Bengal’s Unmet Challenge, How Dream Universities Became a Nightmare of Broken Promises
The drift in West Bengal’s higher education system exposes a stark disconnect between promise and performance. An investigation by this newspaper has revealed that of the 11 “dream” universities announced across north and south Bengal during the second term of the Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress (TMC) government in 2017-18, seven have no permanent campuses. Many have no permanent faculty. Most have received statutory recognition as recently as January. What was framed as a flagship project to decentralise quality higher education beyond Kolkata—to bring world-class learning to the districts, to the mofussil towns, to the students who could not afford to migrate to the city—has instead morphed into a troubling case of promise without credibility.
This is not merely an administrative failure. It is a betrayal of the aspirations of millions of young Bengalis who were told that their state was building a future for them. Eleven universities. Billions of rupees. Years of waiting. And today, seven exist only on paper, in government orders, in foundation stones that have not been followed by buildings. The story of Bengal’s “dream universities” is a mirror to the broader governance crisis that has eroded the state’s once-formidable educational standing. This article examines the origins of the dream, the scandal of non-delivery, the institutional paralysis caused by the Raj Bhavan–government tussle, the legacy of the teacher-recruitment scam, and the heavy political cost that the TMC may pay as it bids for a fourth term.
Part I: The Dream – Decentralising Higher Education
In 2017-18, the Mamata Banerjee government announced an ambitious plan: 11 new universities spread across north and south Bengal, in districts that had long been educational hinterlands. The vision was noble. West Bengal’s higher education has historically been Kolkata-centric. The University of Calcutta, Jadavpur University, Presidency University, and a handful of others have produced generations of intellectuals, scientists, and administrators. But outside the city, quality institutions are sparse. A student from Cooch Behar or Malda or Purulia or Bankura who wanted a world-class education had to migrate to Kolkata—or leave the state altogether.
The “dream universities” were supposed to change that. They were named after visionary figures: Kazi Nazrul Islam University (Asansol), Bankura University, Biswa Bangla Biswabidyalay (Bolpur), Harichand Guruchand University (Gaighata), Kanyashree University (Krishnanagar), and others. The promise was explicit: world-class infrastructure, permanent faculty, modern curricula, and affordable fees. The message to Bengal’s youth was clear: you do not need to leave your district to get a quality education. Your government is bringing the university to you.
That promise, as the investigation reveals, has not been kept.
Part II: The Reality – Seven Universities Without Permanent Campuses
The findings are damning. Of the 11 dream universities, seven have no permanent campuses. They operate out of temporary buildings—rented spaces, government offices, or incomplete structures. Some have been functioning for years without their own libraries, laboratories, hostels, or even adequate classrooms. Students enrolled in these universities are, in effect, attending a university in name only.
The situation with faculty is equally dire. Many of these universities have no permanent faculty. They rely on guest lecturers, adjunct professors, or temporary appointments. The absence of permanent faculty means no long-term research, no mentorship, no stability for students. It also means that these universities cannot attract top talent. Why would a brilliant young scholar choose a university with no permanent campus, no research infrastructure, and no job security?
Most of these universities have received statutory recognition from the University Grants Commission (UGC) and other regulatory bodies only as recently as January 2026. That means that for years—in some cases, nearly a decade—they were operating in a legal and regulatory limbo. Degrees awarded, appointments made, examinations conducted—all without the formal recognition that gives those degrees legitimacy. The students who enrolled in these universities in good faith may discover, years later, that their qualifications are not recognized by employers or other institutions.
The betrayal is not just of a promise. It is of trust.
Part III: The Governance Crisis – Teacher Recruitment Scam
This dismal story cannot be separated from the broader governance crisis surrounding education in West Bengal. The 2022 teacher-recruitment scam is the most visible symptom. In that scandal, several senior TMC leaders, including ministers and party officials, were embroiled in allegations of irregularities in the recruitment of school teachers. Cash-for-jobs, manipulation of merit lists, and falsification of documents were among the charges. The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Enforcement Directorate (ED) launched probes. Several TMC leaders were arrested.
The scam eroded trust in the integrity of the education system. Parents who had hoped that their children would get jobs on merit now had reasonable doubts. Honest candidates were demoralized. And the political fallout was severe: the TMC, which had won a landslide in 2021, found itself on the defensive, accused of institutionalizing corruption in one of the most sensitive sectors of governance.
The teacher-recruitment scam is not directly about the dream universities. But it is about the same ecosystem. It is about the same political culture where promises are made grandly, implementation is shoddy, and accountability is absent. When a government is willing to rig recruitment for school teachers, why would it be more careful about building universities?
Part IV: The Institutional Paralysis – Governor vs. Chief Minister
Between November 2022 and March 2026, West Bengal witnessed a prolonged and damaging tussle between the Governor, C.V. Ananda Bose, and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. The Governor, as the Chancellor of all state universities, has a constitutional role in appointing vice-chancellors, approving statutes, and ensuring the proper functioning of universities. The TMC government, which has a strained relationship with the Raj Bhavan (the Governor’s residence), accused the Governor of overreach, of blocking legitimate state government initiatives, and of acting as an agent of the central government.
