916 [citation:source][citation:source]. Russian advances are averaging just 50 metres (164 feet) per day towards the city of Kostiantynivka [citation:source][citation:source]. Yet even small advances allow Russian forces to extend the reach of their drones, artillery, and glide bombs, steadily laying waste to the cities that remain under Ukrainian control [citation:source].

3. The Economic War: Russia’s Economy in a “Dead End”

Ukraine’s long-range strike campaign has inflicted significant damage on Russia’s economy. President Putin, who initially sought to shield the Russian public from the consequences of the war, now faces a stark reality: the war has come home [citation:source]. Strikes on Russian oil facilities, described by President Zelenskyy as “long-range sanctions,” have knocked out parts of Russia’s refining capacity, causing domestic fuel shortages in at least 25 regions and forcing rationing [citation:source]. Ukraine has also targeted the electricity infrastructure and fuel logistics of Crimea, forcing a state of emergency [citation:source].

Russia’s budget deficit in the first half of 2026 reached 6 trillion rubles ($77 billion), which is 60% higher than the entire annual target [citation:source]. Military spending is increasingly crowding out all other budget priorities. In the first quarter alone, defence spending reached 5.9 trillion rubles ($75 billion)—accounting for 48% of total state spending [citation:source]. This figure could rise to 18 trillion rubles ($229 billion) by the end of the year, with roughly 75% of tax revenues now directed toward defence [citation:source].

To cover these gaps, Russia is borrowing more and more expensively on the domestic market. Domestic public debt has already risen to 32.4 trillion rubles ($340 billion) [citation:source]. The state’s need to borrow at high interest rates reflects severe liquidity shortages and mounting financial risks [citation:source]. International sanctions have effectively cut Russia off from external borrowing. The Russian economy is effectively in a dead end: the war is being financed exclusively through the depletion of domestic resources and the destruction of the civilian sector, while financial stability is rapidly eroding—56 Russian regions are already running deficits [citation:source].

Inflation and fuel shortages are increasing pressure inside Russia. Ukrainian strikes on refineries and fuel infrastructure have forced rationing, and rising fuel prices are complicating Moscow’s fight against inflation [citation:source]. Meanwhile, the Kremlin is still able to sustain its war machine, but only at the cost of what Ukraine’s presidential representative has described as the “irreversible destruction” of Russia’s financial system [citation:source].

4. The New Phase: Drone Warfare and Escalation Risks

Ukraine has transformed the way the war is fought. Kyiv’s growing arsenal of domestically produced long-range drones and cruise missiles is systematically targeting fuel facilities, military installations, and logistics networks deep inside Russia and occupied Ukraine [citation:source][citation:source]. This has caused logistical struggles for the Russian military and eroded Putin’s ability to insulate large parts of Russia from the war.

For President Putin, Ukraine’s deep strikes are a stark reminder that the war has come home. But they have also increased the risk of Russian escalation. Russian nationalist voices have urged Putin to widen the conflict to increase pressure on NATO, while the Kremlin has repeatedly accused NATO countries of enabling Ukraine to strike deep inside its territory [citation:source][citation:source].

NATO intelligence assessments suggest that Russia is already testing the alliance’s defensive capabilities. Russian fighter jets frequently enter NATO airspace, drones push into European territory that borders western Ukraine, and Russia has used ballistic missiles in Ukraine that can strike European capitals within minutes [citation:source]. Some NATO officials worry that a weak and losing Russia might try to test the alliance—when Russia is ready, the US appears ambivalent, and Europe’s finances are still exhausted from COVID [citation:source].

However, as the source article notes, “practical limitations do not evaporate, even for an autocrat believed to spend much of his time isolated in a bunker” [citation:source]. Major attacks on Kyiv come in waves, indicating Russia has limits on munitions. The Russian advance on the front lines has slowed to a crawl, and Putin often resorts to announcing entirely fictional gains, such as the recent claim to have captured the Donbas town of Kostiantynivka—a claim immediately denied by Ukraine [citation:source][citation:source][citation:source].

5. The NATO Factor: A Reshaped Alliance

The war in Ukraine is not only reshaping European security but the alliance itself. NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte has said NATO is undergoing the most significant transformation in its history and must evolve into “NATO 3.0” [citation:source]. At the upcoming NATO summit in Ankara (July 7-8, 2026), members will focus on increasing defence spending, strengthening the defence industry, and continuing long-term support for Ukraine [citation:source]. Rutte said the US will continue to supply important military equipment, but European countries and Canada will finance it, ensuring fairer burden-sharing and strengthening the alliance’s deterrent capabilities [citation:source].

Europe is also taking greater responsibility for its own defence. European countries and Canada increased their defence budgets by more than $90 billion in 2025 [citation:source]. NATO officials acknowledge that, following reductions in certain US commitments, Europe will need to address capability gaps in intelligence, command-and-control systems, air defence, and long-range strike capabilities [citation:source].

Ukrainian specialists are now participating in NATO exercises, helping allies adapt their tactics and operational planning based on lessons learned from the war [citation:source]. NATO officials say Ukraine’s armed forces are seen as a source of unique battlefield experience, particularly in countering drones—expertise that most NATO militaries still lack [citation:source]. Ukraine’s security is now viewed as inseparable from the security of the alliance itself [citation:source].

6. The Path to Peace: A Ceasefire and Negotiations

Despite the grinding nature of the war, there are signs that a negotiated settlement may be possible. President Trump had a nearly 90-minute phone call with President Putin on July 4, and the two sides also held direct talks [citation:source]. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has also held talks with Trump [citation:source].

President Zelenskyy wants to use Ukraine’s offensive pressure to force President Putin to the negotiating table and secure a ceasefire [citation:source]. But drone warfare has only slowed Russian advances, not stopped them. Russia now controls over 20% of Ukraine since 2014 [citation:source]. Ukraine can hurt Russia economically, but it continues to lose ground on the battlefield. Russia can inflict military losses on Ukraine, but it is also facing attacks on a scale unseen since the Second World War [citation:source]. Neither side has a viable military path to achieving its objectives [citation:source].

The source article argues that Putin and Zelenskyy should adopt a more accommodative position with mutual concessions. They should agree to a ceasefire and be ready to begin substantive negotiations on the outstanding issues, including the security concerns of both countries and the future of NATO [citation:source]. As one analyst noted, “you can see the end point” in 12 months—either Russia captures the remaining Donbas settlements, or continued Ukrainian pressure on Russian logistics and society will lead to a ceasefire on a front line that will not meet Russia’s current territorial goals [citation:source].

7. Conclusion: The Price of Delay

The war in Ukraine has now lasted longer than World War I. More than 2 million people have been killed or wounded. Russia’s economy is being hollowed out. Europe’s security architecture is being fundamentally reshaped. And still, the fighting continues.

The path to peace requires both sides to recognise that they cannot achieve all their objectives on the battlefield. Russia has failed to achieve a decisive victory. Ukraine has failed to drive Russian forces from its territory. The only way out is through negotiation.

As the source article concludes, “Mr. Putin and Mr. Zelenskyy should adopt a more accommodative position with mutual concessions. They should agree to a ceasefire and be ready to begin substantive negotiations on the outstanding issues, including the security concerns of both countries and the future of NATO” [citation:source]. The alternative is more death, more destruction, and more suffering for both nations. The price of delay is too high.

5 Questions & Answers on the Russia-Ukraine War

Q1. What is the scale of casualties in the Russia-Ukraine war?

A: A CSIS study estimates total casualties have surpassed 2 million, with Russia suffering 1.4 million casualties (including 400,000-450,000 dead) and Ukraine suffering 525,000-625,000 casualties (including 125,000-150,000 dead) [citation:source][citation:source]. The casualty rate has risen to nearly 8:1 in Ukraine’s favour in 2026 [citation:source].

Q2. How is Ukraine’s drone campaign impacting Russia?

A: Ukraine has launched hundreds of drones daily at Russian troops and critical infrastructure, targeting oil refineries, seaports, and fuel depots [citation:source][citation:source]. These strikes have knocked out parts of Russia’s refining capacity, causing domestic fuel shortages in at least 25 regions and forcing rationing [citation:source]. Russia’s oil production fell to its lowest level in a year, and domestic gasoline prices have risen sharply [citation:source].

Q3. What is the state of the Russian economy?

A: Russia’s economy is “in a dead end,” with military spending crowding out all other priorities [citation:source]. The budget deficit in the first half of 2026 reached 6 trillion rubles ($77 billion), 60% higher than the annual target [citation:source]. Defence spending accounts for 48% of total state spending, and 75% of tax revenues now go toward the war [citation:source]. Fifty-six Russian regions are running deficits [citation:source].

Q4. What is happening on the battlefield?

A: The war has become a grinding stalemate. Russia controls over 20% of Ukraine since 2014, but its advances have slowed to a crawl—averaging just 50 metres per day towards Kostiantynivka [citation:source][citation:source]. Russia announced the capture of Kostiantynivka, but Ukraine denied this, saying it still holds the city [citation:source][citation:source]. Casualty rates are comparable to the Battle of the Somme in 1916 [citation:source].

Q5. What is the NATO response to the war?

A: NATO is undergoing “the most significant transformation in its history,” evolving into “NATO 3.0” with Europe taking greater responsibility for its own defence [citation:source]. European countries increased defence spending by $90 billion in 2025 [citation:source]. Ukrainian specialists are now participating in NATO exercises, helping allies adapt tactics based on battlefield experience [citation:source]. The upcoming NATO summit in Ankara will focus on defence spending, industrial capacity, and continued support for Ukraine [citation:source].

A Step Forward: The Right to Walk as a Fundamental Right

In June 2026, the Supreme Court of India delivered a landmark judgment that fundamentally redefined the relationship between citizens and their public spaces. In a case that began with the tragic death of a five-year-old boy killed by a tanker while walking to school with his father, the Court declared that the right to walk safely on demarcated footpaths is a fundamental right under the Constitution of India .

The ruling, delivered by a bench of Justices P.S. Narasimha and A.S. Chandurkar, held that this right flows from Article 19(1)(d), which guarantees freedom of movement, read together with Articles 19(1)(a), 19(1)(b), 19(1)(c), and Article 21, the right to life and liberty .

What makes this judgment particularly significant is the Court’s unequivocal assertion that the right of pedestrians is primary and must take precedence over the movement of motorised vehicles .

But this judgment did not emerge from a vacuum. It is the culmination of a long history of cultural, political, and spiritual traditions in India that have celebrated the act of walking. As Sumana Roy notes in her op-ed for The Hindu, “walking has been integral to the creation of a political instinct in India—from Subhash Chandra Bose’s ‘Delhi chalo’ to Gandhi’s Dandi March, various protest marches have marked resistance before and after 1947” .

The Human Story Behind the Verdict

The case that prompted this landmark judgment was a motor accident compensation claim filed by a father who had lost his five-year-old son . As the Court itself described, “Like any young father, the appellant lovingly readied his five-year-old son and left home at 9 am to drop him at the neighbourhood school. Who could have ever imagined that it would be the last walk with his son? As father and son were walking towards the school, a tanker came from behind and struck the boy, crushing his waist and lower body” .

What made this tragedy even more devastating was the context: at the site of the accident, “there was neither a footpath nor a pedestrian crossing” . The boy was forced to walk on a road designed exclusively for motorised traffic, with no safe space for pedestrians.

The Motor Accident Claims Tribunal (MACT) had awarded compensation of ₹7.82 lakh, which was reduced to ₹4.70 lakh by the High Court . The Supreme Court, in its judgment, not only enhanced the compensation to ₹11.44 lakh but also expanded the case beyond the individual claim to address a much larger constitutional question .

The Constitutional Basis: Why Walking is a Fundamental Right

The Court’s reasoning was rooted in a careful reading of the Constitution. Article 19(1)(d) guarantees that “all citizens shall have the right… to move freely throughout the territory of India” . But as the Court observed, “It is necessary, rather compelling, that we first disabuse our minds of associating this ‘right to move’ only with movement on wheels. We have started walking long before wheels were put on our path. The primary right of movement under Article 19(1)(d) is the Fundamental Right to Walk, a right that precedes the right to move on wheels” .

The Court further noted that walking is not just a mode of transport but embodies expressional, congregational, and associational rights under Articles 19(1)(a), 19(1)(b), and 19(1)(c) . The judgment explained: “Walking is a struggle for the not so fortunate, meditation in motion for many, resistance for others, discovery for the inquisitive, a cohesive strategy for sharp socio-political minds. It certainly did inspire and ignite some of the ideals of the freedom struggle” .

The ruling also connected the right to walk to Article 21, the right to life, emphasising that walking safely and carefree along wide footpaths, without danger lurking at every turn, was the most basic of rights and “inextricably connected to life” .

The Court’s Critique of the Motor Vehicles Act

A significant aspect of the judgment was the Court’s critique of the Motor Vehicles Act, 1988. The Court observed that this legislation was “not and has never been the statute that recognises the fundamental right to walk” . In fact, it argued that the Motor Vehicles Act had “been an impediment and, in many ways, undermined the precious rights of walkers” .

The Court explained: “The Motor Vehicles Act is built upon ‘vehicle’ as the subject of the legislation, while ‘human’ interests are incidental, which a motor vehicle must avoid violating—that’s all, and no further. In its discourse, the right of a pedestrian is incidental; the mainstay of this legislation is the Motor Vehicle” .

This observation challenges the vehicle-centric approach that has dominated Indian urban planning for decades. As the Court noted, “It may be because wheels eclipsed our imagination, and our municipal administration was busy creating roads that are suitable for motorised vehicles. It could also be elitism to start with, for machines with wheels were only for the rich, but as economies progressed and cheaper motor vehicles were introduced, the entire spectrum of motorised transportation dominated the roads, pushed aside the walkers to the extent that they are treated as a nuisance for the drivers who routinely run over the walkers and their footpaths” .

