The Art of Equanimity, How Kerala’s Sunni Leader Navigates the Political Tightrope
The recent meeting between Kanthapuram A.P. Aboobacker Musliar, Kerala’s most prominent Sunni Muslim leader and general secretary of the All India Jamiyyathul Ulama, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi was no routine courtesy call. The timing was laden with significance: held ahead of Ramzan, just before the Kerala Assembly elections, and during the centenary year of the Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama, the state’s largest body of traditional Islamic scholars.
As Abdul Latheef Naha’s analysis reveals, the meeting was less about extracting concrete assurances from the BJP-led government and more about carefully calibrated optics—a masterclass in political signalling from a leader who has spent decades mastering the art of remaining non-committal while wielding immense influence.
The Man and His Stature
To understand the significance of the meeting, one must first understand the man. Aboobacker Musliar, 87, is not just another religious leader in a state crowded with them. His stature is distinctive—not only within Kerala but beyond it, where he is known as Sheikh Abubakr Ahmad. He leads one of the two factions of the Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama, the body that represents the traditional Sunni scholars who form the bedrock of Kerala’s Muslim community.
His influence extends far beyond the religious sphere. Over decades, he has built a reputation as a powerful socio-political force, a leader whose word carries weight with his followers and whose silence is noted by his adversaries. In a state where Muslim voters are a significant bloc, and where both the Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the United Democratic Front (UDF) court them assiduously, his position is pivotal.
Yet Musliar has never made his political stance explicit. During elections, his prime-time messages frequently convey the sentiment: “we will help those who help us.” It is a formulation that leaves maximum room for manoeuvre, signalling that his community’s support is conditional on outcomes, not fixed on personalities or parties.
The Meeting: Optics and Interpretation
The Delhi meeting was, by all accounts, cordial. Musliar suggested that it marked the capstone of his 16-day Kerala Yatra under the slogan “with humanity,” during which he interacted with people across social and political divides. He indicated that he shared the concerns and experiences gathered during that tour, including issues affecting minorities, with the Prime Minister.
Yet little is known about Modi’s response to these concerns or any substantive outcomes from the half-hour interaction. This lack of concrete detail is itself significant. It suggests that the primary purpose of the meeting was not negotiation but signalling—a public demonstration that the Sunni leader is willing to engage with the highest levels of government, regardless of which party holds power.
For Modi, the meeting also served a purpose. In a political environment where the BJP has struggled to make inroads in Kerala, a photograph with a respected Muslim leader sends a message of outreach and inclusivity. It counters the narrative that the party is inherently hostile to minorities. The optics mattered for both leaders.
The Controversial Remark
If the meeting itself was carefully calibrated, Musliar’s subsequent remarks to the Urdu media introduced a note of discord. He stated that Muslims in India have been experiencing no major problems under the BJP government. This was seen by many as a way of softening criticism of the government’s policies, widely viewed by minorities as unsettling.
The reaction in Kerala was predictably divided. He was lauded by some for reaching out to the Prime Minister and for highlighting minority concerns at a time of growing polarisation. But he was also widely condemned for appearing to downplay the difficulties faced by Muslims under the current regime. Among his critics were proponents of “political Islam,” a group he had recently described in a resolution as a major threat to communal harmony in Kerala.
His supporters were quick to defend him, arguing that leaders like him must exercise caution and strategic restraint, particularly in statements to the media. In a polarized environment, every word is scrutinized, and a leader who speaks too bluntly can become a target. Musliar’s approach, they contend, is not capitulation but survival.
The Political Landscape of Kerala
To understand the stakes, one must appreciate Kerala’s unique political landscape. The state is dominated by two fronts: the LDF, led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist), and the UDF, led by the Indian National Congress. The BJP has struggled to gain a foothold, its Hindutva politics finding limited resonance in a state with large Muslim and Christian populations.
Both the LDF and UDF actively court Muslim voters, and both seek the support of leaders like Musliar. The participation of Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and Opposition Leader V.D. Satheesan in the grand finale of his Yatra in Thiruvananthapuram on January 16 testified to how much the religious leader is sought after by the two major fronts.
Yet Musliar has mastered the art of remaining non-committal. Publicly, he maintains equal distance from all parties and fronts. But his faction of the Samastha is widely recognised for supporting the LDF in Kerala. This alignment is not absolute—it is contingent on the LDF delivering on issues that matter to the community. But it exists, and it shapes the calculations of both fronts.