The Governor’s office, for its part, accused the state government of seeking to by-pass statutory requirements, of appointing unqualified persons as vice-chancellors, and of treating universities as extensions of the ruling party’s political machinery.
The result was paralysis. Vice-chancellor appointments were delayed for months, sometimes years. University statutes could not be approved. Syndicate and senate meetings were stalled. Even routine administrative decisions—budget approvals, faculty recruitment, curriculum changes—got caught in the crossfire.
Raj Bhavan had earlier assured that “education must be treated as a no-conflict zone.” But the assurance was political rhetoric. The conflict continued. And the universities—including the dream universities—suffered. With no functioning governing structures, no permanent leadership, and no clear direction, the dream universities drifted. Temporary campuses remained temporary. Faculty recruitment stalled. Recognition was delayed. And students paid the price.
The Governor’s term ended in March 2026, but the damage remains. Institutional paralysis of this kind leaves scars that do not heal quickly. Restoring trust, rebuilding governance structures, and attracting faculty will take years.
Part V: The Erosion of Bengal’s Educational Standing – Numbers Don’t Lie
West Bengal has a storied intellectual legacy. It is the land of Rabindranath Tagore, Satyajit Ray, Amartya Sen, and countless other luminaries. Its universities—Presidency, Jadavpur, Calcutta—have produced Nobel laureates, world-class scientists, and generations of civil servants, academics, and artists. For much of independent India’s history, Bengal was the undisputed educational leader of the eastern region.
That standing is eroding. The evidence is clear:
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Gross Enrollment Ratio (GER): According to the All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) 2021-2022, West Bengal’s GER in higher education stood at 26.3 per cent, below the national average of 28.4 per cent. A state that once prided itself on educational attainment is now lagging behind the national average.
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Budgetary decline: The state Budget 2025-26 allocated only 14.8 per cent of its total expenditure to education—a decline from previous years. In a state with such pressing needs—infrastructure, faculty recruitment, research funding, student scholarships—a declining share of the budget is a declaration of priorities.
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Ranking slippage: While institutions such as Jadavpur University (JU) continue to rank among the country’s finest in the National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF), others such as the University of Calcutta have slipped. The University of Calcutta, once a globally respected institution, has seen its research output decline, its faculty age without adequate replacement, and its infrastructure decay.
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Quality of outcomes: Beyond the numbers, there is the lived reality of students. Employers increasingly report that graduates from West Bengal’s universities—outside a few elite institutions—lack the skills, the critical thinking, and the communication abilities required in the modern workforce. The state is producing degrees, not capabilities.
Part VI: The Political Cost – A Heavy Burden for a Fourth Term
West Bengal is heading toward elections, and the TMC is bidding for a fourth consecutive term in power. The party’s development narrative has been central to its electoral strategy: “Bangla is changing,” “Bangla is moving forward,” “Didir Bangla” (Sister’s Bengal). But the story of the dream universities—of promises made and not kept, of seven campuses that exist only on paper, of three lost years of Governor–government conflict, of a teacher-recruitment scam that tainted the entire system—undermines that narrative.
The demographic that the TMC’s development narrative seeks to address is precisely the one that is being failed by education: the young, the aspiring, the first-generation learners, the students from the districts who were promised universities in their own backyards. These are not abstract beneficiaries. They are voters. They are parents. They are families who sacrificed to send their children to college, believing in the government’s promises.
The absence of high-quality education systems, employment opportunities, pathways to innovation, and social mobility risks alienating this demographic. If a young person from Cooch Behar or Purulia or Bankura cannot see a future in their own state—if the “dream university” in their district is a rented building with no permanent faculty and no recognition—they will leave. They will go to Bangalore, to Hyderabad, to Delhi, or even out of the country. And they will not forget.
For the TMC, the political cost of the education crisis is not theoretical. It is a heavy burden to carry into a fourth-term campaign.
Part VII: The Way Forward – Rebuilding Credibility
What is to be done? The crisis in West Bengal’s higher education is deep, but it is not irreversible. The following steps are urgently needed:
First, complete the dream universities. The seven universities without permanent campuses must be given clear timelines and dedicated funding. Temporary arrangements should be phased out. Faculty recruitment must be expedited through transparent, merit-based processes. The government should consider public-private partnerships to accelerate infrastructure development.
Second, depoliticise university governance. The tussle between Raj Bhavan and the government must not be repeated. Both sides must recognize that universities are not political battlefields; they are institutions of learning. A new convention—perhaps a standing committee of vice-chancellors, education secretaries, and academic experts—should be established to resolve disputes without prolonged paralysis.
Third, restore integrity to recruitment. The teacher-recruitment scam must be fully investigated, and those found guilty must be prosecuted. New recruitment protocols must be transparent, technology-driven, and resistant to manipulation. Third-party audits of recruitment processes should be mandatory.
Fourth, increase education spending. The decline in the share of education in the state budget must be reversed. West Bengal should aim to allocate at least 20 per cent of its budget to education within three years, with a focus on higher education infrastructure, research funding, and faculty development.