Correlative Duties and Duty Bearers

The Court emphasised that the fundamental right to walk is not just a passive right but carries with it “correlative duties” on the part of the state and local authorities . It held: “If a road exists, there must then be a duty to ensure that a footpath is demarcated and maintained for the walkers. This is an enforceable duty. The fundamental right to walk on demarcated footpaths shall override the privilege of a motorised vehicle” .

The duty bearers identified by the Court include Urban Development Authorities, Municipal Corporations, Municipalities, and Panchayats . These authorities “must endeavour to demarcate, construct, maintain, and safeguard footpaths and other necessary pedestrian infrastructure, as walking is integral to life” .

The Court also addressed a common misconception about road use, noting that pedestrians cannot be excluded from public roads simply because they do not pay road tax. This observation reflects the democratic and egalitarian spirit of the Constitution, ensuring that public spaces serve all citizens equally, not just those with access to private transport.

Implications for Accessibility and Inclusion

While the case did not directly arise under the disability rights framework, disability rights advocates have noted its profound implications for persons with disabilities, older persons, children, and other vulnerable road users .

As one analysis of the judgment observed, “For persons with disabilities, the right to walk on demarcated footpaths cannot be interpreted merely as the existence of a physical pathway. The constitutional guarantee necessarily requires accessible, continuous, unobstructed, and universally designed pedestrian infrastructure” .

This includes step-free and barrier-free footpaths, accessible kerb ramps at crossings, tactile guiding indicators, adequate width for wheelchair users, audible pedestrian signals, non-slip surfaces, removal of encroachments, and accessible wayfinding and signage . A footpath that cannot be used safely and independently by persons with disabilities cannot, the Court suggested, be regarded as a constitutionally compliant footpath.

The Call for Legislative Action

Recognising the absence of a comprehensive legal framework for pedestrian rights, the Court directed that copies of its judgment be forwarded to the Ministries of Housing and Urban Affairs, Rural Development, Road Transport and Highways, as well as the Law Commission of India .

The Court emphasised the need for legislation that formally recognises the right to walk, clearly identifies duty bearers, establishes enforcement mechanisms, provides effective remedies, and creates an independent regulatory framework for pedestrian infrastructure .

As Justice Narasimha observed, the Act “must protect, enhance, and provide quick remedies for violations, and also establish a full-time regulator to plan, enforce, and implement this precious right” . The Court also suggested that the judgment be registered as “Re: Fundamental Right to Walk and Footpath,” turning it into an ongoing constitutional matter .

Cultural and Historical Roots of Walking

The judgment is remarkable not just for its legal reasoning but also for its recognition of the deep cultural, social, religious, political, and reformative roots of walking in Indian imagination .

The Court noted that “Walking is a struggle for the not so fortunate, meditation in motion for many, resistance for others, discovery for the inquisitive, a cohesive strategy for sharp socio-political minds. It certainly did inspire and ignite some of the ideals of the freedom struggle—which we have a duty to cherish” .

As Sumana Roy elaborates in her analysis, this cultural awareness is deeply embedded in Indian consciousness. “Walking has been integral to the creation of a political instinct in India—from Subhash Chandra Bose’s ‘Delhi chalo’ to Gandhi’s Dandi March, various protest marches have marked resistance before and after 1947. These had been sharpened by a spiritual history that had been a harvest of walking—by figures such as Siddhartha, Nanak, Chaitanya, and other mendicant-seekers. Even the gods had a history of walking: the goddess Lakshmi’s footprints, drawn as part of folk rituals of worship, are evidence of that” .

This cultural richness informs the Court’s understanding of walking not just as a practical activity but as a deeply meaningful human experience that must be protected and celebrated.

The Path Ahead

The Supreme Court’s judgment is a significant step forward, but its full realisation depends on implementation. As advocates have noted, “the real test of the judgment will not be in its declaration, but in the final implementation on the ground. State governments and municipal bodies must now frame enforceable laws to protect citizens’ right to walk freely with ease and without fear or inconvenience” .

Across the country, footpaths remain in a sorry state. An India Status Report on Road Safety compiled by IIT Delhi indicates that footpath availability ranges from as low as 3% in Jammu and Kashmir to about 73% in Maharashtra. In states like Bihar, Haryana and Puducherry, usable pavements remain scarce . More than 1.8 lakh pedestrians were killed in road crashes across India between 2019 and 2024, averaging 30,500 pedestrian fatalities annually .

The judgment now provides a constitutional foundation for citizens to demand better infrastructure. In Pune, the municipal corporation has already earmarked Rs 100 crore for footpath construction and maintenance in response to the ruling . In Chandigarh, a city once celebrated for its pedestrian-friendly design, experts are calling for an urgent review of cycle tracks that repeatedly cut across footpaths, creating hazards for walkers .

5 Questions & Answers on the Right to Walk as a Fundamental Right

Q1. What was the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling on the right to walk?

A: On June 19, 2026, the Supreme Court declared that the right to walk on safe, demarcated footpaths is a fundamental right under Articles 19(1)(d) (freedom of movement) and Article 21 (right to life and liberty) . The Court held that pedestrians have priority over motorised vehicles, and that wherever a road exists, there is an enforceable duty on authorities to provide and maintain footpaths .

Q2. What case led to this judgment?

A: The ruling came in a motor accident compensation case (Maniyar Iliyaz @ Shaik Riyaz v. P. Ayyappan) where a five-year-old boy was killed by a tanker while walking to school with his father . There was neither a footpath nor a pedestrian crossing at the accident site .

Q3. Who are the duty bearers responsible for ensuring the right to walk?

A: The Court identified Urban Development Authorities, Municipal Corporations, Municipalities, and Panchayats as duty bearers . These authorities must construct, maintain, and safeguard footpaths and pedestrian infrastructure .

Q4. What did the Court say about the Motor Vehicles Act?

A: The Court observed that the Motor Vehicles Act, 1988 has never recognised the fundamental right to walk and has in fact undermined the rights of pedestrians . The Act treats “vehicle” as its primary subject, with “human” interests being merely incidental .

Q5. What steps did the Court recommend for implementing this right?

A: The Court directed that copies of the judgment be sent to relevant ministries and the Law Commission to reflect on the need for a statutory framework . It also recommended that a full-time regulator be established for pedestrian infrastructure and that citizens can seek constitutional remedies directly against civic authorities for violations .

Fifty Years Ago: When the Enforcement Directorate Hunted for Black Money in Foreign Banks

On July 7, 1976, an official press release from the Government of India landed with the weight of a financial bombshell. The Enforcement Directorate had detected 70 bank accounts maintained abroad by Indian citizens resident in India without the permission of the Reserve Bank of India. The total balances, when converted into Indian rupees, amounted to Rs. 73.16 lakhs. The offenders included businessmen, doctors, and advocates [citation:source].

The press release provided a detailed breakdown of the currencies held: 2,49,116 pounds sterling, 92,283 U.S. dollars, 26,723 Malaysian dollars, 30,000 East African shillings, 1,94,347 Swiss francs, 15,500 Lira, and 22,000 Australian dollars [citation:source]. The variety of currencies and the range of jurisdictions revealed a sophisticated, globalised network of foreign exchange violations that stretched far beyond India’s borders.

This was not a minor administrative lapse. The detection of 70 unauthorised accounts represented a significant victory for the Enforcement Directorate, which had been established in 1956 to enforce the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA) of 1947. By 1976, the Directorate had evolved into a formidable agency, conducting a staggering 4,307 searches across the country and seizing foreign and Indian currencies worth crores of rupees [citation:source].

The timing of this revelation was also significant. It came at a moment when India was grappling with a severe shortage of foreign exchange reserves, which had plummeted to near-crisis levels in 1974-75, forcing the country to seek assistance from the International Monetary Fund [citation:source]. The detection of funds stashed abroad by resident Indians was a particularly sensitive issue, striking at the heart of the nation’s struggle for economic sovereignty.

The Anatomy of a Search: What the Enforcement Directorate Found

The Enforcement Directorate’s investigations involved a meticulous and often dramatic process of search and seizure. A typical raid would involve a team of officers descending on a suspected premises, often in the dead of night or early morning, to prevent the destruction or disposal of incriminating documents [citation:source].

The recovery of documents was the primary objective. These documents often consisted of bank statements, passbooks, foreign correspondence, and account books that revealed the mechanics of the foreign exchange violation. One such case involved a search of a business premises in Calcutta in August 1979, which yielded documents indicating that a branch office had earned a commission of US $29,673.93 in 1976-77 from its head office in Japan, a violation of the condition that such offices would not charge any commission or fee [citation:source].

The recovery was often bolstered by the interrogation of suspects under Section 40 of FERA, which compelled individuals to answer questions and produce documents [citation:source]. Statements made during these interrogations, such as that of a man found carrying Rs. 84,000 in cash, described receiving the money from a friend who claimed it was “obtained from Madras as instructed by Sabakka Abu Hajee of Singapore intended for distribution among the various families” [citation:source]. These statements provided crucial evidence that could link individuals to a broader conspiracy.

The Legal Framework: The Sword of FERA

The cases uncovered by the Enforcement Directorate were pursued under the stringent provisions of FERA. The Act had evolved from its predecessor, the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act of 1947, to become a comprehensive framework for controlling and regulating dealings in foreign exchange.

The Act empowered the Reserve Bank of India, and in certain cases the Central Government, to control and regulate dealings in foreign exchange, payments outside India, export and import of currency notes and bullion, and the transfer of securities [citation:source]. Section 50 of FERA provided for penalties of up to five times the amount involved in contravention, and adjudicating officers were empowered to hold inquiries and impose penalties [citation:source].

The Act also provided for the confiscation of foreign currency and Indian currency found to be involved in violations. Under the Smugglers and Foreign Exchange Manipulators (Forfeiture of Property) Act, 1976, passed earlier that year, the government could also forfeit the illegally acquired properties of convicted offenders [citation:source]. As the press release noted, the Directorate secured conviction in 10 cases during May 1976 [citation:source].

The International Dimension: The Bank Secrecy Act and Global Cooperation

The problem of foreign bank accounts was not unique to India. The United States had also been grappling with the issue, leading to the passage of the Bank Secrecy Act in 1970 [citation:source]. The Act required U.S. persons to report foreign bank accounts on Treasury Department Form 90-22.1, later replaced by the FinCEN Form 114, and sought to strengthen the foreign bank account reporting requirements [citation:source].

The U.S. Senate’s Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations had also conducted hearings on the misuse of foreign banks and bank secrecy laws to evade U.S. taxes and conceal criminal proceeds [citation:source]. The Subcommittee’s investigations revealed that U.S. citizens were using foreign bank accounts to hide assets from the U.S. tax authorities and to engage in money laundering and other illicit activities [citation:source].

The Enforcement Directorate’s work had to be coordinated internationally, as many of the foreign bank accounts were held in jurisdictions like Switzerland, the UK, and the U.S. [citation:source]. The exchange of information between law enforcement agencies in different countries was crucial to identifying and prosecuting these cases [citation:source].

A Nation in Transition: The Background of 1976

The Enforcement Directorate’s press release came at a time of profound economic and political change in India. The year 1976 was a pivotal year in the country’s development, marked by a mix of challenges and opportunities.

The economy was emerging from a period of severe balance of payments pressures. In 1974-75, India had been forced to borrow from the IMF to stabilise its reserves [citation:source]. However, by 1976, the economy had begun to recover. The country’s foreign exchange reserves had risen to Rs. 2,863 crores by March 1977, a significant improvement from the lows of 1974-75 [citation:source].

The economy was also undergoing significant structural reforms. The government had introduced a number of policy measures to liberalise the economy and promote exports [citation:source]. The Foreign Exchange Regulation Act was being reformed to facilitate the flow of foreign exchange and encourage inward remittances from non-resident Indians [citation:source].

The detection of 70 unauthorised foreign bank accounts was a stark reminder of the challenges that lay ahead. The government would need to continue to strengthen its enforcement mechanisms and to cooperate with other countries to prevent the outflow of capital and the evasion of its tax laws.

The Legacy: Enforcement, Reform, and the Evolution of FEMA

The Enforcement Directorate’s work in the 1970s laid the foundation for the evolution of India’s foreign exchange management framework. The cases investigated and prosecuted under FERA helped to establish the principle that foreign exchange was a national asset that could not be freely traded or held abroad without government permission.

The Foreign Exchange Regulation Act was eventually repealed and replaced by the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA) in 1999 [citation:source]. FEMA marked a paradigm shift in India’s approach to foreign exchange management, moving from a regime of control and regulation to one of facilitation and management [citation:source].

The Reserve Bank of India also undertook substantial liberalisation of foreign exchange transactions in the following decades. The Liberalised Remittance Scheme was introduced to allow resident individuals to remit funds abroad for permissible purposes [citation:source]. The Foreign Currency (Non-Resident) Accounts Scheme was introduced in November 1975 to encourage inward remittances from non-resident Indians, offering them deposit accounts denominated in foreign currencies and offering competitive interest rates and exchange rate protection [citation:source].

The legacy of the Enforcement Directorate’s work in the 1970s, however, remains relevant. The issues it addressed—the concealment of assets abroad, the evasion of tax, and the misuse of foreign bank accounts—continue to resonate in contemporary India. The government continues to grapple with the challenge of black money stashed abroad, and the Enforcement Directorate remains a key agency in the fight against financial crime.

5 Questions & Answers

Q1. How many bank accounts were detected abroad by the Enforcement Directorate in the first five months of 1976?
A. The Enforcement Directorate detected 70 bank accounts maintained abroad by Indian citizens resident in India without the permission of the Reserve Bank of India [citation:source].