The Reunification Call
Even Musliar’s recent call for a reunification of the Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama fits his pattern of strategic intervention. The Samastha is split into two factions, with Musliar leading one and his rivals leading the other. His call for reunification—less a suggestion and more a moral imperative—was welcomed by the rival faction and the Indian Union Muslim League.
But it is unlikely to make any major impact on Kerala’s socio-political framework. The rival faction commands greater numerical strength and operates with its own political calculations. The call may be sincere, but it also positions Musliar as a statesman above the fray, willing to reach across divides even when the gesture has little chance of success.
The Delhi Meeting as Capstone
Musliar described the Delhi meeting as the capstone of his Kerala Yatra. The Yatra itself was a carefully orchestrated exercise in public engagement, designed to project him as a leader who listens to people across social and political divides. By taking the concerns gathered during that tour to the Prime Minister, he positioned himself as a conduit between his community and the highest levels of power.
This is a powerful narrative. It suggests that Musliar is not just a religious leader but a community representative capable of engaging with the state on behalf of his followers. It reinforces his standing as a figure who cannot be ignored, by either the state government in Thiruvananthapuram or the central government in Delhi.
Conclusion: The Art of Equanimity
Ultimately, the Delhi meeting was less about immediate political gain and more about reaffirming Musliar’s posture of equanimity. By engaging Modi without surrendering his stance of equidistance, he has reminded both allies and adversaries that neither his leadership nor his Sunni faction can be ignored in Kerala.
He has demonstrated his willingness to engage with power while maintaining his independence. And he has shown that he can absorb controversy—the reaction to his remarks about Muslims under the BJP—without losing his footing.
In a political environment characterised by polarisation and zero-sum thinking, Musliar’s approach stands out. He does not commit, but he does not close doors. He engages with all sides while committing to none. He speaks of minority concerns while acknowledging the complexities of governance. It is a delicate balance, and he has maintained it for decades.
The question is whether this approach can survive the intensifying pressures of Indian politics. As polarisation deepens and elections grow more contentious, the space for leaders who refuse to take sides may shrink. But for now, Musliar has demonstrated that the art of equanimity still has its place.
Q&A: Unpacking the Delhi Meeting
Q1: Who is Kanthapuram A.P. Aboobacker Musliar, and why is he significant in Kerala politics?
Aboobacker Musliar is Kerala’s most prominent Sunni Muslim leader, general secretary of the All India Jamiyyathul Ulama, and head of one faction of the Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama, the state’s largest body of traditional Islamic scholars. His significance stems from his influence over a large section of Kerala’s Muslim community, a crucial voting bloc in the state. Both the LDF and UDF actively court his support, though he has maintained a public posture of non-commitment, signalling only that “we will help those who help us.”
Q2: What was significant about the timing of his meeting with Prime Minister Modi?
The timing was loaded with multiple layers of significance: it occurred ahead of Ramzan, a holy month for Muslims; just before the Kerala Assembly elections; and during the centenary year of the Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama. This made the meeting more than a routine courtesy call. It was a carefully calibrated piece of political optics, sending signals to multiple audiences about Musliar’s willingness to engage with the highest levels of power and Modi’s outreach to minority communities.
Q3: Why did Musliar’s remarks to the Urdu media create controversy?
Musliar stated that Muslims in India have been experiencing no major problems under the BJP government. This was seen by many as downplaying the difficulties faced by minorities under a regime whose policies are widely viewed as unsettling. While some lauded him for highlighting minority concerns to the Prime Minister, others condemned him for appearing to soften criticism of the government. His supporters defended him, arguing that leaders must exercise caution and strategic restraint in a polarized environment.
Q4: How does Musliar navigate his relationship with the LDF and UDF in Kerala?
Publicly, Musliar maintains equal distance from all parties and fronts. However, his faction of the Samastha is widely recognised for supporting the LDF in Kerala. This alignment is contingent rather than absolute—it depends on the LDF delivering on issues that matter to the community. The participation of both Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan (LDF) and Opposition Leader V.D. Satheesan (UDF) in his Yatra’s finale testified to how much both fronts seek his support, and to his skill in remaining non-committal while being courted.
Q5: What was the broader purpose of the Delhi meeting, according to the analysis?
The meeting was less about immediate political gain or concrete assurances and more about reaffirming Musliar’s posture of equanimity. It reinforced his standing as a powerful socio-political force who cannot be ignored, demonstrated his willingness to engage with power while maintaining independence, and positioned him as a conduit between his community and the central government. By engaging Modi without surrendering his stance of equidistance, he reminded all players that his leadership remains consequential in Kerala’s political calculus.
