Bangladesh’s Presidential Flip-Flops, The Curious Case of Mohammed Shahabuddin
Bangladesh’s presidency is once again under scrutiny as Mohammed Shahabuddin openly criticised the outgoing interim government of Muhammad Yunus. Shahabuddin now appears to be recalibrating his stance amid the resurgence of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. This is not merely a story of political maneuvering; it is a tale of survival in a country where the presidency has been a perilous office.
Recently, the President of Bangladesh, Mohammed Shahabuddin, made scathing comments about the outgoing interim government of Mohammad Yunus. He described himself as a “palace prisoner” and went as far as suggesting that there were attempts to oust him. However, President Shahabuddin had been a lifelong member of the Awami League before assuming supposed neutrality upon assuming the presidency in 2023. He had been personally chosen by Sheikh Hasina, and naturally the then opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party had not supported his candidature.
The Context of the Presidency
Under Shahabuddin’s watch, months of chaos involving protests, violence, suppressive clampdowns, and ultimately the resignation of Sheikh Hasina took place. Even attempts to rein in the situation—such as announcing Sheikh Hasina’s resignation—were left to the Bangladesh Army Chief, Waker-uz-Zaman. Whereas the President and, more importantly, the Commander-in-Chief, Mohammed Shahabuddin, sounded wishy-washy.
The President’s meek plea that he could not secure Sheikh Hasina’s resignation was slammed by the likes of Asif Nazrul, Interim Government’s Adviser for Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs: “The President’s statement that he did not receive Sheikh Hasina’s resignation letter is a lie, and it is a violation of his oath.”
This is a serious charge. A senior official of the interim government publicly accusing the President of lying under oath speaks to the depth of the dysfunction.
The Yunus Interregnum
It is very likely that the Mohammad Yunus dispensation did treat him lightly and relegated him to a rubber stamp—but throughout the year and a half of Yunus’s administration, Shahabuddin did not make a squeak of protest when his presidential status certainly afforded him that opportunity. Shahabuddin secured his continued presidency by knowingly accepting what he now calls a violation of the Constitution by silently passing 133 ordinances.
Silence in the face of constitutional violation is complicity. Shahabuddin cannot now claim victimhood for events he acquiesced in. His silence was a choice, and choices have consequences.
The BNP Triumph
Today, as the Tarique Rahman-led Bangladesh Nationalist Party has stormed the electoral hustings, President Shahabuddin is now singing incredulous hosannas in favour of the BNP, a sworn rival of his own ideological past, i.e., the Awami League. Shahabuddin obsequiously praised the incoming government and its leader Tarique Rahman:
“They had expressed their willingness to uphold the Constitution all through that time. I had a lot of curiosity about BNP Chairman Tarique Rahman, but with time, I got to know him as a genuine person. He was so cordial. BNP’s support was 100% there in my bad time.”
Obviously, the exiled Awami League leader Sheikh Hasina (leader of Shahabuddin’s original party) must be cringing at his flip-flop. The man she personally chose for the presidency has now embraced her arch-rivals.
Now, as the new Prime Minister Tarique Rahman goes about reshuffling the Bangladesh military leadership and curbing the powers of the Army Chief, Waker-uz-Zaman, the ostensible Commander-in-Chief, President Shahabuddin yet again signs all decrees sycophantically. Indeed, earlier, when marauding student mobs were baying for President Shahabuddin’s blood in the wake of Sheikh Hasina’s ouster, it was the same Army Chief, General Waker-uz-Zaman, who had saved the life and presidency of Mohammad Shahabuddin.
Now abandoning his ideological fountainhead, the Awami League, bad-mouthing the outgoing Mohammad Yunus government, and ingratiatingly praising the incumbent government of his one-time opponents—this is the new course for Mohammed Shahabuddin.
The Personal Calculus
There are personal reasons for this volte-face by Mohammad Shahabuddin. The Bangladeshi president is from a fraught political background. The media have listed 17 presidents. Only four times were they able to complete full terms. The other 14 were subjected to premature removals, coups, and even assassinations.
The first President of the Provisional Government of Bangladesh (1971-72) and later of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Sheikh Hasina’s father), was assassinated along with his family members. His successor as Acting President, Syed Nazrul Islam, was also assassinated in mysterious circumstances in what is dubbed the jail killings.