Q2. What was the total amount of money held in these accounts when converted into Indian rupees?
A. The total balances in the detected bank accounts, when converted into Indian rupees, amounted to Rs. 73.16 lakhs [citation:source].

Q3. Which categories of people were found to be holding these accounts?
A. The offenders included businessmen, doctors, and advocates [citation:source].

Q4. What was the legal framework under which the Enforcement Directorate was operating?
A. The Enforcement Directorate was operating under the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA) of 1947, which was subsequently replaced by a more comprehensive Foreign Exchange Regulation Act, 1973 [citation:source].

Q5. How many searches did the Enforcement Directorate conduct in May 1976?
A. The Enforcement Directorate conducted 198 searches in May 1976, seizing foreign and Indian currencies valued at Rs. 1.48 lakhs [citation:source].

A Gutenberg Bible’s Journey: The St. Paul Copy and the Golden Age of Book Collecting

1. Introduction: A Treasure Emerges

In June 1926, a remarkable piece of history changed hands. The Vienna newspaper Reichspost reported the sale of a “well-preserved copy of the three-volume Gutenberg Bible” by the Benedictine Convent of St. Paul, near Klagenfurt in Carinthia, Austria, to an unnamed American dealer for 1,500,000 Austrian shillings (approximately £45,000), with official permission [citation:source].

The news sent ripples through the bibliophilic world. All book lovers would wait “with breathless interest for further news, and particularly for the name of the American dealer,” the report noted [citation:source]. The Gutenberg Bible, the first great book printed in Western Europe from movable metal type, is a monument that marks a turning point in the art of bookmaking and consequently in the transition from the Middle Ages to the modern world . By 1926, only thirteen complete copies of this 470-year-old work were known to exist, making it one of the world’s rarest treasures .

The story of this sale is not merely about a transaction. It is a window into the rarified world of early 20th-century book collecting, a world of transatlantic chases, high-stakes negotiations, and the dramatic migration of Europe’s cultural heritage to the booming private collections of America.

2. The Player: Edward Goldston of Bloomsbury

At the heart of the drama was Edward Goldston, a London bookseller based in Bloomsbury. A 1925 newspaper report captured his energetic, globe-trotting pursuit of another Gutenberg Bible:

“After making several air trips over various parts of Europe, Mr. Edward Goldston, a bookseller, of Bloomsbury, has traced and bought in Vienna what he describes as a fine and perfect copy of the Gutenberg Bible, the first book ever printed in movable type. Having heard that the book existed he set out by air about ten days ago for Cologne. He was unable to find it there, so he went to Austria, and at last traced it to a private house in Vienna. He flew back to London for some money, which he took back to Vienna to purchase the book. The price paid for it ran into five figures.”

This copy, bought in 1925, was the legendary “Melk copy,” so named because it had been preserved at the Benedictine monastery in Melk, Austria, for 500 years . Goldston would later sell the Melk copy at a New York auction on February 15, 1926 . The auction, conducted by The Anderson Galleries, lasted just five minutes and saw the Bible sold to Dr. A. S. W. Rosenbach, the Philadelphia bibliophile, for £21,200 .

By the time the St. Paul copy was reported sold in June 1926, Goldston had been in negotiation for it. He had made a special journey to Austria some months earlier and opened discussions with the Benedictine Convent [citation:source]. According to the Vienna report, the monks had asked for £60,000. Goldston regarded this price as “ridiculous,” and Dr. Rosenbach, the American bibliophile who met him in London some time after, agreed with him [citation:source].

3. The Other Player: Dr. Rosenbach, “The Terror of the Auction Room”

The American dealer who had just purchased the Melk copy was Dr. Abraham Simon Wolf Rosenbach, a towering figure in the history of book collecting. Born in Philadelphia in 1876, Rosenbach was a scholar, collector, and dealer whose knowledge of English literature and transformative impact on the international antiquarian book trade were legendary .

Rosenbach was known by many names: “Doctor R,” “The Terror of the Auction Room,” and “Le Napoleon des Livres” . Over his lifetime, he bought and sold eight Gutenberg Bibles, more than 30 Shakespeare First Folios, the Bay Psalm Book, and manuscripts such as James Joyce’s Ulysses, often at record prices .

His career highlights include assembling monumental collections for prominent industrialists and institutions, such as the Huntington Library for Henry E. Huntington, the Folger Shakespeare Library for Henry Clay Folger, and acquisitions for J. P. Morgan . He was a brilliant salesman who blended scholarship with shrewdness, elevating public interest in rare books. In 1952, he sold his personal Shakespeare library—comprising four folios, the 1609 sonnets, and rare quartos—to Swiss collector Martin Bodmer for over $1 million .

At the time of the St. Paul sale, Rosenbach was at the peak of his powers. He was the natural buyer for the St. Paul Bible, and his involvement in the negotiation, even if only to agree that Goldston was right to reject the monks’ asking price of £60,000, is significant. It suggests that the two dealers were in close contact, sharing intelligence on the whereabouts and value of these cultural treasures.

4. The Unnamed American Dealer: A Historical Mystery

The 1926 news report tantalisingly noted that the identity of the buyer of the St. Paul copy was “an open secret” [citation:source]. It hinted that Mr. Edward Goldston, of Bloomsbury, London, who recently sold another Gutenberg Bible to America for £21,800, had been in negotiation for the St. Paul treasure. He had made a special journey to Austria some months ago, and opened negotiations with the Benedictine Convent [citation:source].

However, the report suggests Goldston was not the ultimate buyer. The monks had asked for £60,000, which Goldston found “ridiculous.” Dr. Rosenbach, the American bibliophile, agreed with him. Ultimately, the buyer was an American dealer.

The most likely candidate, based on subsequent history, is Dr. Otto Vollbehr, a German industrialist and collector. By 1926, Vollbehr had acquired the St. Paul copy and was in possession of a monumental collection of more than 3,000 fifteenth-century books. In 1930, he brought his collection to the United States, and through an Act of Congress, the U.S. government purchased the entire Vollbehr collection for the Library of Congress for $1.5 million . The centerpiece of the collection was the St. Paul Gutenberg Bible—a stunning, three-volume, perfect copy printed on vellum .

5. The Journey of the St. Paul Copy

The journey of the St. Paul copy to America is a story in itself. It had been in the possession of the Benedictine Order for nearly five centuries . It first belonged to the Benedictine monastery of St. Blasius in the Black Forest, as indicated by their copper plate ex libris on the flyleaf of each volume .

During the Napoleonic Wars, when the monks of St. Blasius fled to Carinthia, they brought this Bible to their monastery of St. Paul in the valley of Lavant near Klagenfurt . The monks had good reasons to fear the rapacity of the French invaders, for French generals and their unbridled soldiery were notorious as voracious looters . The St. Paul Bible, along with other last remnants of their former library, was safely hidden away in their new retreat in the valley of Lavant .

In 1926, Dr. Odilo Frankl, the abbot of St. Paul, announced that the monastery’s great Bible had been sold to Dr. Vollbehr of Berlin . By 1930, the Bible was in the United States, and Dr. Vollbehr arrived in New York on the Europa, bringing the Bible with him . Fearful of theft, Vollbehr had sent the Gutenberg Bible to Washington in the diplomatic pouch from the United States Legation in Vienna .

6. The Legacy: A Monument of Cultural Exchange

The sale of the St. Paul Gutenberg Bible was one of the most significant cultural transactions of the 20th century. It represented the crossing of the Atlantic of a cultural treasure, a physical embodiment of the idea that knowledge and art belong to all humanity.

The Gutenberg Bible is the first great book printed in Western Europe from movable metal type . Gutenberg’s invention of the mechanical printing press made it possible for the accumulated knowledge of the human race to become the common property of every person who knew how to read—an immense forward step in the emancipation of the human mind .

The St. Paul copy is one of only three perfect vellum copies known to exist; the others are at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris and the British Library in London . Its journey from a Benedictine monastery in Austria to the Great Hall of the Library of Congress, where it “engages every visitor” , is a testament to the enduring power of the book and the vision of those who sought to preserve it.

5 Questions & Answers

Q1. Who was the primary dealer involved in the sale of the Gutenberg Bibles mentioned in the 1926 reports?

A: Edward Goldston, a London bookseller based in Bloomsbury, was a key figure in these transactions. He had been in negotiation for the St. Paul copy and had previously sold the Melk copy of the Gutenberg Bible to America [citation:source].

Q2. What was the price reportedly asked for the St. Paul Gutenberg Bible, and how was it viewed?

A: The Benedictine Convent had asked for £60,000. Edward Goldston regarded this price as “ridiculous,” and Dr. Rosenbach, the American bibliophile, agreed with him [citation:source].

Q3. Who is Dr. A. S. W. Rosenbach, and what is his significance in the history of book collecting?

A: Dr. Abraham Simon Wolf Rosenbach, known as “The Terror of the Auction Room,” was a leading American scholar, collector, and dealer in rare books . He is celebrated for his profound knowledge and transformative impact on the international antiquarian book trade, buying and selling eight Gutenberg Bibles, more than 30 Shakespeare First Folios, and other landmark works .

Q4. What is the St. Paul copy of the Gutenberg Bible and where is it now?

A: The St. Paul copy is a well-preserved, three-volume Gutenberg Bible printed on vellum (fine animal skin). It is one of only three perfect vellum copies known to exist . It is now housed in the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C., as part of the Vollbehr collection .

Q5. What is the historical significance of the Gutenberg Bible?

A: Printed in Mainz, Germany, around 1455, the Gutenberg Bible is the first major book printed in Western Europe from movable metal type . It marks a turning point in the history of bookmaking, making knowledge more accessible and accelerating the transition from the Middle Ages to the modern world .

Can Bar Associations Refuse to Represent an Accused?

1. Introduction: The Ayodhya Bar Resolution and Its Implications

On June 29, 2026, the Faizabad Bar Association passed a resolution that sent shockwaves through the legal community. At a general body meeting, the lawyers’ body resolved that none of its members would represent the eight individuals arrested in connection with the alleged embezzlement of donations at the Ram Temple in Ayodhya . The association warned that any lawyer violating this decision would face a penalty of ₹5 lakh .

The resolution went further. The Bar Association also demanded that Champat Rai, Anil Mishra and Gopal Rao—trust functionaries not named as accused in the FIR—leave Ayodhya within three days. If they did not comply, the association threatened to blockade the city .

The Bar Association secretary, Shailendra Jaiswal, justified the decision, saying, “The sentiments of all of us have been hurt by the theft of temple offerings. The lawyers of Faizabad have agreed not to plead on behalf of the arrested accused” . The association noted that it had taken a similar position in 2005 after the terrorist attack on the then-makeshift Ram Temple .

However, this resolution was not an isolated incident. It is the latest in a long line of such bar resolutions, from the refusal to defend Ajmal Kasab after the 2008 Mumbai terror attacks to the boycott of accused in the 2012 Delhi gangrape case and the 2019 Hyderabad veterinary doctor’s rape and murder case . The Supreme Court has repeatedly—and emphatically—declared such resolutions illegal, unconstitutional, and contrary to professional ethics. Yet, they persist.

This analysis examines the Supreme Court’s consistent jurisprudence on the matter, the constitutional rights of an accused, the professional duties of advocates, and the consequences of bar resolutions that seek to deny legal representation to any individual.

2. The Constitutional Foundation: The Right to a Fair Trial and Legal Representation

The right to legal representation is not a mere procedural formality; it is a cornerstone of the criminal justice system. The Supreme Court has observed that “fair trial is the main object of criminal procedure and such fairness should not be hampered or threatened in any manner. Fair trial entails the interests of the accused, the victim and the society. Thus, fair trial must be accorded to every accused in the spirit of the right to life and personal liberty” .

Article 22(1) of the Constitution guarantees that no arrested person shall be denied the right “to consult, and to be defended by, a legal practitioner of his choice” . This is complemented by Article 14, which provides for equality before the law and equal protection of the laws. Article 21, the right to life and personal liberty, has been interpreted by the Supreme Court to include the right to a fair trial .

Article 39A, a Directive Principle of State Policy, further requires the State to ensure that the legal system promotes justice on the basis of equal opportunity and that no citizen is denied access to justice because of economic or other disabilities . This includes the provision of free legal aid.

Together, these provisions form the constitutional foundation of an accused person’s right to legal representation. As Justice Markandey Katju observed, “Every person, however wicked, depraved, vile, degenerate, perverted, loathsome, execrable, vicious or repulsive he may be regarded by society has a right to be defended in a court of law” .

3. The Supreme Court’s Stance: A.S. Mohammed Rafi v. State of Tamil Nadu (2010)

The landmark judgment that settles the issue is A.S. Mohammed Rafi v. State of Tamil Nadu (2010). The case arose from a confrontation between lawyers and police personnel in Coimbatore. Following the incident, the local Bar Association passed a resolution that none of its members would represent the accused police personnel .

A Division Bench of Justices Markandey Katju and Gyan Sudha Misra held that such resolutions by Bar bodies were “wholly illegal, against all traditions and professional ethics” . The court declared that “all such resolutions of Bar Associations in India are null and void and the right-minded lawyers should ignore and defy such resolutions if they want democracy and rule of law to be upheld in this country” .

The court observed that “the action of any Bar Association in passing such a resolution that none of its members will appear for a particular accused, whether on the ground that he is a policeman or on the ground that he is a suspected terrorist, rapist, mass murderer, etc. is against all norms of the Constitution, the statute and professional ethics” .

Justice Katju’s judgment was emphatic: “It is the duty of a lawyer to defend no matter what the consequences, and a lawyer who refuses to do so is not following the message of the Gita” . The court also noted that at the Nuremberg trials in the aftermath of the Second World War, even the Nazi war criminals responsible for killing millions of people were defended by lawyers .