Fifth, leverage Bengal’s intellectual legacy. The state has a diaspora of world-class academics, scientists, and professionals. A “Return to Bengal” programme could offer incentives for Bengalis abroad to spend time teaching, mentoring, or conducting research in state universities. This would bring expertise, networks, and global standards without requiring massive infrastructure investment.
Sixth, focus on quality assurance. The state should establish an independent higher education quality council, modelled on the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC), but with state-specific benchmarks. All universities should be required to undergo regular, transparent accreditation.
Conclusion: A Promise to the Next Generation
West Bengal’s intellectual legacy is not a museum piece. It is a living inheritance—but only if it is nurtured. The dream universities were a promise to the next generation: that they would not have to leave their districts to get a world-class education. That promise has been broken. Seven universities without permanent campuses. No permanent faculty. Recognition granted only after years of delay. A teacher-recruitment scam eroding trust. A Governor–government tussle paralyzing institutions.
The state that produced Tagore and Ray, Amartya Sen and Satyendra Nath Bose, can do better. It must do better. The alternative is a slow, steady decline into mediocrity—a future where Bengal’s young people leave because they have no reason to stay.
For a government bidding for a fourth term, the education crisis is not just a governance failure. It is a test of political will. Will the TMC treat the dream universities as a campaign slogan or as a deliverable? Will it depoliticize education or continue to use universities as patronage fiefdoms? Will it invest in the next generation or leave them with broken promises?
The answer will determine not just the next election, but the next generation of Bengal’s intellectual and economic future.
5 Questions & Answers Based on the Article
Q1. What were the “dream universities” announced by the TMC government, and what has the investigation revealed about their current status?
A1. The “dream universities” were 11 new universities announced across north and south Bengal during the TMC government’s second term (2017-18), intended to decentralise quality higher education beyond Kolkata. They were named after visionary figures such as Kazi Nazrul Islam, Bankura, Biswa Bangla, Harichand Guruchand, and Kanyashree. The investigation revealed that seven of these 11 universities have no permanent campuses. Many have no permanent faculty, and most received statutory recognition only as recently as January 2026—years after their announcement. Some have been operating out of temporary, rented buildings without proper libraries, laboratories, or hostels.
Q2. What was the 2022 teacher-recruitment scam, and how is it connected to the broader education crisis in West Bengal?
A2. The 2022 teacher-recruitment scam involved allegations of irregularities in the recruitment of school teachers in West Bengal, including cash-for-jobs, manipulation of merit lists, and falsification of documents. Several senior TMC leaders, including ministers and party officials, were embroiled. The CBI and ED launched probes, and multiple arrests were made. The scam eroded public trust in the integrity of the education system. While not directly about the dream universities, it is part of the same governance culture where promises are made grandly but implementation is shoddy, transparency is lacking, and accountability is absent.
Q3. How did the tussle between Governor C.V. Ananda Bose and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee affect West Bengal’s universities between 2022 and 2026?
A3. The prolonged tussle between the Governor (who serves as Chancellor of all state universities) and the Chief Minister stalled key administrative decisions for over three years. Vice-chancellor appointments were delayed for months or years. University statutes could not be approved. Syndicate and senate meetings were stalled. Even routine decisions like budget approvals, faculty recruitment, and curriculum changes were caught in the crossfire. The Governor’s office had assured that “education must be treated as a no-conflict zone,” but the assurance proved hollow. The result was institutional paralysis, from which the dream universities—already struggling—suffered disproportionately.
Q4. What do the All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) 2021-2022 figures reveal about West Bengal’s Gross Enrollment Ratio (GER) compared to the national average?
A4. The AISHE 2021-2022 figures reveal that West Bengal’s Gross Enrollment Ratio (GER) in higher education stood at 26.3 per cent, which is below the national average of 28.4 per cent for the same period. This is a significant decline for a state with a storied intellectual legacy. The GER measures the percentage of eligible age group (18-23 years) enrolled in higher education. West Bengal’s below-average performance indicates that the state is not keeping pace with the rest of the country in making higher education accessible to its youth, despite the announcement of the dream universities.
Q5. What six steps does the article propose to rebuild West Bengal’s higher education system?
A5. The six proposed steps are: (1) Complete the dream universities – clear timelines, dedicated funding, permanent campuses, and transparent faculty recruitment. (2) Depoliticise university governance – establish a standing committee of vice-chancellors, education secretaries, and academic experts to resolve disputes without prolonged paralysis. (3) Restore integrity to recruitment – fully investigate the teacher-recruitment scam, prosecute the guilty, and implement transparent, technology-driven recruitment protocols with third-party audits. (4) Increase education spending – reverse the decline (currently 14.8 per cent of state budget) and aim for at least 20 per cent within three years. (5) Leverage Bengal’s intellectual legacy – create a “Return to Bengal” programme to incentivize Bengali academics abroad to teach, mentor, or conduct research in state universities. (6) Focus on quality assurance – establish an independent higher education quality council with regular, transparent accreditation for all universities.