The third President, Abu Sayeed Chowdhury, later carried out an infamous partisan flip-flop by supporting the coup-led government of Mostaq Ahmad. Mostaq Ahmad himself became President, only to be ousted in yet another coup. Mostaq’s successor, Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem, took over until he too was removed in a stunning coup by General Ziaur Rahman (father of current Prime Minister Tarique Rahman).
The curse on the Bangladeshi presidency continued with the assassination of General Ziaur Rahman in 1981. Thus, the saga of partisan vendetta and presidential flip-flops continued as Bangladesh remained on tenterhooks of instability with an estimated 25 coup attempts. The current President, Mohammed Shahabuddin, needs to look at the fate of his own predecessors.
The Irony of History
Mohammad Abdul Hamid, the longest-serving President with two terms, saw his house vandalised during the Bulldozer Programme after the July Revolution in 2024, with charges that he had assaulted protestors. The lesson is clear: even those who survive can suffer.
But the lawyer in Mohammed Shahabuddin knows that he must flip-flop and renege on his past partisan affiliation. He was once the coordinator in the case filed over the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He also served as chairman of the judicial Inquiry Commission set up after the 2001 General Polls to investigate murders, rapes, looting and inhumane activities committed by BNP leaders.
Today, as he has sworn in the Tarique Rahman-led BNP government, Shahabuddin—with over two years of residual presidency still left—must dance to a completely different tune if he does not wish to suffer the fate of 14 out of the 17 Presidents of Bangladesh.
Conclusion: Survival Above All
The story of Mohammed Shahabuddin is not unique in Bangladesh’s political history. It is the latest chapter in a long saga of presidential flip-flops, where survival has often trumped principle. The presidency has been a revolving door, with most incumbents failing to complete their terms.
Shahabuddin’s volte-face may be distasteful to ideologues, but it is understandable to students of Bangladeshi politics. In a country where presidents have been assassinated, ousted, and humiliated, the instinct for self-preservation is strong.
Whether this calculation will secure his remaining term remains to be seen. The history of the Bangladeshi presidency offers little comfort. Fourteen out of seventeen did not make it. Shahabuddin is hoping to be the exception.
Q&A: Unpacking the Bangladesh Presidency
Q1: Who is Mohammed Shahabuddin and what is his political background?
Mohammed Shahabuddin is the President of Bangladesh, appointed in 2023. He was a lifelong Awami League member, personally chosen by Sheikh Hasina. The BNP opposed his candidature. He served as coordinator in the case over Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s assassination and chaired an inquiry commission investigating BNP atrocities after the 2001 elections—making his recent praise of the BNP particularly striking.
Q2: What were Shahabuddin’s criticisms of the Yunus interim government?
Shahabuddin described himself as a “palace prisoner” and suggested there were attempts to oust him. However, critics note he remained silent throughout the 18-month Yunus administration, silently passing 133 ordinances he now claims violated the Constitution. His belated complaints ring hollow given his acquiescence at the time.
Q3: How has Shahabuddin’s stance toward the BNP changed?
After the BNP’s electoral victory, Shahabuddin praised Tarique Rahman as “genuine” and “cordial,” claiming BNP supported him during his “bad time.” This represents a complete reversal for someone who once investigated BNP atrocities and whose presidency was opposed by the party. He now signs all BNP government decrees, including military reshuffling that curbs the Army Chief who saved his life.
Q4: What historical context explains Shahabuddin’s behavior?
Bangladesh has had 17 presidents; only four completed full terms. Fourteen were removed prematurely, ousted in coups, or assassinated. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Syed Nazrul Islam were assassinated. Ziaur Rahman was assassinated. This history of presidential peril creates strong incentives for incumbents to align with whoever holds power, regardless of past loyalties.
Q5: What is the irony of Shahabuddin’s current position?
Shahabuddin once coordinated the legal case over Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s assassination and chaired an inquiry into BNP atrocities. He now praises the BNP leader whose party he investigated. With over two years remaining in his term, he must navigate a political landscape where 14 of 17 predecessors failed to complete their tenure. His flip-flop is driven by survival instinct, however unseemly it may appear.