4. The Bar Council of India Rules and the Uttarakhand High Court’s Clarification

The Bar Council of India Rules, under the Advocates Act, 1961, provide that “an advocate is bound to accept any brief in the Courts or Tribunals or before any other authorities in or before which he proposes to practise at a fee consistent with his standing at the Bar and the nature of the case. Special circumstances may justify his refusal to accept a particular brief” .

However, the Uttarakhand High Court in Kuldeep Agarwal v. State of Uttarakhand (2019) provided a crucial clarification. The court held that “special circumstances” mentioned in the rule, justifying refusal to accept a brief, “refers, by the use of the word ‘his’, to the advocate in his individual capacity, and not to the Bar Association whose members are advocates” .

In other words, an individual advocate may refuse a brief if there are “special circumstances,” such as a conflict of interest. However, a Bar Association cannot collectively decide that none of its members will represent a particular accused. Such a resolution, the court held, is “wholly illegal, against all traditions of the Bar, and against professional ethics” .

The Uttarakhand High Court also observed that “howsoever heinous the crime may be, every accused is entitled to legal representation. While the choice of whether or not to appear on behalf of the accused lies with the Advocate who is approached by the accused, the Bar Association cannot, by way of a resolution, prevent an Advocate from appearing on his behalf” .

5. Judicial Condemnation Across India

The Supreme Court and High Courts have repeatedly condemned such resolutions. In the 2017 case involving the Gurgaon Bar Association’s resolution to not represent a senior official of the Ryan Group of schools in the Pradyuman Thakur murder case, Chief Justice Dipak Misra observed that “sympathy is different, it does not mean not allowing a lawyer to represent an accused in a court” . The court recorded the Bar’s decision to withdraw the resolution and observed that it would be the responsibility of the Bar Association’s officials and lawyers that no harm comes to the accused, his lawyer and family during the hearings .

In 2020, the Karnataka High Court criticised the Hubballi Bar Association after lawyers objected to advocates representing Kashmiri students accused of raising pro-Pakistan slogans. The Bench described the conduct of lawyers who prevented advocates from filing bail applications as “sheer militancy” and indicated that such resolutions could amount to criminal contempt .

More recently, in 2025, the Madras High Court in Manikandan Nair v. State of Tamil Nadu reiterated that Bar Associations cannot formally or informally prevent advocates from appearing for any accused .

6. The Ayodhya Resolution: A Case Study in Illegalities

The Faizabad Bar Association’s resolution is a textbook example of the kind of action the Supreme Court has repeatedly condemned. The resolution:

Imposes a collective boycott: It declares that no member of the association will represent the accused. This is not an individual decision but a collective prohibition.
Threatens penalties: It imposes a fine of ₹5 lakh on any member who violates the resolution . As legal commentator Sanjay Hegde observed, “A fine is only an attempt to make defiance expensive. It does not save the resolution. The resolution is void, and a penalty raised on a void resolution is void too” .
Goes beyond legal boundaries: The resolution also demands that Champat Rai, Anil Mishra and Gopal Rao leave Ayodhya, threatening to blockade the city if they do not comply . This is an extrajudicial demand that has no basis in law and constitutes a threat to public order.

The Bar Association’s president, Kalika Prasad Mishra, claimed that any advocate willing to defend the accused would first have to deposit Rs 5 lakh per accused with the association, and that the money would be used to support the prosecution . This is a clear attempt to financially penalize advocates for discharging their constitutional and professional duties.

7. Historical Precedents: The Unbroken Chain of Illegal Resolutions

The Ayodhya resolution is part of a troubling pattern. Following the 2008 Mumbai terror attacks, a Bar resolution opposed legal representation for arrested terrorist Ajmal Kasab. The legal aid lawyer initially assigned to him declined to appear, while another advocate who agreed to defend him faced political threats before a lawyer was eventually appointed under police protection .

After the December 16, 2012 Delhi gangrape case, lawyers at the Saket courts passed a similar resolution refusing to represent the accused . Likewise, lawyers declined to defend the accused in the 2019 Hyderabad veterinary doctor’s rape and murder case .

The Uttarakhand High Court in 2019 declared null and void a resolution passed by the Kotdwar Bar Association threatening to terminate the membership of any lawyer who represented an accused in the murder of an advocate . The high court also directed the Additional District Judge to deal sternly with any interruption caused by the Bar Association and ordered the police to provide protection to ensure uninterrupted court proceedings .

8. Conclusion: The Rule of Law at Stake

The Ayodhya Bar Association’s resolution is not just a minor procedural breach. It strikes at the heart of the rule of law. As the Uttarakhand High Court observed, quoting Sir Thomas Erskine: “From the moment that any advocate can be permitted to say that he will or will not stand between the Crown and the subject arraigned in court where he daily sits to practice, from the moment the liberties of England are at an end” .

By refusing to represent the accused, the Bar Association has already determined the guilt of the accused—a role that belongs exclusively to the courts. As one legal commentator observed, “A bar association now proposes to fine its own members for keeping a constitutional duty. It further decides to banish men from a city without a trial, and to seal a town by force if necessary. These are not the acts of officers of a court. They are the acts of a crowd that acts under the colour of the law” .

The Supreme Court has been unequivocal: “all such resolutions of Bar Associations in India are null and void” . The Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) has also criticised the Bar Association’s decision, stating that every accused person has the constitutional right to legal representation .

It is now incumbent upon the legal community to “ignore and defy such resolutions if they want democracy and rule of law to be upheld in this country” . The rule of law requires that every accused person, no matter how “wicked, depraved, vile, degenerate, perverted, loathsome, execrable, vicious or repulsive” they may be, must be allowed to defend themselves in a court of law .

5 Questions & Answers on Bar Resolutions and Legal Representation

Q1. Can a Bar Association collectively decide not to represent a particular accused?

A: No. The Supreme Court has repeatedly held that such resolutions are “wholly illegal, against all traditions of the bar, and against professional ethics” . The court declared that “all such resolutions of Bar Associations in India are null and void” . Every person, regardless of the alleged crime, has a right to be defended in a court of law .

Q2. What is the constitutional basis for an accused person’s right to legal representation?

A: Article 22(1) guarantees that no arrested person shall be denied the right “to consult, and to be defended by, a legal practitioner of his choice” . Article 14 provides for equality before the law, and Article 21, the right to life and personal liberty, has been interpreted to include the right to a fair trial . Article 39A further requires the State to ensure that no citizen is denied access to justice because of economic or other disabilities .

Q3. What did the Supreme Court say in A.S. Mohammed Rafi v. State of Tamil Nadu (2010)?

A: The Supreme Court held that Bar Association resolutions refusing to defend certain accused are illegal. Justice Markandey Katju observed that “every person, however wicked, depraved, vile, degenerate, perverted, loathsome, execrable, vicious or repulsive he may be regarded by society has a right to be defended in a court of law, and correspondingly, it is the duty of the lawyer to defend him” . The court declared all such resolutions “null and void” and urged “right-minded lawyers” to “ignore and defy” them .

Q4. What do the Bar Council of India Rules say about an advocate’s duty to accept a brief?

A: The Bar Council of India Rules provide that “an advocate is bound to accept any brief in the Courts or Tribunals or before any other authorities in or before which he proposes to practise at a fee consistent with his standing at the Bar and the nature of the case. Special circumstances may justify his refusal to accept a particular brief” . However, the Uttarakhand High Court clarified that such “special circumstances” refer to an advocate’s individual capacity, not to a Bar Association’s collective decision .

Q5. What was the Faizabad Bar Association’s resolution, and why is it considered illegal?

A: On June 29, 2026, the Faizabad Bar Association resolved that none of its members would represent the eight accused in the Ram Temple donation embezzlement case and imposed a ₹5 lakh fine on any lawyer who violated the resolution . The resolution is illegal because it collectively denies legal representation to the accused, which the Supreme Court has held violates the Constitution and professional ethics . The fine is also void, as it is an attempt to penalise a member for discharging a constitutional duty .

The Enduring Wisdom of S. Upendran

1. Introduction: A Column That Shaped a Generation

For decades, the English language has been a bridge to opportunity in India. In a country of immense linguistic diversity, proficiency in English opens doors to higher education, better jobs, and social mobility. Yet, navigating the nuances of the language—its idioms, its subtleties, its traps—has always been a challenge. For many, that challenge was met with the help of a column that became a quiet institution: “Know Your English” in The Hindu, written by S. Upendran.

On March 6, 2001, readers of The Hindu were treated to a set of explanations that captured the essence of what made Upendran’s column so beloved: a blend of clarity, wit, and cultural insight. One reader asked about the difference between “too sweet” and “very sweet.” Another wanted to know the meaning and origin of “Pandora’s box.” A third inquired about the humorous term “Adam’s ale.” Upendran’s responses were characteristic of his style: accessible, erudite, and often unexpectedly playful [citation:source].

This analysis revisits these three linguistic gems, exploring their meaning, their origins, and their enduring relevance in an era when the English language is more globalised and democratised than ever before. In doing so, we pay tribute to the column that helped millions of Indians not just speak, but think.

2. The Difference Between “Too Sweet” and “Very Sweet”

2.1 A Matter of Degree

The first question posed to Upendran was simple but profound: “What is the difference between ‘The mango is too sweet’ and ‘The mango is very sweet’?” [citation:source] The answer, as Upendran explained, lies in the nuance of the adverb.

“The first sentence has a negative meaning,” he wrote. “When you say that the mango is too sweet, it implies that the mango is so sweet that you have problems eating it. In other words, it is excessively sweet” [citation:source]. In contrast, “The mango is very sweet” is a compliment. “The degree of sweetness is just right; it is not excessive” [citation:source].

This distinction is crucial because it touches upon the nature of qualitative judgments. As Upendran pointed out, saying “The candidate is very intelligent” has a positive ring, while “too intelligent” can be a backhanded compliment, implying that the intelligence is somehow excessive or off-putting [citation:source].

2.2 The Broader Linguistic Principle

The “too” vs. “very” distinction is an example of a broader linguistic principle: the difference between intensity and excess. “Very” indicates a high degree, while “too” indicates a degree that crosses a threshold of acceptability. This distinction is essential for anyone learning English, as it can change the meaning of a sentence entirely.

Consider the following examples:

“The soup is very hot” (it’s just right for a cold day).
“The soup is too hot” (it burns your tongue).
“She is very beautiful” (a compliment).
“She is too beautiful” (could be a backhanded compliment or imply that her beauty is intimidating or excessive).
“He is very honest” (praise).
“He is too honest” (could imply naivety or a lack of tact).

This distinction is often taught in ESL (English as a Second Language) classrooms, but it is a nuance that even native speakers sometimes stumble over. Upendran’s explanation, concise and clear, was a model of pedagogical clarity.

3. The Meaning and Origin of “Pandora’s Box”

3.1 The Mythological Origin

The second question asked by a reader was: “What is the meaning and origin of ‘Pandora’s box’?” [citation:source] Upendran’s response took the reader on a journey into Greek mythology.

He explained that Zeus, the King of the Gods, was angry with mankind and decided to punish them . He created Pandora, whose name means “all gifts” (pan = all, dora = gifts) and instructed the other gods to shower her with gifts that would bring about the downfall of man [citation:source]. These gifts were placed in a beautiful box, and Zeus warned Pandora never to open it.

“Of course, she opened it and saw to her horror all the evils of this world fly out,” Upendran wrote [citation:source]. According to the myth, only “Hope” remained inside the box. “You may ask, if the box contained all the bad things that the gods could think of, why was Hope inside? Ask Zeus!” [citation:source]

3.2 The Meaning of “Pandora’s Box”

The expression “Pandora’s box” has come to mean “a source of complication, something that will create many new and unexpected problems” [citation:source]. The phrase is commonly used as “open a Pandora’s box.”

Example: “The Finance Minister’s reforms opened a Pandora’s box of industrial problems” [citation:source].

3.3 An Alternative Version

Upendran also noted that there are different versions of the story. “According to some scholars, it wasn’t Pandora who opened the box, but her husband, Epimetheus, who did,” he wrote . “Very convenient wouldn’t you say? Now men can accuse women of being the cause of all these problems, and vice versa” [citation:source]. This playful aside is characteristic of Upendran’s style: he not only explained the origin but also highlighted its cultural significance and the irony of how the myth has been interpreted over the centuries.

3.4 Cultural Impact

The myth of Pandora’s box has been a fertile ground for artistic and literary interpretation. It has been depicted in countless paintings, sculptures, and poems, serving as a timeless allegory for the unintended consequences of human curiosity and the enduring presence of hope amidst suffering. Upendran’s explanation made this rich cultural history accessible to his readers, connecting them to a story that has endured for over two millennia.

4. The Meaning of “Adam’s Ale”

4.1 A Humorous Term for Water

The third question in the column was: “What is the meaning of Adam’s ale?” [citation:source] Upendran explained that “Adam’s ale” is a humorous term for water [citation:source]. It is a biblical allusion, referring to Adam, the first man, who, in the Garden of Eden, had only water to drink.

Example: “Jack and Jill went up the hill to fetch a pail of Adam’s ale!” [citation:source]

4.2 The Etymology of Alcoholic Beverages

In a delightful twist, Upendran noted that many alcoholic drinks actually mean “water.” He explained that “whisky” comes from a Gaelic word meaning “water of life,” while the French “eau-de-vie” also means “water of life” [citation:source]. “Vodka,” he added, “means ‘little water'” [citation:source].

This piece of trivia was more than just a fun fact. It highlighted the deep cultural associations between water and life, and how those associations have been preserved in the very names of the beverages that have shaped human history. As Upendran wryly concluded, “If your boss or your father ever asks you whether you drink, you can look him straight in the eye and say, ‘I have a little water once in a while!'” [citation:source]

4.3 “Adam’s Ale” in Literature and Culture

The term “Adam’s ale” has appeared in literature and popular culture for centuries. It reflects a certain wry, self-deprecating humour that has always been part of the English-speaking world’s relationship with alcohol. It also serves as a reminder that language evolves in surprising ways, and that even the most mundane concepts can be wrapped in layers of cultural meaning.

5. The Enduring Value of “Know Your English”

The three explanations in the March 6, 2001 column are characteristic of Upendran’s work. They are concise, clear, and entertaining, making the sometimes dry study of language feel accessible and even fun.

5.1 A Bridge to Opportunity

In India, “Know Your English” was more than just a language column. It was a bridge to opportunity. In a country where English is a critical skill for social mobility, the column provided free access to linguistic education, empowering readers from all walks of life to speak and write with confidence.

For millions of readers, “Know Your English” was their only formal education in English. It was a column that leveled the playing field, offering the same linguistic tools to a student in a small town as to a CEO in a metropolis.

5.2 A Model of Clarity

Upendran’s style was a model of clarity. He avoided academic jargon, explaining complex grammatical concepts in simple, everyday language. His explanations were illustrated with clear examples, making abstract rules concrete and memorable. He also had a gift for connecting grammar to culture, showing how language reflects the values, beliefs, and history of its speakers.

5.3 A Touch of Humour

Perhaps the most distinctive feature of Upendran’s column was its humour. He approached language with a lightness of touch that made learning feel like a pleasure. Whether he was teasing readers about the differences between “too” and “very,” or wryly observing the irony of a myth that blamed women for the world’s problems, Upendran understood that language is not just a tool but a source of joy.

5.4 The Legacy of S. Upendran

S. Upendran’s “Know Your English” column was more than a feature in a newspaper. It was a quiet institution that shaped the English-language consciousness of a generation of Indians. At a time before the internet, before Duolingo, before YouTube tutorials, it was the go-to resource for anyone seeking clarity on the nuances of English.

Upendran’s columns were compiled into books, becoming enduring reference works. For many readers, his name became synonymous with linguistic authority. His voice was calm, reassuring, and unfailingly clear—a steadying presence in a complex and often confusing linguistic landscape.

6. Conclusion: The Language of Life

The three questions from the March 6, 2001 column—about the difference between “too sweet” and “very sweet,” the origin of “Pandora’s box,” and the meaning of “Adam’s ale”—may seem modest. Yet they speak to something profound about the human condition.

“Too sweet” vs. “very sweet” is a lesson in the subtleties of human judgment, about how we navigate the delicate boundaries between pleasure and excess.
“Pandora’s box” is a story about curiosity, consequence, and the enduring presence of hope.
“Adam’s ale” is a reminder of the simple, elemental things that sustain us, wrapped in a wry human humour.

S. Upendran’s column connected its readers to these threads of human experience. It made them better speakers, better writers, and perhaps better thinkers. As we look back on his work, we are reminded that the English language, for all its complexities, is ultimately a tool for connection—a bridge between people, between cultures, and between the past and the future. It is a legacy that continues to resonate, one reader at a time.

5 Questions & Answers on English Usage

Q1. What is the difference between saying “The mango is too sweet” and “The mango is very sweet”?

A: “The mango is too sweet” carries a negative meaning, implying the sweetness is excessive and unpleasant. “The mango is very sweet” is a compliment, indicating that the sweetness is just right and enjoyable [citation:source].

Q2. What is the origin of the expression “Pandora’s box”?

A: The expression comes from Greek mythology. Zeus gave Pandora a box filled with gifts from the gods and warned her not to open it. She opened it, and all the evils of the world flew out, leaving only “Hope” inside. The term now means a source of unexpected problems or complications [citation:source].

Q3. What does “Adam’s ale” mean?

A: “Adam’s ale” is a humorous term for water, referring to Adam, the first man, who had only water to drink in the Garden of Eden [citation:source].

Q4. What is the meaning of the word “vodka”?

A: “Vodka” comes from a Russian word meaning “little water” [citation:source].

Q5. Why was S. Upendran’s column “Know Your English” so popular?

A: The column was popular because it offered clear, accessible explanations of English grammar and idioms, often with a touch of humour. It served as a free educational resource for millions of Indians, helping them improve their English skills for education and career advancement .

NATO’s Challenge: Spending on Collective Defence

1. Introduction: A Summit of Reckoning

As leaders of NATO’s 32 member countries gather in Ankara, Turkey, for the alliance’s summit on July 7-8, 2026, they do so at a pivotal moment in transatlantic history . The cornerstone of the world’s most powerful alliance, enshrined in Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, stipulates that an armed attack against one or more of its members will be considered an attack against all. But now, alongside the military threat from principal adversaries, Russia, NATO faces demands for more equitable burden-sharing from its principal financial contributor, the US [citation:source].

The Ankara Summit is not about drafting a new military doctrine. It is a test of the alliance’s ability to turn ambitious pledges into concrete action, against the backdrop of Russia’s war in Ukraine, tensions in the Middle East, and a renewed and unprecedented debate over transatlantic burden-sharing . It is, in the words of one analyst, a summit of “fulfilling commitments” .

For the first time since the 2% GDP benchmark was codified at the 2014 Wales Summit, all 32 NATO member states met or exceeded that threshold in 2025 . Yet, even as European allies mark that milestone, the target has already been doubled. At the 2025 NATO Summit in The Hague, the leaders agreed on a new target of 5% of GDP annually by 2035 for defence and security-related spending, replacing the alliance’s long-standing benchmark of 2% . Under the plan, at least 3.5% would go toward core military spending – such as troops, weapons and operations – while up to 1.5% could be invested in broader security priorities including cyber defense, military mobility, critical infrastructure and defence industries .

2. The Burden-Sharing Debate: From ‘Sharing’ to ‘Shifting’

The issue of defence spending has been contentious ever since NATO’s beginnings. For its first 40 years, NATO formed the first line of western European defence against the threat of invasion by the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact. During the 1950s, NATO’s European allies willingly spent an average of 4.8% of their GDP on defence. Alongside this, the US heavily subsidised NATO, picking up 60-76% of the tab for Europe’s defence [citation:source].

With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, NATO countries sharply pared defence spending to fund public infrastructure and social programmes. In 2006, at the Riga Summit, NATO’s defence ministers issued a guideline advising member countries to spend at least 2% of their GDP on defence. But, with the Soviet threat having receded, the non-binding Riga commitment was largely ignored [citation:source].

Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula in 2014 was the wake-up call that goaded NATO into reversing a quarter century of spending cuts. At the 2014 Wales Summit, the allies signed the Defence Investment Pledge, committing themselves to a spending target of 2% of GDP by 2024 [citation:source].

Even so, it took a full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 to push NATO countries into adopting the new target of 5% of GDP by 2035. Galvanised by the Russian threat, 2023 saw an unprecedented 11% increase in NATO’s real defence spending. In 2024, the European allies spent a combined total of $380 billion. In 2025, collective defence spending rose by another $90 billion [citation:source].

2.1 The Trump Effect

The gathering convenes under significant internal strain. Since US President Donald Trump’s return to the White House in 2025 for a second term, the alliance has faced an unprecedented rift between Washington and most other allies . In March, Trump called NATO allies “cowards” for declining to support efforts to reopen the Strait of Hormuz during the Israeli-US war with Iran, dismissing the alliance as a “paper tiger” that would be ineffective without US involvement . Ahead of the Ankara summit, he reiterated his criticism, calling the current imbalance “ridiculous” and insisting Europe take greater responsibility for its own defense . The US accounts for approximately 60% of total NATO nominal defense spending while making up roughly 43% of the alliance’s combined GDP . This imbalance has intensified markedly under Trump’s second term .

However, what is unfolding is not merely a debate over budget allocations but a fundamental realignment of the transatlantic security contract. As Stephen Wertheim, senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, has noted, “In Washington’s lexicon, ‘burden-shifting’ has supplanted ‘burden-sharing'” . The Pentagon is pressing for progress toward “NATO 3.0″—an alliance focused on deterring attacks on European territory, with European countries taking the lead in conventional defense while the United States continues to extend its nuclear umbrella .

3. The Numbers: Where NATO Allies Stand

Based on 2025 defense spending figures, the progress is both significant and uneven :

Poland (4.48%): Poland leads the alliance in hitting the 5% mark. Its defense budget has surged since the Russia-Ukraine war began, driven by a national law that mandates a minimum floor of 4% of GDP. In three years, Poland has acquired F-35 fighter jets, K2 tanks, HIMARS rocket artillery, and Patriot air defense systems at a pace that has drawn admiration and anxiety from allied defense ministries alike .
Lithuania (4%), Latvia (3.73%), Estonia (3.38%): The Baltic states have sharply increased military budgets in response to security concerns, with Latvia having already exceeded the new 3.5% core-defense tier set by the 2025 Hague summit .
Norway (3.35%): Norway achieved a historic milestone in 2025: for the first time in recorded NATO history, a European ally surpassed the US in defense spending per capita .
US (3.22%): The US remains the alliance’s dominant military power by almost every measure. Its total national defense spending in 2025 reached approximately $838 billion — roughly 60% of NATO’s combined nominal spend, even though the US accounts for only around 43% of the alliance’s combined GDP .
Germany (2%): Germany is Europe’s second-largest absolute defense spender at approximately $93.7 billion. Chancellor Friedrich Merz has announced that Berlin aims to reach NATO’s 3.5% core defense spending target by 2029, six years ahead of schedule, describing the buildup as an unprecedented investment in European security .
Spain: Spain is the only ally formally exempted from the new 5% Hague target, having negotiated a cap of 2.1% of GDP. It had strongly resisted the 5% target, with Premier Pedro Sanchez calling it “not only unreasonable, but also counterproductive” . President Trump directly pointed to Spain, stating that the country “is not behaving well, but it will learn” .

While every EU member of NATO met the alliance’s previous 2% defense spending target for the first time in 2025, spending levels still vary considerably across the alliance. Countries on NATO’s eastern flank continue to invest the largest share of their economies in defense .

4. Beyond Spending: The New Strategic Agenda

NATO watchers expect three themes to dominate the Ankara summit [citation:source]. The first will be a continued focus on “alliance adaptation,” as NATO seeks to transform from a force optimized for crisis management to one focused on collective defence against peer competitors . The second will be “capability delivery,” with NATO identifying its security requirements and actually fielding those capabilities at the speed demanded by today’s security environment . The third will be “technology and industrial resilience” [citation:source].

4.1 Defence Industrial Revolution

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte has framed the spending debate less as a question of accounting than of military readiness, arguing that the alliance now needs to convert higher budgets into deployable forces, ammunition, air defenses and industrial production . Ahead of the summit, he said NATO would announce tens of billions of dollars in new defense contracts, describing the effort as the beginning of a “defense industrial revolution” .

The first day of the summit will be an industry forum, with the main representatives of the defense sector meeting in the Turkish capital before the heads of state and government do so . A NATO official explained that it is fundamental for companies to know in advance the standards and priorities set by the Alliance in order to analyze “how to foster demand predictability” .

4.2 Lessons from Ukraine: Speed and Adaptation

European security experts say the success of the Ankara Summit will rest not just on pushing NATO allies into spending more, but on directing spending into the right capabilities. NATO increasingly believes that Ukraine, which has demonstrated astounding capabilities in battlefield adaptation and innovation, provides the right blueprint for a more effective way to operate in a war fuelled by AI [citation:source].

As Turkish defense expert Alper Özbilen noted, “I regard the war in Ukraine as NATO’s most significant military learning experience of the past thirty years” . This is the first high-intensity war in which conventional weapons, artificial intelligence, unmanned systems, commercial space technologies, electronic warfare capabilities, and open-source intelligence are being employed simultaneously and at such scale .

The speed of learning itself is one of the most valuable lessons. “No military doctrine can any longer remain unchanged for decades,” Özbilen said. “The battlefield is evolving too rapidly” . Adaptation is no longer a one-time process but has become a continuous domain of strategic competition .

Ukraine has also turned the battlefield into a “laboratory” for cutting-edge research and development. Through continuous feedback between engineers, technology startups, and frontline military units, new solutions have been developed not over years, but within weeks—and in some cases, within days. This model has not only accelerated the innovation cycle but has also helped avoid many inefficient investments .

Ultimately, military advantage will be generated less by platforms and weapons and more by the ability to innovate, to produce, to sustain and to adapt faster than the adversary [citation:source]. Developing an agile defence industry will be the centrepiece of the Ankara Summit [citation:source].

4.3 NATO 3.0: A Redefinition of Responsibilities

Analysts say the Ankara summit could offer an early glimpse of what some have begun calling “NATO 3.0” – a model that seeks to preserve the transatlantic alliance while redefining the balance of military responsibilities between Europe and the United States .

For analysts, rising defense spending is only one part of a much broader transformation. Under that model, European allies would provide most of the conventional military forces needed to defend the continent, while the United States would retain responsibility for nuclear deterrence and the strategic capabilities that Europe cannot yet replicate . Those capabilities would likely include intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, strategic airlift, long-range strike capabilities, satellite infrastructure, logistics and command-and-control systems .

The concern, as analysts have pointed out, is not the destination but the pace of the transition. Europe’s defense industrial base and military structures were built to complement U.S. power, not replace it . The cancellation of the planned deployment of a US armored brigade to Poland, the abandonment of plans for long-range missile deployments in Germany and reductions in US contributions to NATO force planning have reinforced concerns that Washington may reduce its military role faster than European allies can compensate .

5. Türkiye’s Hosting Role

The choice of Ankara to host the summit is significant. Türkiye operates NATO’s second-largest army by personnel and contributes approximately $32.6 billion in defense spending. Its strategic position, controlling access between the Mediterranean and the Black Sea through the Turkish Straits under the Montreux Convention, makes it militarily indispensable to the alliance .

Türkiye has transformed from 20% domestic production capacity into a system that now exceeds 80% indigenisation. Its drones, such as AKINCI and TB3, long-range precision munitions, and other platforms are used in more than 185 countries, all meeting the strict interoperability standards required by NATO and European Union allies . Professor Dr Haluk Görgün, Secretary of the Secretariat of Defence Industries, has argued that “Turkiye is and has always been an integral part of European defence” .

Yet, analysts argue that Türkiye’s ambivalent policy toward Russia, its positioning in the Middle East conflict and its long-standing tensions with Greece have led many allies to question its reliability . Soner Cagaptay has described Türkiye as a “swing state” within NATO—essential yet unpredictable, indispensable yet difficult to manage .

6. Conclusion: A Defining Moment for the Alliance

The rocky path to NATO’s current 5% commitment dates back to its founding in 1949. The alliance has survived the Cold War, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and countless internal disputes. But the Ankara Summit may prove to be one of its most consequential tests. As the US reduces its military footprint in Europe, the alliance stands at an inflection point.

European countries are now on a trajectory to equalize their defense spending with the United States . Yet serious challenges remain. Strategic airlift, intelligence gathering, satellite communications, aerial refueling, logistics and command-and-control remain areas where European militaries continue to rely heavily on the United States . And the political cohesion required to sustain this transformation—particularly the commitment to Article 5, the alliance’s foundational principle—has been called into question by President Trump’s public skepticism .

As one analyst put it, “We don’t have a choice. Even if it were unrealistic, we would have to be doing it, because Mr. Trump has forced us” . The success of the Ankara Summit will rest on whether NATO can convert its historic spending commitments into a credible, agile, and resilient defence posture for the decades ahead.

5 Questions & Answers on NATO’s Defence Spending Challenge

Q1. What was the key defence spending target agreed at the 2025 NATO summit in The Hague?

A: At the 2025 NATO summit in The Hague, the allies agreed on a new target of 5% of GDP annually by 2035 for defence and security-related spending. At least 3.5% would go toward core military spending, while up to 1.5% could be invested in broader security priorities including cyber defense, military mobility, critical infrastructure, and defence industries .

Q2. Why is defence spending the central issue at the Ankara Summit?

A: Defence spending is the central issue because the US has intensified pressure on European allies to shoulder more security responsibilities and contribute more equitably to the alliance . President Trump has repeatedly criticized European allies for relying too heavily on US protection, and the US is reducing its military footprint in Europe, pressing allies to accelerate their military build-up . All 32 NATO members now exceed the old 2% target, but the new 5% target represents a significant additional commitment .

Q3. Which NATO members are leading in defence spending?

A: Poland leads the alliance with 4.48% of GDP, followed by Lithuania (4%), Latvia (3.73%), Estonia (3.38%), and Norway (3.35%). The US spends 3.22% of GDP on defence, which translates to about $838 billion—roughly 60% of NATO’s combined nominal spend .

Q4. What is meant by “NATO 3.0”?

A: “NATO 3.0” refers to a model being discussed at the summit where the alliance would preserve the transatlantic link while redefining the balance of military responsibilities. European allies would take the lead in conventional defence of the continent, while the United States would retain responsibility for nuclear deterrence and strategic capabilities such as intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, and long-range strike capabilities .

Q5. Why is Ukraine’s battlefield experience relevant to the Ankara Summit?

A: Ukrainian forces have demonstrated astounding capabilities in battlefield adaptation and innovation, creating a blueprint for how modern militaries must operate in a war fuelled by AI . The ability to sense the domain, adapt cheap commercial tools, and iterate fast has been central to Ukraine’s effectiveness. NATO is studying these lessons to transform from a force optimised for crisis management to one focused on collective defence against peer competitors [citation:source].

How to Absorb Rain: What Cities Must Learn

1. Introduction: The Grim Familiarity of Flooding

For Mumbaikars, there’s a grim familiarity to the crisis unfolding in the city that has taken at least seven lives in the past five days. Relentless rain has submerged roads, inundated homes in low-lying neighbourhoods, delayed commuters, and forced educational institutes to suspend classes and examinations. The India Meteorological Department has warned of more rain over the next three days, raising fears of further flooding in the country’s financial capital .

Built on what were once seven islands, much of Mumbai is land reclaimed from the sea. Large parts of the metropolis lie only a few metres above sea level. Urban expansion has disrupted the city’s intricate hydrological network — creeks, salt pans and wetlands that used to absorb the rain before gradually releasing it into the sea. During every spell of intense rainfall, water tries to flow along the erstwhile water channels — that explains the regular inundation of areas like Hindmata, Kurla, Sion and parts of the western suburbs .

After the devastating floods of 2005, the city’s administrators did initiate meaningful changes — pumping stations were installed, and forecasting systems strengthened. However, despite being revamped on large stretches, Mumbai’s drainage network is ill-equipped to deal with short but intense bursts of rainfall. The storm-water system relies on gravity to empty water into the sea. This mechanism comes apart when heavy downpour coincides with high tide, like in the past few days — the seawater rises above the drainage outfall and pushes it back .

2. The Predicament of Indian Cities

The predicaments of Mumbai’s administrators are similar to those of their counterparts in several parts of the world — it’s increasingly becoming apparent that improving drainage systems alone does not offer security against climate vagaries .

India’s urban centres face a dual challenge. On one hand, they must accommodate rapid urbanisation—building housing, transport, commercial districts and modern infrastructure. On the other, they must design these in a manner that does not render cities defenceless against extreme weather .

This tension is particularly acute in a city like Mumbai. With half of its 12.44 million residents living in informal settlements and 65% working in the informal sector, the city’s vulnerability to climate risks is compounded by socio-economic fragility . The urban heat island effect in Mumbai can raise temperatures in informal areas by 6–8°C. In the last two decades, the city has lost 40% of its green cover, further exacerbating these risks .

The city’s drainage system, originally designed for a different era, is overwhelmed by the sheer intensity of modern rainfall. As the source article notes, “Mumbai’s drainage network is ill-equipped to deal with short but intense bursts of rainfall” .

3. Lessons from China: The Sponge City Policy

China’s Sponge City policy, adopted after the Beijing floods of 2012, tries to address this challenge by enhancing the water retention capacity of the country’s urban centres — replacing concrete pavements with permeable ones, restoring urban wetlands and creating artificial lakes to store rainwater .

The Sponge City concept is based on the principle of working with nature rather than against it. Instead of relying solely on grey infrastructure—pipes, pumps and concrete channels—it promotes the use of green infrastructure to absorb, store and purify rainwater at its source. The goal is to mimic natural hydrological processes, allowing cities to “breathe” water rather than just flush it away.

In practice, this means a range of interventions: permeable pavements that allow water to soak into the ground, green roofs that absorb rainfall, rain gardens that filter pollutants, and restored wetlands that act as natural sponges. These measures are designed to reduce the intensity of rainwater runoff by enhancing and distributing absorption capacities more evenly across targeted areas in the city .

The policy has evolved over time. Initially focused on implementing low-impact development measures to improve urban waterlogging control capabilities, it has now progressed towards the systematic construction of urban drainage and flood structural systems based on the principles of “source emission, pipe network discharge, combined storage and discharge, and emergency response to exceeding standards” .

4. Lessons from the Netherlands: Innovation in Water Management

Planners in the Netherlands’ low-lying cities have also been innovative. Instead of only strengthening traditional flood defences, they have created everyday amenities like water squares — these collect water during episodes of extreme rain, while doubling as recreation centres during the dry season — and incentivised the construction of green roofs .

Rotterdam, a city that faces similar challenges to Mumbai—it sits at the confluence of rivers, faces sea-level rise, and experiences heavy rainfall—has become a global leader in urban water management. As one official put it, “In Rotterdam, the water comes from all four sides. Delta cities are vulnerable to climate change, especially to sea level rises, which are happening faster than expected, but also to what comes from the rivers. There is an increase in heavy rainfall – alongside drought – and also rising groundwater, often in combination with subsidence” .

The city’s response has been to integrate water protection with urban design. Rotterdam has built water squares, green and blue roofs and a 2km-long railway viaduct rooftop park . The water squares, designed by the firm De Urbanisten, are built in overflow areas—when there is too much rainwater they fill up, and then slowly drain away so that the storm drains are not overwhelmed. And when the water has gone, they become public spaces again .

The Benthem Square in Rotterdam, with its 1,800 m³ of water storage capacity, has become an important example for future water squares . These projects demonstrate that climate adaptation need not be purely functional—it can enhance public space, improve quality of life, and even boost local economies.

5. Blue-Green Infrastructure in Mumbai

Mumbai’s municipal agency, too, has lake restoration projects on its agenda. However, “blue-green infrastructure” remains largely a niche concept in most parts of India, including in its financial capital .

The term “blue-green infrastructure” refers to the strategic use of water bodies (blue) and vegetation (green) to manage stormwater, reduce flood risk, and enhance urban ecology. This includes everything from restored wetlands and constructed lakes to green roofs, rain gardens, and permeable pavements.

The BMC had earlier accepted the “sponge city” as a principle, with plans to study regulations for new buildings, including green rooftops and vertical gardens, permeable footpaths that store excess runoff, water-absorbing concrete, and wetlands restoration . However, implementation has been slow. One of the measures of the sponge city initiative—rainwater harvesting—has been mandatory since 2002 for all new building constructions in Mumbai covering more than 1,000 square metres. Yet, the implementation has been abysmal .

The lack of implementation is partly due to governance challenges. Mumbai’s accountability remains split across multiple authorities: the BMC for local drainage and roads, the IMD for forecasting, the NDRF, two Railway zones, the State government, and highway authorities. This fragmentation makes coordinated action difficult .

There are, however, signs of progress. The Mumbai Climate Action Plan (MCAP) outlines strategies to address climate risks, including through the promotion of nature-based solutions . The Bandra Bay Redevelopment Project, an ambitious initiative to transform the city’s western coastline, aims to combine sustainable urban design with flood resilience, improved mobility, and enhanced public access . The plan reportedly integrates blue-green infrastructure, ensuring mangrove preservation and natural flood buffering through permeable design .

Citizen groups, however, have called for transparent community consultation and environmental assessments to ensure the project does not repeat past mistakes of over-commercialisation. Sustainable redevelopment, they argue, must preserve coastal ecology and public ownership .

6. The Path Forward

The country’s urban centres need housing, transport, commercial districts and modern infrastructure. The task for planners and administrators is to design them in a manner that does not render cities defenceless against extreme weather .

The path forward requires a shift in thinking—from seeing water as a problem to be eliminated to seeing it as a resource to be managed. This involves several key strategies:

Adopting Nature-Based Solutions: Cities must move beyond grey infrastructure and embrace green-blue interventions that work with natural hydrological processes.
Integrating Climate Adaptation into Urban Planning: Flood resilience must be embedded in the design of new buildings, transport corridors, and public spaces.
Strengthening Governance: The fragmented accountability that hampers effective action must be addressed through better coordination and clear lines of responsibility.
Ensuring Community Participation: Local communities, particularly the most vulnerable, must be involved in designing and implementing solutions.
Scaling Up Investment: The scale of the challenge requires significant financial commitment—from both government and private sources.

The challenge is immense, but so is the opportunity. By embracing blue-green infrastructure, Indian cities can not only reduce flood risk but also enhance quality of life, support biodiversity, and build resilience to climate change. The question is whether policymakers will seize this moment.

5 Questions & Answers

Q1. Why does Mumbai flood so frequently despite improvements to its drainage system?

A: Mumbai’s geography—a peninsula built on reclaimed land, former marshes and low-lying coastal areas—makes it inherently vulnerable to flooding . The storm-water system relies on gravity to empty water into the sea, but this mechanism fails when heavy downpour coincides with high tide, as seawater rises above the drainage outfall and pushes it back . Urban expansion has also disrupted the city’s hydrological network, replacing natural absorption with concrete surfaces that force water to run off rather than soak in .

Q2. What is China’s Sponge City policy and how does it work?

A: China’s Sponge City policy, adopted after the Beijing floods of 2012, aims to enhance the water retention capacity of urban centres by replacing concrete pavements with permeable ones, restoring urban wetlands, and creating artificial lakes to store rainwater . It is based on the principle of working with nature rather than against it—allowing cities to absorb, store and purify rainwater at its source through green infrastructure measures such as permeable pavements, green roofs, rain gardens, and restored wetlands .

Q3. What are “water squares” and how do they help with flood management?

A: Water squares are innovative urban spaces developed in Rotterdam, the Netherlands, that collect water during episodes of extreme rain while doubling as recreation centres during the dry season . They are built in overflow areas—when there is too much rainwater they fill up, and then slowly drain away so that the storm drains are not overwhelmed . The Benthem Square in Rotterdam has a storage capacity of 1,800 m³, making it an important example for future water squares .

Q4. What is “blue-green infrastructure” and why is it important for cities like Mumbai?

A: “Blue-green infrastructure” refers to the strategic use of water bodies (blue) and vegetation (green) to manage stormwater, reduce flood risk, and enhance urban ecology. It includes restored wetlands, constructed lakes, green roofs, rain gardens, and permeable pavements . For a city like Mumbai, which faces climate risks including urban heat island effects and flooding, blue-green infrastructure offers a way to build resilience while improving quality of life . However, it remains “largely a niche concept” in most parts of India .

Q5. What are the main barriers to implementing sustainable flood management in Indian cities?

A: Key barriers include governance fragmentation—with accountability split across multiple authorities ; competing priorities such as rapid urbanisation, housing and transport needs ; weak implementation of existing regulations (for example, rainwater harvesting has been mandatory since 2002 but implementation has been abysmal) ; and inadequate investment in climate adaptation. The financial capital’s municipal agency has lake restoration projects on its agenda, but “blue-green infrastructure remains largely a niche concept” .

Some Democratic Lessons from the Global South that Our Opposition Needs

1. Introduction: The Whispered Question

“Why bother with elections? Why not just boycott this increasingly unfair race?” This question, once confined to private despair, is now being whispered openly in political circles. Yogendra Yadav, in his latest Deshkaal column, argues that it is time we asked this question without any tinge of taboo and answered it without a rush of moral outrage [citation:source]. The conclusion he arrives at is striking: Election boycott is a good question, but a bad answer. As of now[citation:source].

For an opposition reeling under successive electoral defeats and facing what it perceives as a systematic assault on the integrity of the electoral process, the temptation to walk away is real. From the allegations of voter suppression in Rampur (2022) and Kundark (2024) in Uttar Pradesh to the controversial counting in Rajasthan New Town, West Bengal (2026), the opposition argues that the playing field has been permanently tilted [citation:source]. Yet, Yadav argues that abandoning the electoral arena would be a strategic and ethical blunder of historic proportions.

This analysis examines why Indian elections, once the country’s pride and neighbors’ envy, may have slipped below the minimum acceptable threshold of electoral integrity [citation:source]. It also explores why the opposition must resist the siren call of boycott and, instead, look to the Global South for a playbook on how to compete in unfair elections.

2. Why Bother with Elections?

The debate begins with a profound question raised by Adam Przeworski, a leading democratic theorist: Why bother with elections? In his clinical analysis, Przeworski admits that competitive elections may not deliver the virtues we associate with democracy—good governance, fair representation, or social harmony [citation:source]. However, they are worth the bother because they allow deeply divided societies to live together without civil war. Elections enable a peaceful transfer of power, or at least keep this possibility open [citation:source].

This mechanism functions only when electoral verdicts remain uncertain—when there is a realistic risk of the rulers losing an election they are desperate to win. As Yadav notes, “When electoral integrity does not fall below a red line,” the system works [citation:source]. However, he argues that India has crossed that red line.

3. The Slipping Integrity of Indian Elections

Yadav draws on an influential framework of electoral integrity, developed by Pippa Norris, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martinez i Coma, which outlines 11 dimensions of a free and fair election cycle [citation:source].

In the past, Indian elections were always on the borderline in one dimension: campaign finance. Since 2014, the scorecard has worsened, falling below acceptability in three more dimensions:

Neutral electoral authorities: The perception of bias has deepened.
Transparent procedures: The opacity of processes has increased.
Fair access to campaign media: The ruling party enjoys an overwhelming advantage.

The latest developments—the use of the Special Summary Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls and the ongoing delimitation exercise, alongside the breaking of opposition parties—have crossed three more red lines:

Universal voter registration
Unrestricted party and candidate registration
Fair boundaries of constituencies

As Yadav writes, “Now we are left with the formality of a fair election: Fair electoral laws, standard voting and counting process and binding declarations of results” [citation:source]. Even this bare minimum, he suggests, is under a cloud following recent controversies.

This erosion of integrity has created a profound existential dilemma for the opposition: If the ruling party thinks it can and must win, it shall do so. Must the opposition participate in what they view as a fixed match? While this is a legitimate question, Yadav firmly argues that a full-scale boycott is not the answer.

4. Why Boycott is a Bad Answer

Yadav presents three compelling arguments against a boycott.

1. The Ethical Argument: Communicative Ethics

A commitment to democracy requires communicating with the people. If the opposition believes elections are being rigged, it must convince the public of this fact. As Yadav notes, the Congress’s “vote chort” campaign has had some impact, but it would be premature to conclude that ordinary voters subscribe to this reading of the process [citation:source]. Given the state of mass media, most people are unaware of the extent of irregularities. A democratic ethic requires building public opinion to a point where the public demands action before contemplating such a step.

2. The Strategic Argument: Holding the Space

Global evidence shows that boycotts are ineffective unless they bring down turnout dramatically. Worse, they allow rulers to claim the opposition ran away from a popularity contest [citation:source]. Conversely, elections offer spaces. Even electoral autocracies have to cede some space to maintain a semblance of fairness.

These spaces allow the opposition to:

Recruit activists
Raise funds
Maintain party organization
Identify supporters
Develop future leaders

Electoral participation is also an opportunity to educate the public, expose manipulation, document poll fraud, shame the system, and prepare for future democratic resistance [citation:source].

3. The Historic Argument: The Wave Factor

Most mechanisms of manipulation crumble in the face of a mass upsurge. Every ruler must preserve the appearance of popular legitimacy. This becomes a constraint on the nature of electoral manipulation. Yadav points to the example of Hungary, where a “wave of popular anger” recently brought down a well-entrenched electoral autocracy [citation:source]. The historic defeat of Indira Gandhi in 1977 serves as a powerful reminder that such stunning reversals, however improbable they may look, cannot be ruled out [citation:source].

5. Lessons from the Global South

Yadav argues that it is time for India to “import some democratic wisdom from authoritarian and semi-authoritarian countries elsewhere” [citation:source]. He cites a study of the 2020 presidential elections in Belarus by political scientist Alyena Batura, which concluded that despite the opposition being unable to dislodge the ruler, they generated credible information about public opinion, recruited and trained democratic citizens, exposed the machinery of fraud, and punctured the domestic and international legitimacy of the regime [citation:source].

The relevant criterion for considering a boycott is not the extent of unfairness but the availability of spaces to expose that unfairness. As long as those spaces exist—even in a limited form—participation remains the more prudent strategy.

6. Conclusion: A Good Question, A Bad Answer

Yadav’s analysis offers a nuanced response to the opposition’s dilemma. The question of whether to participate in an unfair election is a good one—it forces a reckoning with the erosion of democratic norms. However, the answer, at this stage, should not be a boycott.

Instead, the opposition must adopt the tactics of democrats in other semi-authoritarian regimes: participate strategically, expose the manipulation, build public consciousness, and prepare for the moment when a wave of popular anger might sweep away the structures of unfairness. By doing so, they keep the possibility of democratic renewal alive.

The India Energy Stack: Powering India’s Next-Gen Enterprise

1. Introduction: The Input Cost of the Economy

When Prime Minister Narendra Modi chaired a meeting of the Economic Advisory Council a few weeks ago, the discussion ranged across fiscal management, ease of doing business, and the reforms required to keep investments flowing. One structural theme connects all of these: Energy. Energy is more than one sector among many; it is the input cost of the entire economy [citation:original].

The power sector’s transformation in the last decade has been far-reaching. India operates on the world’s largest synchronous grids and a single national frequency. We have moved from chronic shortages to broad supply adequacy. NASA’s imagery of artificial light at night has shown India’s remarkable progress in making energy accessible to all in the last decade. We are also among the largest producers of renewable energy. We reached 50 per cent of installed capacity from non-fossil sources in 2025 and are now working towards 500 GW of non-fossil power by 2030 [citation:original].

Over the past decade, India has closed longstanding gaps in physical infrastructure, lowering the transaction costs of economic activity. The next substantial gains in digitalisation will help these systems operate. The task now is to ensure that the data these systems generate can move securely across institutional boundaries, so this investment delivers its full value [citation:original].

This shift—from building physical assets to drawing value from them through digitalisation—reflects a broader pattern in India’s development. Having built cross-sectoral digital public infrastructure in Aadhaar and UPI, India is now developing domain-specific platforms in health, agriculture, logistics, and recently, energy. These share a common design: the public sector provides the rails; providers build on them [citation:original].

2. What is the India Energy Stack?

The India Energy Stack (IES), an initiative of the Ministry of Power, is one of the largest public sector efforts in the world. IES is a shared set of specifications that enables every power-sector system to exchange data securely and reliably, without customising, so that the infrastructure already built can deliver its full value to citizens, utilities, and the economy [citation:original].

The concept of IES is inspired by the success of digital public infrastructures like Aadhaar and UPI in India. What Aadhaar did for identity and UPI achieved for digital payments, the India Energy Stack will accomplish for the power sector — unlocking seamless, secure, and consumer-centric energy services for every citizen .

The IES aims to create a standardised, secure, and open platform to manage, monitor, and innovate across the electricity value chain . It will offer:

Unique IDs for consumers, assets, and transactions
Real-time, consent-based data sharing
Open APIs for seamless system integration
Tools for consumer empowerment, market access, and innovation

3. The Building Blocks of the IES

The IES framework is built on several core components that enable large-scale coordination across the energy sector .

Identity and Addressing: Identity and addressing will provide a common reference framework for the power sector. It will assign unique, standardised identifiers to consumers, connections, meters and grid assets so that every data exchange and transaction is unambiguously attributed .

Registries and Directories: Registries and directories are authoritative records that establish who is authorised to operate in the ecosystem and where their digital endpoints can be discovered. These include role-based registries capturing the authorisation status, scope and validity of institutions and service providers, and directories that enable machine-readable discovery of services and interfaces .

Transaction Protocols: Transaction protocols define standardised rules for exchanging data across systems, including common message structures and data semantics. The IES specifies protocol definitions covering message envelopes, data models, interaction patterns and error handling. These protocols decouple applications from underlying systems, reducing costs and accelerating replication .

Credentials: Credentials are verifiable digital proofs that establish the eligibility, authority or status of actors and assets, in alignment with regulatory and institutional requirements. The framework supports the issuance, verification and revocation of standard credential types such as consumer consent, asset certification and licences .

Policy as Code: Policy as code converts regulatory and policy logic into machine-readable rules that can be evaluated consistently and transparently by systems. Policies are expressed in executable formats with defined inputs, outputs, versioning and governance, while the human-readable intent remains linked to the code to ensure explainability and oversight .

4. The Utility Intelligence Platform: The Application Layer

At the very core of this ecosystem lies the Utility Intelligence Platform (UIP), which acts as the application layer built on top of IES infrastructure. It uses first-principles thinking and caters to deep-rooted inefficiencies, apart from integrating legacy and new systems. Furthermore, it ensures real-time data interoperability, supports analytics and nurtures an open and modular approach to application development .

The UIP is a modular, analytics-driven application to support utilities, policymakers and consumers with real-time insights and smarter energy management. It will integrate legacy IT-OT systems, ensure data interoperability, and enable real-time grid visibility and analytics. The UIP will equip utilities with standardised tools for planning, forecasting and consumer engagement, while supporting features such as dynamic pricing, green tariffs and service portability .

5. Real-World Applications and Impact

The India Energy Stack is expected to have a far-reaching impact across the power sector by establishing a unified, open digital infrastructure that enables real-time data visibility, seamless interoperability and consent-based data exchange .

For Generators and System Operators: The IES will improve forecasting, renewable integration and analytics-driven operations. It will enable the registration, aggregation and market participation of distributed energy resources such as rooftop solar and storage .

For Transmission Utilities: It will enhance load despatch, dynamic line rating and real-time congestion management by integrating supervisory control and data acquisition (SCADA) and control systems with market and load data .

For DISCOMs: Distribution companies will benefit from visibility down to the feeder and consumer levels, enabling proactive fault detection, energy accounting and improved billing. Integration with smart meters will support time-of-day tariffs and consumer-centric services such as demand response .

For Consumers: The IES will enable transparent and portable service experiences, including access to consumption data, billing, grievance redressal and green energy options through a unified digital identity. For industrial and commercial consumers, the IES could enable improved tariff design, access to real-time consumption analytics and streamlined energy procurement .

For Energy Markets: The IES will improve scheduling and settlements, while enabling innovations such as peer-to-peer trading and energy fintech .

The benefits are already being realised. GNA Energy has launched Vidyut AI, a platform developed as an AI-enabled intelligence layer to work in sync with the IES framework. Vidyut AI transforms structured power-sector datasets into real-time decision support for utilities, generators, traders and regulators. For DISCOMs, the platform provides real-time access to procurement data, deviation settlement mechanism exposure, open access transactions and demand forecasting analytics .

6. A Governance Framework for the IES

While the technical architecture of IES is crucial to its success, it needs to be complemented by a governance architecture as well. The proposed National Power Sector Data Policy is envisaged as the governance “constitution” for the IES, ensuring that data flows securely, seamlessly and interoperably across the ecosystem .

The policy operationalises the IES as the sector’s shared digital foundation. It standardises data governance and embeds trust into digital interactions, unlocking greater value from physical infrastructure investments and laying the foundation for a grid that is secure, financially sustainable and future-ready in a decarbonising economy .

7. The Path Ahead

The Ministry of Power has already launched a 12-month proof of concept, piloting IES with DISCOMs in Mumbai, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, and Delhi . The outcomes of this activity include an IES white paper, platform design guidelines, and a national rollout roadmap .

The total fund allocated for the development of IES is Rs. 51.3 Cr, of which Rs. 3.88 Cr has been released . The IES project is scheduled to be completed by July 2026 .

REC Limited is the Nodal Agency for the IES, working closely with the Ministry of Power and supported by FSR Global as the Knowledge Partner . The task force is chaired by Dr. Ram Sewak Sharma (Former Director General, UIDAI) with Pramod Verma (Chief Architect, Aadhaar) as Chief Architect for this initiative .

The IES is a move towards structured openness, where infrastructure, markets, and policy evolve together. If implemented with strong governance and interoperable standards, it could redefine how electricity is generated, traded, and valued in India’s clean energy future .

5 Questions & Answers

Q1. What is the India Energy Stack (IES)?
A. The India Energy Stack (IES) is a digital public infrastructure initiative of the Ministry of Power that provides a standardised, secure, and open platform to manage, monitor, and innovate across the electricity value chain . It enables secure data exchange across power-sector systems using common protocols and standards, similar to how Aadhaar and UPI transformed identity and payments .

Q2. What are the key building blocks of the IES?
A. The IES framework is built on five core components: Identity and Addressing (standardised identifiers for consumers and assets), Registries and Directories (authoritative records of authorised entities), Transaction Protocols (standardised rules for data exchange), Credentials (verifiable digital proofs of eligibility and authority), and Policy as Code (machine-readable regulatory logic) .

Q3. How does IES benefit consumers?
A. IES empowers consumers by providing transparent, portable service experiences through a unified digital identity. Consumers gain access to real-time consumption data, dynamic pricing, faster grievance redressal, green energy options, and the ability to choose across utilities . Prosumers can monetise surplus energy through trusted measurement and verification mechanisms .

Q4. What is the Utility Intelligence Platform (UIP)?
A. The UIP is the intelligence and application layer built on top of IES infrastructure. It integrates legacy IT-OT systems, ensures real-time data interoperability, and provides analytics to utilities, policymakers and consumers. It supports features like dynamic pricing, green tariffs and service portability . Pilots for UIP are underway with discoms in Mumbai, Gujarat and Delhi .

Q5. What is the timeline for the IES rollout?
A. The Ministry of Power has launched a 12-month proof of concept with pilot utilities in Delhi, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Mumbai . The IES project is scheduled to be completed by July 2026 . A national white paper, platform design guidelines, and a national rollout roadmap are expected outcomes of the pilots .

Cool Rooms and Other Solutions to Europe’s Heatwave

1. The New Norm: Europe’s Scorching Reality

The summer of 2026 has arrived with a vengeance. A blistering heatwave, the second in just two months, has shattered temperature records across the continent. The United Kingdom sweltered through its hottest June day ever recorded, with provisional temperatures reaching 36.1°C in Gosport, Hampshire. In Paris, the mercury soared to a punishing 40°C—a temperature that has become all too familiar for a city now forced to reckon with a warming world. With the ongoing extreme heat, the Netherlands issued its first-ever Code Red warning, a clear signal that the continent’s traditional temperate climate is a relic of the past.

For many, the instinctive response to such heat is to crank up the air conditioning. However, as the article by Shyam Khandekar suggests, European cities are demonstrating that a different path is not only possible but necessary[citation:source]. The continent finds itself at a critical juncture: how to protect its citizens from deadly heat without perpetuating the very crisis causing it.

2. The Air Conditioning Dilemma

The appeal of widespread air conditioning is undeniable. As the continent warms, the demand for cooling is skyrocketing. During the June heatwave, electricity demand in some parts of Europe spiked by as much as 14%, contributing to power outages in countries like Italy. Without significant intervention, this trend could create a vicious cycle. By 2050, cooling alone could generate nearly one-fifth of global carbon emissions, accelerating the climate change that fuels the heatwaves.

This is the “great air conditioning dilemma”: how to provide cooling that is energy-efficient, accessible to all, and powered by clean energy? The solution, as many cities are discovering, is to create a diverse toolkit that prioritizes passive cooling and innovative infrastructure over the blunt instrument of the window unit.

3. The Parisian Miracle: A River Runs Through It

Central to this strategy is the concept of “cool rooms” and other civic initiatives aimed at providing relief without harming the planet. Khandekar highlights a unique district cooling system in Paris, where cold water from the Seine is pumped through 120 kilometres of underground pipes to cool public buildings, hospitals, and museums[citation:source]. This system is a prime example of infrastructure designed to work with the environment rather than against it.

The Guardian describes this system, operated by Fraîcheur de Paris, as a “kind of miracle solution”. The process is surprisingly simple: cold river water is pumped through one pipe, while a secondary pipe carries warm water from city buildings. A heat exchanger allows the heat to transfer from the warm water to the cold Seine water without the liquids ever mixing. This cooler water is then circulated through the connected buildings, providing air conditioning without the need for energy-guzzling compressors.

The beauty of this system is that it is highly efficient and, crucially, does not worsen the urban heat island effect. Traditional air conditioners blast hot air into the streets, making the city even hotter. The Seine network, however, releases its heat responsibly at centralised points, minimizing its impact. It consumes 50% less electricity and produces 50% fewer carbon emissions than individual cooling units. The city is now working to triple the network’s size by 2042, extending it to more than 3,000 buildings.

4. A Continent’s Response: Plans, Maps, and Cool Spaces

Paris is not alone. Across Europe, cities are rolling out long-term plans to adapt to extreme heat, driven by the sobering costs of inaction. Research shows that the financial impact of heat is already clear, with heatwaves causing significant economic losses through lost productivity.

4.1. London’s Heat Ready Plan

In London, the newly launched “Heat Ready London” plan represents the city’s first comprehensive strategy to confront rising temperatures. The plan, unveiled by Mayor Sadiq Khan, is a call to action across multiple sectors. It comes as studies show that approximately 1 million homes in London are at high risk of overheating, with 1,361 schools and 60 hospitals located in the most vulnerable areas. The economic stakes are high too; the 2022 heatwaves alone cost the city an estimated £1.5 billion. “Rising temperatures are no longer a future threat – they are becoming a growing reality for Londoners,” Khan stated.

4.2. Opening “Cool Rooms”

Khandekar notes that one of the most immediate and effective measures being implemented is the creation of “cool rooms”: air-conditioned public spaces in community centres, libraries, museums, and town halls where vulnerable citizens can seek refuge[citation:source]. This concept is a central pillar of many heat plans across the continent, including in Barcelona, Vienna, and Paris itself. These spaces offer a lifeline for those who cannot afford air conditioning or who need a place to escape during the hottest hours of the day.

4.3. Navigating the Heat: Cool Maps and Behavioural Change

In cities like Berlin and the Netherlands, local authorities are leveraging technology by creating interactive “cool maps” that direct residents to the city’s coolest spots, including shaded parks, drinking fountains, misting points, and safe swimming locations[citation:source]. These tools empower citizens to make informed decisions about how to stay safe. Meanwhile, behavioural changes are being encouraged, such as adapting daily timetables—schools starting earlier and operating for shorter hours to avoid peak heat periods—and even imposing speed limits on sections of the German autobahn to prevent asphalt from buckling[citation:source].

5. The Long Game: Greening the Urban Jungle

While cool rooms and district cooling are crucial short-term fixes, the long-term battle against urban heat is being fought in the city streets. The goal is to fundamentally change how urban environments generate and trap heat, known as the “urban heat island effect,” where cities can be 5 to 10 degrees Fahrenheit hotter than surrounding areas.

Cities are responding by expanding their green canopy by planting more trees, creating more water bodies, and reducing concrete and asphalt surfaces in favour of water-permeable surfaces[citation:source]. Khandekar notes that Barcelona is using shading sails and seasonal pergolas where tree planting is not feasible[citation:source]. Many cities in the Netherlands are restricting access to private cars, while other cities are using regulatory measures to set legally binding carbon-emissions targets for new buildings[citation:source].

France has been a leader in this area. Following the deadly 2003 heatwave that killed over 14,800 people, the country built one of the world’s most comprehensive heat-resilience programs, including a four-tiered alert system and a mandate for local officials to implement heat plans. This includes requiring cities to invest in cooling centres and expand urban greening. The need for this long-term thinking is acute. By 2050, cooling alone could generate 6.1 billion tons of carbon dioxide annually, almost one-fifth of global emissions.

6. Conclusion: A Blueprint for a Cooler Future

As the source article from The Hindu concludes, it is encouraging to see that most cities in Europe are not opting for the large-scale use of air-conditioning, as this would only worsen the situation[citation:source]. Instead, they are taking both short- and long-term measures to provide comfort while reinforcing efforts to mitigate climate change[citation:source].

The heat is not going away. Climatologists are forecasting that the summer of 2027 will be even hotter. However, the lessons from Europe are clear: by combining passive cooling, district energy networks, urban greening, and civic engagement, cities can build resilience against the worst impacts of a warming planet. The solutions are available—the challenge now lies in scaling them up with the urgency that the crisis demands.

5 Questions & Answers

Q1. What are “cool rooms” and why are they important for Europe’s heatwave response?
A: “Cool rooms” are temporarily repurposed, air-conditioned public spaces in places like community centres, libraries, museums, and town halls[citation:source]. They are a vital immediate measure to protect vulnerable citizens who may not have access to air conditioning at home, offering a safe refuge during the most extreme heat. In France, for example, only about 25% of households have air conditioning.

Q2. How does Paris’s district cooling system work?
A: The system pumps cold water from the River Seine through 120 kilometres of underground pipes to cool major public spaces, hospitals, and museums[citation:source]. It works by using a heat exchanger to transfer heat from a building’s cooling water into the cold Seine water without the fluids ever touching. This chilled water is then circulated through the buildings, providing cooling without the need for individual air conditioning units.

Q3. What is London’s “Heat Ready London” plan?
A: “Heat Ready London” is the city’s first-ever comprehensive heat plan launched to protect Londoners from rising temperatures. It coordinates action across six key sectors: the built environment, business and economy, emergency preparedness, health and care, green space and nature, and infrastructure. The plan focuses on priorities like retrofitting high-risk homes and expanding access to cooling spaces.

Q4. What are the main dangers of relying heavily on air conditioning to cope with heatwaves?
A: While air conditioning is an effective form of cooling, its large-scale use poses several problems. First, it consumes vast amounts of electricity, which can strain power grids and lead to blackouts. Second, if that electricity comes from fossil fuels, it worsens the climate crisis. Third, air conditioners release hot air into the streets, exacerbating the urban heat island effect and making cities even hotter.

Q5. What long-term solutions are European cities implementing to reduce urban heat?
A: Cities are investing heavily in long-term solutions to address the “urban heat island effect.” This includes expanding green canopy by planting more trees, creating water bodies, and replacing concrete and asphalt surfaces with water-permeable ones. Other strategies include building green roofs, using reflective materials on pavements, and restricting the use of private cars in cities[citation:source].

Daily Current Affairs 07-07-2026

The Fundamental Right to Vote: India’s Constitutional Paradox

1. Introduction: A Debate Rekindled

2. The Traditional Judicial Position: A Statutory Right

3. The Constitutionalising of the Electoral Process

4. The Shift in Judicial Understanding

5. The Basic Structure Doctrine and the Anomaly

6. Article 326: The Constitutional Mandate

7. A Matter for the Court to Revisit

5 Questions & Answers on the Right to Vote in India

AI Governance and a Voice for the Global South

1. Introduction: The Promise and Peril of Artificial Intelligence

2. The India AI Impact Summit: A Shift in the Global Discourse

2.1 The Declaration and Its Aspirations

2.2 The “Middle Power” Dilemma

2.3 The Pax Silica Commitment

3. The UN Global Dialogue on AI Governance: A Moment of Reckoning

3.1 The Scientific Foundation

3.2 The Secretary-General’s Priorities

3.3 The Voice of the Global South

4. India’s AI Reality: Ambition vs. Implementation

5. Conclusion: A Choice Between Dependency and Leadership

5 Questions & Answers on AI Governance and India’s Role

Mumbai’s Monsoon Paradox – A City Drowning in Its Own Growth

1. Introduction: A City at War with Water

2. The Anatomy of a Flood: Why Mumbai Sinks

2.1 The Geography of Vulnerability

2.2 Decades of Haphazard Urbanisation

2.3 The BRIMSTOWAD Project: A Promise Unfulfilled

2.4 Climate Change: The New Variable

3. The Governance Lapse: Who is Responsible?

3.1 A Failure of Coordination

3.2 Reactive, Not Proactive

4. The Response: A ₹12,705 Crore Plan and Climate Budgeting

4.1 The Flood Mitigation Proposal

4.2 Climate Budgeting

5. Conclusion: A Failing Strategy

5 Questions & Answers on Mumbai’s Monsoon Crisis

Russia and Ukraine Must End the War and Concede Mutual Concessions

1. Introduction: A War Without End

2. The Human Cost: A War Bloodier Than Stalingrad

3. The Economic War: Russia’s Economy in a “Dead End”

4. The New Phase: Drone Warfare and Escalation Risks

5. The NATO Factor: A Reshaped Alliance

6. The Path to Peace: A Ceasefire and Negotiations

7. Conclusion: The Price of Delay

5 Questions & Answers on the Russia-Ukraine War

A Step Forward: The Right to Walk as a Fundamental Right

The Human Story Behind the Verdict

The Constitutional Basis: Why Walking is a Fundamental Right

The Court’s Critique of the Motor Vehicles Act

Correlative Duties and Duty Bearers

Implications for Accessibility and Inclusion

The Call for Legislative Action

Cultural and Historical Roots of Walking

The Path Ahead

5 Questions & Answers on the Right to Walk as a Fundamental Right

Fifty Years Ago: When the Enforcement Directorate Hunted for Black Money in Foreign Banks

The Anatomy of a Search: What the Enforcement Directorate Found

The Legal Framework: The Sword of FERA

The International Dimension: The Bank Secrecy Act and Global Cooperation

A Nation in Transition: The Background of 1976

The Legacy: Enforcement, Reform, and the Evolution of FEMA

5 Questions & Answers

A Gutenberg Bible’s Journey: The St. Paul Copy and the Golden Age of Book Collecting

1. Introduction: A Treasure Emerges

2. The Player: Edward Goldston of Bloomsbury

3. The Other Player: Dr. Rosenbach, “The Terror of the Auction Room”

4. The Unnamed American Dealer: A Historical Mystery

5. The Journey of the St. Paul Copy

6. The Legacy: A Monument of Cultural Exchange

5 Questions & Answers

Can Bar Associations Refuse to Represent an Accused?

1. Introduction: The Ayodhya Bar Resolution and Its Implications

2. The Constitutional Foundation: The Right to a Fair Trial and Legal Representation

3. The Supreme Court’s Stance: A.S. Mohammed Rafi v. State of Tamil Nadu (2010)

4. The Bar Council of India Rules and the Uttarakhand High Court’s Clarification

5. Judicial Condemnation Across India

6. The Ayodhya Resolution: A Case Study in Illegalities

7. Historical Precedents: The Unbroken Chain of Illegal Resolutions